Peace and Justice Studies

In this paper, I integrate key developments into a “just peace” moral analysis and argue for the Catholic Church to also develop and embrace a “just peace” approach. First, I describe present Catholic social teaching and the present threads I see related to just peace. Second, I describe the ecumenical turns to just peace and Glen Stassen’s just peacemaking, which has similarities to present Catholic social teaching. Third, I offer a critical analysis of Catholic social teaching and just peacemaking to propose a turn to a freshly integrated “just peace” approach.

As a social worker she moved from the residual approach and initiated sustainable welfare programs. She was also an advocate for decent work for women. She was able to merge her role as a social worker and as a suffragist by mobilizing members of the National Federation of Women's Club (NFWC) of the Philippines to educate women on the importance of the right to vote. During World War II, when the social welfare system was in disarray, she mobilized members of the NFWC to feed prisoners of war and other displaced persons. In her own way, she was a freedom fighter.

My paper argues for an incorporation of feminist theories into peace
theories, by analyzing what is missing by not confronting feminist contributions
to a theory on violence. I take Johan Galtung’s theory of violence as a
point of departure, as a theory that is widely uncontested in peace studies.
Galtung’s articulation of direct, structural, and cultural violence offers
a unified framework within which all violence can be seen. On the other
hand, feminism can contribute to and enrich Galtung’s theory of violence in
four possible ways:
1. Galtung’s theory needs to incorporate notions of gender as a social
construct embodying relations of power.
2. Dichotomous, mutually exclusive categories that shape our understanding
of the world are gendered and they are key to the production and
reproduction of violence at all levels.
3. Gendered language defines the possibility and impossibility of pursuing
different visions of the social world. Violence and peace can be
constituted through language.
4. Violence produces and defines gender identities and, in turn, is produced
and defined by them.
These contributions have important implications for peace studies: only by
taking gender seriously as a category of analysis, can prescriptions for a
violence-free society be more than temporary solutions to deeply ingrained
attitudes to accept violence as “natural.”

There has been a lot of excellent ecumenical work on a just peace approach to conflict. Yet, Glen Stassen’s just peacemaking practices and Maryann Cusimano Love’s just peace principles, as well as most of the just peace literature, would be enhanced by a more adequate attention to the role of virtue. In this essay, I build off Gerald’s and Lisa’s presentations by developing the need for integrating virtue to a just peace ethic. Drawing on Gerald’s synthesis of just peace literature, I then shift to a possible focus and method of a virtue-based just peace ethic by identifying three overlapping spheres of operation and corresponding norms. I briefly allude to a sample application and some distinct advantages of this ethic. Finally, I end by identifying some next steps for development and refinement. (Published in Journal of Moral Theology, Vol. 7, No. 2 (2018): 92-101)- https://cdm17146.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/JMT/id/79/rec/6

This course offers a thorough grounding of Conflict Transformation as a philosophical orientation, theoretical framework and practical approach, with attention paid to both historical foundations and recent developments in the field. Course materials and activities seek to guide the " transformation " of three major aspects of conflict: 1) what relevant stakeholders think about conflict; 2) how they/we think about conflict; and 3) how they/we engage in conflict. We will focus our learning on various contexts as contested spaces for social change and transformation regarding issues of violence, oppression, injustice, development, and difference. Drawing on Conflict Transformation's foundational notion of " peace by peaceful means " , we will examine multiple theories and models that analyze conflicts in different settings and identify approaches to positive and sustainable change with a social justice lens.

Iraq, Syria, Sudan, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Palestine are some of the locations where violence is being associated with Islam. In this article, I ask: 1) What are key theological underpinnings for various perspectives of war and peace in Islam, and 2) What can Islam contribute to peace building and nonviolence?  I explore the moral anthropology and guiding principles of three areas of thought: a) War and Jihad, or militant Islam, b) Just War and Peace, and c) Peacebuilding and Nonviolence.  I then illustrate the integration of theory and practice in the Palestinian Intifada of 1988 and Khan’s nonviolent peace army. I conclude with Islamic contributions to peace building and nonviolence.

Além da violência a qual os jornalistas estão expostos, parte dela perpetrada por agentes do Estado, esses profissionais estão diante do risco de serem afetados pela depressão, PTSD (TEPT) e a lesão moral, sobretudo na cobertura de tragédias humanitárias, como a potencializada pela pandemia da Covid-19. Não só a integridade física e o bem-estar emocional dos jornalistas estão em risco, como o destino dos grupos em situação de maior vulnerabilidade que dependem do trabalho da imprensa para que o seu sofrimento não siga em silêncio. Nesse contexto, a autora defende a ideia de que a comunicação de riscos deve se antecipar ao jornalismo humanitário e de paz, chamando a atenção da sociedade sobre a urgência do enfrentamento das ameaças aos profissionais de imprensa.

Se consideran las siguientes temáticas relacionadas, aunque no exclusivas:

Pedagogías para la paz: el nuevo rol de la cultura de paz en la educación del siglo XXI Teorías de cultura y educación para la paz
Conceptos centrales de la educación para la paz
Capacidades docentes para la construcción de paz en América Latina Metodologías para la construcción de paz en contextos escolares
Cultura y educación para la paz en Asia y África: teorías y metodologías Educación para la paz y análisis de los costos de la violencia en América Latina Derechos humanos y educación para la paz en el sistema educativo mexicano Filosofía de la no-violencia para jóvenes
Investigación en educación para la paz y estudio de conflictos

What is “just peace?” In recent decades, representatives of various church traditions have called on their churches to move away from, replace, or transcend the “just-war” framework for discerning responses to war and violence in some way, in favor of a “just peace” framework. Recently and prominently, such a call came from Catholics gathered in Rome in April 2018, where we issued an “An Appeal to the Catholic Church to re-commit to the centrality of Gospel nonviolence.” (See https://nonviolencejustpeace.net.)

As a contribution to work following up on that appeal by the Catholic Nonviolence Initiative — and as a reference point for scholars in my field of Christian ethics — I have been trying to articulate what we mean by “just peace.”  The “we” here would be some consensus of groups and people who have been advocating for a “just peace” or “just peacemaking” framework.  Although most are Catholics and ecumenical Christians, many of us are also in conversation wider disciplines and schools of thought.

Note that the results are provided in two separate files here.

A relatively short synthesis of just peace norms organized according to the categories of:
jus in conflictione – normative dispositions, skills, virtues, and principles for acting justly and wisely amid all conflicts.
jus ex bello – normative practices that allow actors on every side to escape vicious cycles of violence and retribution that may seem justified by the past, but that nonetheless invite continuing cycles of violence in the future.
jus ad pacem – guidelines for attending to the social and ecological conditions that promote and sustain human thriving at every stage of conflict — from prevention to post-conflict.
(Also included are a list of background assumptions, and an addendum for distinguishing between just policing and war.)

A longer document that expands on this synthesis by “showing my work” through a collation of what other scholars and church bodies have said about “just peace” and “just peacebuilding.”

It would be disingenuous of me to claim that the results of my survey, collation, and synthesis are a perfectly objective summary, free of any normative recommendations of my own.  The very task of categorization involves judgments about what to prioritize at what level.  And admittedly I am proposing that the categories of “jus in conflictionis,” “jus ex bellum,” and “jus ad pacem” might be useful ways to articulate a “just peace” framework with a pedagogical elegance that rivals the simplicity of just-war categories (“jus ad bellum,” “jus in bello,” and more recently “jus post bellum”).  Still, if this exercise has had integrity, I think I dare hope that it speaks for an emerging approach that is broader than simply the “position” of one ethicist.

Gerald W. Schlabach
March 2018

Would the Catholic Church benefit from focusing on a just peace moral framework? If so, how do we most effectively move toward this goal? In my response to these two questions, I will focus on three areas:

1) the purpose of the Catholic Nonviolence Initiative;
2) a just peace moral framework and how it applies to a conflict case;
3) key questions on mass atrocities and the just war ethic.

In this paper, I integrate key developments into a "just peace" moral analysis and argue for the Catholic Church to also develop and embrace a "just peace" approach. First, I describe present Catholic social teaching and the present threads I see related to just peace. Second, I describe the ecumenical turns to just peace and Glen Stassen's just peacemaking, which has similarities to present Catholic social teaching. Third, I offer a critical analysis of Catholic social teaching and just peacemaking to propose a turn to a freshly integrated "just peace" approach. in this active work and are especially reminded both that peace requires justice-making and justice requires peace-making. Jesus Christ, the presence and manifestation of God's love on earth, concretizes these themes in a set of formative and core practices. "Jesus lived in a warzone, under foreign military occupation, in periods of civil war and violent insurgency against the foreign occupiers and the domestic leaders who cooperated with occupying forces. He and his family were refugees and fled genocide." 5 Yet, Jesus makes it clear that he was not in favor of a negative peace based on the sword. Instead, Jesus models the way of just peace by becoming vulnerable, inviting participation in the Reign of God, caring for the outcasts and prioritizing those in urgent need, loving and forgiving enemies, people building, challenging the religious, political, economic, and military powers, healing and trauma healing of persons and communities, praying and fasting, along with risking and offering his life on the cross to expose and transcend both injustice and violence. Jesus centers Shalom on the embodiment of mercy and compassion in the Good Samaritan story. Jesus draws us to "righteousness," which refers to living in accord with the will of God. We know this will primarily through how Jesus lives, hence the "new commandment" from Jesus is to "love as I have loved you," i.e. the nonviolent love of neighbor, strangers and enemies. With Jesus' focus on healing and reconciliation, even with enemies, we have been increasingly learning that the kind of justice Christ leans us toward is restorative justice, i.e. focus on the wounds to relationships and how to heal those wounds.

Ces documents d'archives ont été retrouvés dans la mansarde de l'ancienne mairie d'Angerville l'Orcher, village cauchois du département de la Seine-Maritime. Parvenus sous la forme de 166 pièces classées dans le désordre et sans numéro d'inventaire, ces actes ont été retranscrits selon leur ordre chronologique lorsque les dates indiquées le permettaient. En revanche, la disposition interne des documents est respectée, les chiffres entre crochets indiquant le commencement des pages des manuscrits, initialement non numérotées. L'orthographe et la ponctuation d'origine ont été conservées. Les passages perdus ou illisibles sont indiqués par des points de suspension ou par une indication entre crochets. Les mots abrégés ont été rendus sous leur forme développée entre parenthèses, tandis que les restitutions de fragments manquants sont indiquées entre crochets. Les mots dont le déchiffrement est incertain sont suivis de la mention : (?). Je n'ai pas préféré mettre de titres autres que les dates des différents actes avec leurs équivalences dans le calendrier grégorien lorsque celles-ci étaient exprimées selon le calendrier républicain. L'inventaire complet de ces archives municipales étant encore à faire, ce fichier est susceptible d'être mis à jour dans le futur. Fichier mis en ligne sur Academia.edu le 2 septembre 2022, mis à jour le 15 avril 2024.

One of the most contested arguments in contemporary just war thinking has been the question of the right starting point of analysis. On one side of the argument, one finds Catholic Church officials who argue for a ‘presumption against war’ as jumping-off point. On the other, one encounters critics of that position, led by James Turner Johnson, who defend a ‘presumption against injustice’ as the correct point of entry. Interestingly, both sides refer to St Thomas Aquinas, the key figure in the systematisation of the classical just war, as giving support to their respective position. While Johnson was vindicated as far as Aquinas’s historical starting point is concerned, debate about the contemporary purchase of the presumption against war has continued until the present day. Historical just war thinkers like Johnson have criticised the Church not only for turning the logic of the just war tradition on its head by reversing the inherited hierarchy between the so-called deontological and prudential criteria, but have also questioned the empirical evidence that has put the Church on this trajectory. In this article, I explain how the debate about the presumption against war continues to be relevant by engaging with the general direction the Catholic Church has taken up until Pope Francis and by investigating the particular example of its position on drone warfare. I point out that while the presumption against war runs counter to what Aquinas wrote during his days, Thomistic virtue ethics is generally open to development. The Church may thus claim a Thomistic patrimony in advocating for a presumption against war, but, as I demonstrate, the just war thinking that results, often referred to as modern-war pacifism, struggles to address important moral issues raised by contemporary warfare.

What is “just peace?” In recent decades, representatives of various church traditions have called on their churches to move away from, replace, or transcend the “just-war” framework for discerning responses to war and violence in some way, in favor of a “just peace” framework. Recently and prominently, such a call came from Catholics gathered in Rome in April 2018, where we issued an “An Appeal to the Catholic Church to re-commit to the centrality of Gospel nonviolence.” (See https://nonviolencejustpeace.net.)

As a contribution to work following up on that appeal by the Catholic Nonviolence Initiative — and as a reference point for scholars in my field of Christian ethics — I have been trying to articulate what we mean by “just peace.”  The “we” here would be some consensus of groups and people who have been advocating for a “just peace” or “just peacemaking” framework.  Although most are Catholics and ecumenical Christians, many of us are also in conversation wider disciplines and schools of thought.

Note that the results are provided in two separate files here.

A relatively short synthesis of just peace norms organized according to the categories of:
jus in conflictione – normative dispositions, skills, virtues, and principles for acting justly and wisely amid all conflicts.
jus ex bello – normative practices that allow actors on every side to escape vicious cycles of violence and retribution that may seem justified by the past, but that nonetheless invite continuing cycles of violence in the future.
jus ad pacem – guidelines for attending to the social and ecological conditions that promote and sustain human thriving at every stage of conflict — from prevention to post-conflict.
(Also included are a list of background assumptions, and an addendum for distinguishing between just policing and war.)

A longer document that expands on this synthesis by “showing my work” through a collation of what other scholars and church bodies have said about “just peace” and “just peacebuilding.”

It would be disingenuous of me to claim that the results of my survey, collation, and synthesis are a perfectly objective summary, free of any normative recommendations of my own.  The very task of categorization involves judgments about what to prioritize at what level.  And admittedly I am proposing that the categories of “jus in conflictionis,” “jus ex bellum,” and “jus ad pacem” might be useful ways to articulate a “just peace” framework with a pedagogical elegance that rivals the simplicity of just-war categories (“jus ad bellum,” “jus in bello,” and more recently “jus post bellum”).  Still, if this exercise has had integrity, I think I dare hope that it speaks for an emerging approach that is broader than simply the “position” of one ethicist.

Gerald W. Schlabach
March 2018

The paper tries to sum up the theoretical debate that has been  developing particularly since the 1990s
about  the  increasing  importance  of  justice  in  conflict  resolution,  though  uncovering  the  practical
complications in choosing which kind of measures to take and even in negotiating them with the parties
involved. 
In order to do so, the first part deals with theories about transitional justice and reconciliation, considered
crucial in restoring the relations between former opponents in a conflict and, thus, to ensure a long-lasting
peace.
The second part addresses the difficulties of implementing mechanisms of justice, especially from a third
party’s  perspective,  both  in  negotiating  them  while  the  conflict  is  ongoing  and  in  selecting  the  most
appropriate within a the wide range of possible choices.
The aim is to provide a frame of the complexity of the subject, in order to avoid generalizations about the
methods to utilize in the aftermath of a conflict, advancing a case-by-case consideration.

What kind of society are we willing to imagine? What horizon will orient our approach to peace? In this essay, my argument is that the UN Sustaining Peace agenda or “meta-policy” would be enhanced with a just peace ethic. First, I will describe the sustaining peace agenda. Second, I will describe a just peace ethic. Third, I will analyze how this ethic can enhance the sustaining peace agenda, along with specific action steps toward this more coherent, transformative, and fruitful approach.

RECENT work in religion, conflict, and peacebuilding demonstrates the vast resources that scholars and practitioners working with and/or within religious traditions and institutions can contribute (and have contributed) to transforming conflict, conceptualizing and cultivating justice, and building sustainable peace.' What happens when this important engagement between religious peacebuilding and peace studies more generally becomes intentionally bidirectional? What insights, lenses, and approaches emerge from peace studies that uniquely fit the purposes and practices of religious peace building? This chapter explores ways that the analytical lenses of structural and cultural violence that have emerged in peace studies debates since the 1960s aid in illuminating and addressing religious and cultural dimensions of conflict, violence, and peacebuilding that are of specific interest to religious peace builders. These analytical lenses have been powerfully applied across cases pertaining to poverty, development, gender, and race. Yet their application to concerns about religion and peacebuilding are comparatively underdeveloped.' I argue that they are equally incisive when applied to religious identity-based forms of violence and injustice, and the social, spiritual, emotional, and psychological effects of those forms. Critical attention to the processes and debates by which these analytical lenses emerged in peace studies will illuminate an array of theoretical points of contact, overlap, and possibilities for mutual enrichment between peace studies as a still emerging field, and the flourishing literature on religion and peacebuilding. In what follows I demonstrate two ways that developing analytical lenses of structural and cultural violence, and incorporating them into religion, conflict, and peacebuilding, importantly expands and deepens that field. First, I argue that integrating these lenses into the conceptual framework of religion and peacebuilding requires critically revising that subfield's temptation toward an overly narrow focus upon "deadly violence:' This correction makes possible multifocal forms of critical analysis in religion and peacebuilding, thereby rendering more sensitive and fine-grained the identification and assessment of the manifold forms that violence may take, and the compound and multi-layered effects those forms may

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In this paper we examine the relationship between mindfulness, memoir, and critical pedagogy. We propose that memoir links critical pedagogy and contemplative practice, furthering the goals of both. This proposal is rooted in an analysis of three years' worth of memoirs prepared by students in a Peace and Justice Studies course. Our study shows that the pedagogical strategy we have employed assists students' increased self-awareness as well as insight regarding their inter-connectedness with other living beings. Both the study and contemplative practice of memoir root this awareness in the specific places, relationships, and situations that form our students' lives. Students are thus situated for deeper reflection regarding the ways their own lives are linked with the destiny of a much larger world reality, and specifically, with questions of peace and justice.

In this paper we examine the relationship between mindfulness, memoir, and critical pedagogy. We propose that memoir links critical pedagogy and contemplative practice, furthering the goals of both. This proposal is rooted in an analysis of three years' worth of memoirs prepared by students in a Peace and Justice Studies course. Our study shows that the pedagogical strategy we have employed assists students' increased self-awareness as well as insight regarding their inter-connectedness with other living beings. Both the study and contemplative practice of memoir root this awareness in the specific places, relationships, and situations that form our students' lives. Students are thus situated for deeper reflection regarding the ways their own lives are linked with the destiny of a much larger world reality, and specifically, with questions of peace and justice.

In this chapter, I connect just peace ethics with environmental racism, focusing on the water of the people of Flint, Michigan. First, I describe the context of the case in Flint. Second, I reflect on this case with a just peace ethic, with a particular focus on relevant virtues.

In the negotiations of the Rome Statute, the “gender battle” became synonymous for a series of justice conflicts concentrating on a norm to criminalize sexual gender-based violence (SGBV). The book chapter identifies the crucial justice conflicts during the negotiations that led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC), analyzes their consequences for the way in which the SGBV norm was finally established by the Rome Statute, and concludes by asking how such conflicts have affected implementation efforts. Sexual gender-based violence has escaped sanctions at the international realm for a long time. Based on progress achieved during the war tribunals on Rwanda (ICTR) and Yugoslavia (ICTY), this finally changed with the Rome Statute and the International Criminal Court (ICC). During the negotiations in Rome, civil society organizations relied on justice arguments in order to push for an individualization of sexual gender-based crimes. As feminist lawyers were not satisfied with the ways in which sexual violence had been defined in the statutes of the two war tribunals on Rwanda (ICTR) and Yugoslavia (ICTY), they now aimed at “doing justice” to the victims by seeking to widen the definition and pushing for forms of retributive justice. Some states were sympathetic to their positions and also supported stricter rules strengthening the individual rights of victims. Such efforts were met with resistance by other states which led to serious conflicts during the negotiations at Rome. In order to reach an agreement in spite of such justice conflicts, compromises were made which inhibit the implementation of ICC norms on behalf of the victims of sexual violence.

Today, due to the international community's high attention to cultural rights and the environment, we need to respect cultural sites. Any action against such places or neglecting to protect them can cause huge cultural damage. Cultural places are of great importance both in the human environment and in the preservation of their culture. This importance has also been noted in international documents. However, we have frequently seen that these places have been neglected. Some of this negligence has been simply by not paying attention to these places by the governments and the people. At the same time, we are witnessing some violence against these places. Among the cultural places for Muslims are their mosques and shrines, which are spiritual and sacred places for them. It is noteworthy that in addition to the actions of the followers of other religions and sects against such places, we sometimes see Muslims taking actions against these places due to religious differences. This session explores the importance of preserving cultural sites and mutual religious respect, as well as examples of negligence against these sacred sites.

This article looks at the complex question of reconciliation in the Czech Republic. Looking at events both since 1989 and before, it asks about the parties involved in reconciliation in the country. That “truth will prevail” is an important part of the Czech national story, but the article also asks who has the power, for good or not, to decide where the truth is to be found. An important part of this investigation of moral authority in the country is to do with the guardianship of memory. The article thus examines conflicting narratives of Czech history and argues that reconciliation will be found through the development of a common narrative that will give voice to those to whom injustice has been done. The article concludes with some reflections on what this means for Christian mission in the country today.

This article is rooted in the understanding that global ideas of liberal democratic peace and the gendered dynamics of peacebuilding need to be confronted. The aim is to explore the challenges of localizing liberal democratic peace by exploring efforts such as those undertaken by women’s organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina to promote a gender-just peace. The Dayton Peace Accord was the new “social contract” that set the standard for postwar societies. The gendered hierarchies built into this peace and the absence of women in the peace process created a “peace gap” that was gendered despite the fact that gender empowerment has become a standard tool in international peacebuilding. The post-Dayton peace process was characterized by a conservative backlash which has become a hallmark of women’s postwar experience.

Emerging global norms and rules 1 of liberal origin are not easily accepted at the local level. Two similar events in 2011 highlight the need to reconsider the relation between global norms and their local acceptance. As the present chapter argues, institutional justice is key for understanding when and why global norms are locally accepted.

What makes global norms and rules acceptable to regional and local actors? This study argues that institutional justice is a crucial condition for the acceptability of global order. Regional actors will be more inclined to accept global norms when they have a say in how these norms are implemented in their region. To demonstrated this, the study focuses on the African Union's response to two prominent, and contested, sets of norms: the international responsibility to protect (R2P) and the protection of civilians in peacekeeping operations (POC). Even though they both can be said to be grounded in a liberal view of world order and they both can have the same implications for state sovereignty and outside interference in African affairs, AU reactions to the implementation of R2P in Libya and to the implementation of the POC in the Ivory Coast where highly dissimilar. What was crucial for the AU's rejection of the R2P after Libya and its acceptance of the POC were preceptions o...

As a social worker she moved from the residual approach and initiated sustainable welfare programs. She was also an advocate for decent work for women. She was able to merge her role as a social worker and as a suffragist by mobilizing members of the National Federation of Women's Club (NFWC) of the Philippines to educate women on the importance of the right to vote. During World War II, when the social welfare system was in disarray, she mobilized members of the NFWC to feed prisoners of war and other displaced persons. In her own way, she was a freedom fighter.

Indudablemente, la Ley 975 de 2005 es una directriz fundamental de la política pública que se desarrolla actualmente en Colombia a raíz del proceso de desmovilización de grupos paramilitares. Esta norma constituye un paradigma mundial, pues propone un adecuado y novedoso equilibrio entre las exigencias de la justicia y las posibilidades de la paz. Sin embargo, el actual estado de cosas del país alberga fenómenos a los que esta norma, como corolario principal de la política transicional, debe hacer frente. El rearme, la reincorporación a la vida civil de los desmovilizados y la inclusión de las víctimas y de la sociedad civil en el proceso, suponen desafíos actuales e inaplazables en la agenda nacional, con el fin de construir escenarios sólidos y duraderos de reconciliación nacional.

Visualizing Justice 2015

Theme: Visualizing Justice: Critical Perspectives on Visibility, Law, and Order
Date: May 7-9, 2015
Location: Centre for Interdisciplinary Justice Studies (CIJS), University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada

Call for Participation: The Centre for Interdisciplinary Justice Studies (CIJS) in conjunction with the Department of Criminal Justice at the University of Winnipeg invites abstract submissions, exhibition proposals and other academic, practice-based or creative presentations for our annual justice conference. The 2015 conference will focus on justice and its relations to visuality and visibility.

Visualizing Justice builds on the momentum established in 2009 when the CIJS hosted its inaugural Theorizing Justice conference. This was followed by Practicing Justice in 2010, Questioning Justice in 2011, Securing Justice in 2012, and Educating Justice in 2014. In 2015, the CIJS will continue this interdisciplinary dialogue and focus the conversation on visual aspects of justice in all forms.

Theme: We wish to open the focus up to multiple views on justice, visuality, and visibility. Visuality and visibility are two of the most significant concepts of the last decade across the humanities and social sciences. Our definitions of justice, visuality, and visibility are broad and inclusive. We welcome paper submission, posters, multi-media presentations, reflections, research, exhibitions and performances on justice, visuality, and visibility. We seek academic contributions as well as photographic and cinematic exposures of the following approaches to justice and visibility including but not limited to: social justice; ecological justice; anarchic justice; indigenous justice; urban justice; human rights and justice; works on surveillance; the role of sight in criminal justice; media representations of law; order and justice more broadly; the use of visual methods in the justice disciplines; the visuality of forensics and justice practice; and any other work that engages the theme.

Disciplines: The Centre for Interdisciplinary Justice Studies is housed in the Criminal Justice Department at the University of Winnipeg. We invite submissions from all disciplines and orientations that impact upon justice, visuality, and visibility including submissions from disciplines and inter-disciplines in the arts, social sciences and humanities.

Format: In addition to individual papers or presentations, we invite proposals for complete sessions. The program committee welcomes innovative program themes and presentations including discussions, films, artistic exhibits, roundtables, pre-circulated papers or other presentations and/or displays that fit with the theme. Our desire is to create a site for academic, artistic, and professional encounters.

Location and Accommodations: Educating Justice is held at University of Winnipeg. Accommodation is available just steps away at Holiday Inn Downtown.

Submission Procedures: Proposals for panels and other thematic sessions should be submitted electronically no later than January 30, 2015. Individual paper submissions will be accepted up to March 30, 2015 on a rolling basis. Click here to submit a proposal.

Proposals must include: 1) A complete mailing address, email, phone number, and affiliation (if applicable) for each participant; 2) An abstract of not more than 500 words for sessions and/or an abstract of not more than 250 words for individual paper presentations