Neo Liberalism

The new urban social order depends on a complex combination of systems of punishment, discipline, and security. Scholars drawing on Foucault's analysis of the art and rationality of governance, or govemmentality, have explored how urban social orders are increasingly based on the governance of space rather than on the discipline of offenders or the punishment of offenses. The new urban social order is characterized by privatized security systems and consumer-policed spaces such as malls. Gender violence interventions represent another deployment of spatial forms of govemmentality. Over the last two decades, punishment of batterers has been augmented by disciplinary systems that teach batterers new forms of masculinity and by security systems for women based on spatial separation. In the postmodern city, spatial govemmentality is integrally connected with punishment and discipline. These new forms of governance circulate globally along with neoliberal ideas of the diminished state, [gender violence, govemmentality, urban society, globalization, law]

This chapter critically explores the news and journalistic discourses surrounding the concept of the role model in the UK. It draws upon news content and semi-structured interviews with journalists from a wider study commissioned by the Department for Communities and Local Government exploring the media image of Black young men and boys in 2009-10. Analysis demonstrates negatively stigmatising discourses at play in role model news and polarised attitudes towards role models among journalists’ reflections. Post-Marxist discourse theory is employed to argue that rather than challenging the complex social inequalities facing young Black men as recent government policy suggests, role modelling as a ‘technology of the self’ is likely to articulate neoliberal logic and reinforce existing social inequalities

Islam or Islamism is the consequence of the social frustrations, articulated around the social divisions of class and generation that followed from the economic crises of the global neo-liberal experiments of the 1970s and 1980s. The demographic revolution produced large cohorts of young Muslims, who, while often well educated to college level, could not easily find opportunities to satisfy the aspirations that had been inflamed by nationalist governments. Although these diverse studies of Islam are primarily concerned with the modern period, in order to understand such contemporary social movements as Islamism, we need to start in the nineteenth century. Broadly speaking we can identify four periods of Islamic political action in response to the social and cultural crises resulting from foreign domination and internal haemorrhaging. These movements have critically attacked contemporary political and military weakness in the name of the pristine Islam of the early community of the Prophet, and hence they have been labelled 'fundamentalist'. In the nineteenth century, these reformist movements which were hostile to both traditional folk religion such as the Sufi lodges and external western threat included Wahhabism in Arabia, the Sudanese Mahdi, the Sanusi in North Africa, and Egyptian Islamic reform movements. The second wave of activism occurred in the 1940s with the development of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and the third movement began in the aftermath of the Arab defeat in the 1967 war with Israel and reached a crescendo with the Iranian Revolution in 1978-9 and with opposition to the Russian incursion into Afghanistan. The contemporary fourth wave of resistance opened with the Gulf War in 1990, when the entry of American troops into Saudi Arabia created the resentment that eventually resulted in the Al Qaeda networks, September 11 and the war on terrorism. In political terms, Palestine has been the single most important issue sustaining political Islam, or as Edward Said (Rogan and Shlaim 2001: 207) in his 'Afterword' to The War for Palestine notes for Palestinians 'a vast collective feeling of injustice continues to hang over our lives with undiminished

Social tourism is a contested concept, practised little in the UK, but more widely throughout mainland Europe. However, limited research demonstrates its benefits to recipients. The emergence of social tourism has occurred through a historical and discursive process linked to organised capitalism and modern civil society. Social tourism has the capacity to transcend traditional and commercial concepts of tourism and challenge purely market-based tourist and leisure activities. Supporters can make the case for social tourism on the UK policy agenda through the following: more holistic research into social tourism and its benefits; the use of current government changes around the public health structure; and integration of social tourism into community needs around social capital and local health and wellbeing intervention development.

This article questions the assumption that Cuba's reform process must eventually make concessions to, and perhaps eventually join, the wider global world system dominated by neo-liberal economics and democracy as defined by the advocates of this world order. To undertake this task it is necessary to explain globalization and distinguish it from the preceding postwar period and then seek to understand the consequences of its ascendency, especially its failure to produce a sustainable model of development. In this context Cuba's socialist experiment will be considered as an alternative, both in the form of its performance in social provision and its ideology of community above that of the individual. While these strengths may be attractive to those forces in the world that wish to resist globalization and build something new, Cuba as a single country example is not viable. Consequently these achievements can only become part of a transformative force if they are integrated with already existing popular resistance to the current neo-liberal order. Finally, it is argued this symbiosis is taking place in Latin America where Cuba is deeply involved with new social movements and progressive governments.

In the German federal elections on September 22, 2013, for the first time after 64 years, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) was not elected to the German federal parliament, the Bundestag, anymore. Less surprising than this fact is the malice of its political opponents with which this landslide defeat was accompanied. In this paper, it is argued that the hostility towards the Free Democrats originates from its turn to the Christian Democrats in 1982 with the so called Manifesto for the Market Economy written by Otto Graf Lambsdorff, then Federal Minister of the Economy. The Manifesto argued for a consolidation of public finance and tax reductions, for reforms in the labor market and the social security systems, and for a liberalization and privatization policy. While the Free Democrats did not achieve much of that agenda during the coalition with the Christian Democrats, it influenced the Agenda 2010 by Chancellor Schröder. The paper concludes with a proposal for a renewal of supply s...

Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) has emerged as the premier policy instrument to redress the socioeconomic inequalities created by the apartheid system in South Africa. BEE has evolved from a rudimentary concept that was casually coined outside government in the 1990s to being the policy instrument du jour of the post 1994 democratic dispensation. BEE has received critical attention culminating in its institutionalization through a BEE Council, an Act of Parliament, and a policy framework to facilitate its implementation. The institutionalization of this concept across government policy and practice settings, including, in particular, the government's drive to restructure its enterprises, has accentuated BEE's important role in the government's reconstruction and development agenda. However, the evolution of BEE has not been a smooth journey. Its capacity and direction to respond to dire socioeconomic demands has raised a deluge of questions and remarks, often negative, from many fronts. The purpose of this study is to critically examine the extent to which BEE produces the targeted results through its implementation via the restructuring of state owned enterprises (SOEs). What is also of significance is that the restructuring of SOEs and the implementation of BEE is occurring against a backdrop of a conspicuous neo-liberal drive. Whilst setting the scene with a theoretical background to the South African economy before and after 1994, the practical focus of this study is limited to the implementation of BEE using Eskom, an SOE, as a case study. Just as this study indicates a successful implementation of BEE through Eskom, questions remain as to how much widespread the benefits have been amongst the targeted previously marginalized black majority.

This Companion presents the major debates and issues in Critical Criminology. It presents new research on crime, policy and the internationalisation of the criminal justice system. It sheds light on traditional debates in critical criminology through a confronting analysis of contemporary developments in criminal justice and criminology. This is the first textbook that brings together the major Australian and New Zealand theorists in Critical Criminology. The chapters represent the contribution of these authors in both their established work and their recent scholarship. It includes new approaches to theory, methodology, case studies and contemporary issues. It traverses a range of debates including the criminalisation of Indigenous people, ethnic communities, the working class, rural communities and young people from critical perspectives, and introduces new concepts of state crime. It covers developments in the penal system that have responded to globalisation and neo-liberalism, ...

Bangladesh's post-secondary education has become a hunting ground for local economic conglomerates and their transnational allies. Applying a holistic lens helps to understand the factors and short-term effects of blindly applying neo-liberal induced deregulation

governance, neo-liberalism and participatory democracy iii The aim of the study is to analyse the role of democratic school governing bodies in promoting school improvement in four High Schools in Pimville and Klipspruit locations in Soweto. The study presents two arguments, one is theoretical and the other is methodological. Theoretically, there is no clear-cut relationship between democratic SGBs and school improvement. Methodologically, the relationship between SGBs and school improvement can best be understood based on a critical analysis that specifies the context within which democratic SGBs promote school improvement. Such an analysis reveals the complex nature of the school dynamics within which SGBs have to promote school improvement. The role of SGBs is mediated by various local and global socio-economic and political factors. This study articulates these factors as inputs, context, complexity and mediation. Consequently, understanding the nature of the role of SGBs in

We would like to thank our colleagues and friends at the South Sudan Women's Empowerment Network for their support for our research and their comments on this article. We would also like to thank all the women we interviewed who participated in the conference and who permitted us to record their words and actions. Professors Lucy Jarosz and Dawn Couch provided valuable commentary on earlier drafts of this article. Finally, we would like to thank the three anonymous reviewers who provided thoughtful, critical, and valuable comments and reflections on our work.

Utilising a globalisation framework this study contributes to discussions concerning inequality, education, and development by re‐examining the effects of educational and economic variables on income inequality. This research shows that the effects of education on income inequality are affected by the level of economic freedom in a country, and specifically that more economic liberalisation may limit the equalising effects of secondary enrolments. These findings imply that the level of economic freedom must be considered when creating policies to reduce inequality and that complex relationships must be considered for further research in this area.

The first part of this paper offers a cumulative review of the changes in global objectives and operating principles and their global consequences, characteristic of the shift from the ideal type of the modern welfare state to the neo-liberal or post-modern paradigm. The paper then spells out some of the implications of this shift for social security in the “transition countries” of Central and Eastern Europe. The tendencies (from marketization to the spread of means-testing) are similar to those in the West; but they are much more marked and there is much less political and popular resistance to these changes. One of the crucial ingredients of the shift is the undermining of the age-old solidarity between generations, a trend also strongly recommended by the supranational agencies. The “catch”, or the “paradox of democracy” is that, for all the lack of resistance, people do not seem to approve of the rapid withdrawal of the state and the loss of their existential securities.

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.

INTRODUCCIÓN as relaciones internacionales, más que conflictivas, son esencial-L mente de naturaleza cooperativa. Este es, en síntesis, el enfoque a partir del cual la teoría liberal y sus diversas acepciones como el liberalismo institucional sustentan sus postulados sobre la interacción entre los actores que componen a dicha disciplina.

At a time when neoliberalism has become an accepted term in public debate to refer to the current state of modern societies and their political economies, Kean Birch critically analyses the conflicting theories that shape our understanding of ‘neoliberalism’.

With an ever-expanding variety of perspectives on the concept of neoliberalism, it is increasingly difficult to identify any commonalities. This book explores how different people understand neoliberalism, and the contradictions in thinking of neoliberalism as a market-based ethic, project, or order. Detailing the intellectual history of ‘neoliberal’ thought, the variety of critical approaches and the many analytical ambiguities, Kean Birch presents a new way to conceptualize contemporary political economy and offers potential avenues for future research through a judicious exploration of ‘neoliberal’ practices, processes, and institutions.

This work will be an essential resource for undergraduate and postgraduate students, scholars, and researchers to critically assess the concept of neoliberalism across many disciplines. The book will also serve as a general introduction to a wider audience interested in the term ‘neoliberalism’, its potential pitfalls, and its contested future.

Unionist Movement in the 1960s and Ulster Vanguard in the 1970s. Abstract: The origins of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism may be found in the 1960s, when radical conservatives orientated towards the young and idealised the middle-class as the primary agent of modernity. In Northern Ireland, a struggle for the soul of the Young Unionist Movement pitted a liberal anti-sectarianism against a neo-conservative belief in unionist destiny. The triumph of the latter contributed to the collapse of Ulster Unionist moral authority to govern the nationalist constituency of Northern Ireland.

As part of the gLAWcal - Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom) results and book series, a book was published CHINA’S INFLUENCE ON NON-TRADE CONCERNS IN INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC LAW, Climate Change, Sustainable Development, Protection of Environment, Social, Economic and Cultural Rights, Labour Rights, Public Health, Food and Product Safety, Global Law and Sustainable Development Book Series, Routledge Publishing (London/New-York), September 2016, pp. 1-584 TO DOWNLOAD FRONT AND BACK COVER, TABLE OF CONTENTS, INTRODUCTION OF THE BOOK, FOREWORDS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS, PLEASE SEE THE FOLLOWING LINK: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2876883 To purchase the book, you can refer to the publisher website: https://www.routledge.com/Chinas-Influence-on-Non-Trade-Concerns-in-International-Economic-Law/Farah-Cima/p/book/9781409448488

FP7-PEOPLE-2010 IRSES
Marie Curie Irses

The event is organized by

gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom)

Institutions organizing the Workshop within the LIBEAC Consortium:

University Institute of European Studies (IUSE) in Turin, Italy
University of Piemonte Orientale, Novara, Italy
Peking University, School of Government, Center for European Studies (China)
Tsinghua University, Department of Philosophy (China)
Tsinghua University, School of Public Policy and Management (China)
Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC (France)

        Project LIBEAC
Liberalism in Between Europe and China

    WORKSHOP ON

SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND LEGAL PERSPECTIVE ON CHINESE –POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC – LIBERALISM TODAY

held at
Peking University, School of Government, Center for European Studies (China)

                                    Time: Morning, 8 Aug. 2014
                               
                      Beijing, China

8:00 - 8:30 Registration

8:30  Welcoming speeches

8:30 – 8:40
Addressing – Paolo Davide FARAH, West Virginia University (WV, USA), LIBEAC Legal Work-package Leader & Research Unit Coordinator at University Institute of European Studies – IUSE (Italy), gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom)

Addressing – Jean-Yves HEURTEBISE, LIBEAC Vice-coordinator at Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC - Research Center for Comparative Epistemology and Ergology (France); FuJen Catholic University (Taipei), Department of French Language and Culture; Kozmetsky Global Collaboratory in Stanford University (KGC, USA)

SESSION ONE

Chair and Moderator: Paolo Davide FARAH, LIBEAC Legal Work-package Leader & Research Unit Coordinator at University Institute of European Studies – IUSE (Italy)

8:45 – 9:25

LI Qiang, Assistant to the President, Peking University, School of Government,  Center for European Studies (China), LIBEAC Research Unit Coordinator at Peking University

The Influence of Liberalism in China

9:25 – 9:40  Discussants of the Paper – Vanessa KOPEC, Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC - Research Center for Comparative Epistemology and Ergology (France) & EU Commission Marie Fellow

Questions and Answers

9:40 – 10:20 Cui Zhiyuan, Tsinghua University, School of Public Policy and Management; LIBEAC Research Unit Coordinator at Tsinghua University, School of Public Policy and Management

Understanding Xi Jiping's Grand Strategy".

10:20 – 10:35 Discussants of the Paper – Jean-Yves HEURTEBISE, FuJen Catholic University (Taipei), Department of French Language and Culture; LIBEAC Vice-coordinator at Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC - Research Center for Comparative Epistemology and Ergology (France); Kozmetsky Global Collaboratory in Stanford University (KGC, USA)

10:35 – 11:05 ZHU Tianbiao, Peking University, School of Government

Neoliberalism and China’s Compressed Development

11:05 – 11:20  Discussant of the Paper - Paolo Davide FARAH, LIBEAC Legal Work-package Leader & Research Unit Coordinator at University Institute of European Studies – IUSE (Italy)

11:20 - 11:40  Zhang Xiang, Tsinghua University, School of Public Policy and Management

K’ang Yu-wei's Thoughts about the Problem of the Relationship of Politics and Religion

11:40 – 12:00 Roundtable Questions & Answers

12:00 – 12:15 Break




Chair and Moderator: ZHU Tianbiao, Professor of Peking University, School of Government

12:15 – 12:30
Paolo Davide FARAH, West Virginia University (WV, USA), LIBEAC Legal Work-package Leader & Research Unit Coordinator at University Institute of European Studies – IUSE (Italy), gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom)

Advantages and Disadvantages of Globalization and Liberalism toward Social, Economic, Environmental and Cultural Rights

12:30 – 12:45
Jean-Yves HEURTEBISE, FuJen Catholic University (Taipei), Department of French Language and Culture; Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC - Research Center for Comparative Epistemology and Ergology (France); Kozmetsky Global Collaboratory in Stanford University (KGC, USA)

The future of Chinese liberalism and the limits of Developmentalism

12:45 – 13:00
Fernando DIAS SIMOES, University of Macau, Faculty of Law (China) & Member of the Scientific Committee of gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom)

From Civic Behaviour to Environmental Citizenship

13:00 – 13:15
Round Table Discussion with all the participants

LI Qiang, Assistant to the President and Professor of Peking University, School of Government,  Director of the Center for European Studies (China), LIBEAC Research Unit Coordinator at Peking University

Vanessa KOPEC, Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC - Research Center for Comparative Epistemology and Ergology (France) & EU Commission Marie Fellow

ZHU Tianbiao, Professor of Peking University, School of Government

Jean-Yves HEURTEBISE, FuJen Catholic University (Taipei), Department of French Language and Culture; LIBEAC Vice-coordinator at Aix-Marseille University, CEPERC - Research Center for Comparative Epistemology and Ergology (France); Kozmetsky Global Collaboratory in Stanford University (KGC, USA)

Paolo Davide FARAH, West Virginia University (WV, USA), LIBEAC Legal Work-package Leader & Research Unit Coordinator at University Institute of European Studies – IUSE (Italy), gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom)

Fernando DIAS SIMOES, University of Macau, Faculty of Law (China) & Member of the Scientific Committee of gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom)


The event is organized by gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom) in collaboration with the following beneficiaries  and partner institutions of the European Union Research Executive Agency IRSES Project “Liberalism in Between Europe And China” (LIBEAC) coordinated by Aix-Marseille University (CEPERC): University Institute of European Studies (IUSE) in Turin, Italy and the University of Piemonte Orientale, Novara, Italy Peking University, School of Government, Center for European Studies (China), Tsinghua University, Department of Philosophy (China). Workpackages 2 and 4

As part of the gLAWcal - Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development (United Kingdom) results and book series, a book was published CHINA’S INFLUENCE ON NON-TRADE CONCERNS IN INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC LAW, Climate Change, Sustainable Development, Protection of Environment, Social, Economic and Cultural Rights, Labour Rights, Public Health, Food and Product Safety, Global Law and Sustainable Development Book Series, Routledge Publishing (London/New-York), September 2016, pp. 1-584 TO DOWNLOAD FRONT AND BACK COVER, TABLE OF CONTENTS, INTRODUCTION OF THE BOOK, FOREWORDS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS, PLEASE SEE THE FOLLOWING LINK: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2876883 To purchase the book, you can refer to the publisher website: https://www.routledge.com/Chinas-Influence-on-Non-Trade-Concerns-in-International-Economic-Law/Farah-Cima/p/book/9781409448488

This article is based on a keynote paper presented to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), University College Dublin, 5-9 September 2005. The massification of education in European countries over the last 100 years has produced cultures and societies that have benefited greatly from state investment in education. To maintain this level of social and economic development that derives from high quality education requires continual state investment. With the rise of the New Right, neo-liberal agenda, there is an attempt to offload the cost of education, and indeed other public services such as housing, transport, care services etc., on to the individual. There is an increasing attempt to privatise public services, including education, so that citizens will have to buy them at market value rather than have them provided by the state. Europe is no exception to this trend of neo-liberalisation. Recent Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reports, including one on higher education in Ireland, (2004), concentrate strongly on the role of education in servicing the economy to the neglect of its social and developmental responsibilities. The view that education is simply another market commodity has become normalised in policy and public discourses. Schools run purely as businesses are a growing phenomenon within and without Europe, and there is an increasing expectation in several countries that schools will supplement their income from private sources, even though they are within the state sector. In this article, the writer presents both a critique of the neo-liberal model of marketised education and a challenge to academics to work as public intellectuals both individually and with civil society organisations to develop a counterhegemonic discourse to neo-liberalism for higher education.

The chapter explores the Lord's Prayer in the context of neo liberal economy. It exegesis the vision provided by the Lord's prayer and it s implications for the Christian mission and relationality. It is argues that hallowing God's name is working in partnership with God for the realization of God's will in heaven as it is on Earth. The article proposes a new understanding of mission, where believers are invited to partnership with God for the realization of God's will on Earth as it is heaven.  Such ethical mission does not embrace colonialism, patriarchy, poverty and the creation of exploitative  economic structures.

Um die Möglichkeiten von Citizenship Education auszuloten, wird im vorliegenden Beitrag der neoliberale Umbau der Gesellschaft und damit auch und insbesondere jener der Bil dungspolitik als breiterer Kontext herangezogen und hierin vor allem die Diagnose einer "Postdemokratie" oder eines "autoritären Etatismus". Es wird gezeigt, dass es sich bei den neoliberalen Veränderungen nicht um "Sachzwänge" handelt, sondern um strategisch durchgesetzte Entwicklungen, die sowohl von konservativen wie auch von sozialdemokra tischen Kräften vorangetrieben wurden. Dies ist auch der Ausgangspunkt der vorliegenden Diskussion um die gegenwärtige "postneoliberale Konstellation". Was bedeutet diese Um orientierung in einigen Politikfeldern für den demokratischen Prozess im Allgemeinen und für die Bildungspolitik im Besonderen? Inwieweit steigen damit die Chancen einer eman zipatorischen und weltgesellschaftlichen Bildung?

Magna Bulgarica как источник аргументов об ЕврАзийском Союзе Българската следа във времето Magna Bulgarica как источник аргументов об ЕврАзийском Союзе (Исторические корни Евро-Азийской доктрины) * Фиг. 1б: Переселения племён в результате Всемирного Потопа, по (1). Схема начала первого переселения Праиндоевропейцев (Арийцев), вызванного первой известной нам экологической катастрофой после завершения последнего ледникового периода.

This article adopts the concept of neoliberal governmentality to critically analyze public policy failures in a bottom-of-the-pyramid (BOP) marketing initiative. This research shows that e-Choupal, an Indian BOP initiative, is hampered by a divide between poverty alleviation and profit seeking, which is inadequately reconciled by the neoliberal government policies that dominate contemporary India. The initiative sounds good, even noble, but becomes mired in divergent discourses and practices that ultimately fail to help the poor whom it targets. This research helps explicate the problems with BOP policy interventions that encourage profit seeking as a way to alleviate poverty.

This article reviews recent ethnographic works on the former Soviet Union, Eastern and Central Europe, and Mongolia that explore the experiences of people enduring drastic transformations following the collapse of socialism in 1990 and the consequent implementation of a neoliberal "shock therapy." The anthropologists working on postsocialist societies have shown that transition theories are inherently faulty and their implementation often had damaging results. The current condition is not a period of transition or "bridge" between socialism and capitalism. Instead individuals' activities, memory, social networks, and culturally specific values lead to uncertainty as a state of dynamic being. This article argues that uncertainty is a complex conceptual space that offers further opportunities to step away from the evolutionary mode of thinking and to develop theories of multiple ways of being.

This is a new piece that is published as chapter 2 in Duncan Bell, Reordering the World: Essays on Liberalism and Empire (Princeton University Press, 2016). The book collects together a selection of my essays on the history of political thought. This chapter has 4 main sections: (1) Languages of Empire; (2) Intertextual Empire: Writing Liberal Imperialism; (3) On Settler Colonialism; (4) The Tyranny of the Canon.

http://press.princeton.edu/titles/10755.html

Turgut Özal was one of the most effective politician in Turkish history that left many legacies behind him to the next generations. He managed with a lot of difficulties and brought many new things in Turkey especially about economy or for the development of the country. Özal had an unique and strong political history, which strenghten his actions. He brought liberal economy, types of freedoms for human rights, cared about education, urbanization and foreign policy. His career in World Bank made him gain knowledges about economy and those informations led him made reforms about economy. He was also known as the breaker of taboos and a great reformer because of what he done. Özal made Turkey to have revolution of mentality as well. During the era of him, Turkey tried to enter to European Union but these tryings will not be successfull because of the relations with the Europe and because of many other reasons they did not want Turkey that I will mention about it in below. Another problem during the Özal period was Kurdish question and he broke the taboos of this question. He claimed that this question was a big problem of Turkey and the politics makes. Till now, we can see the trails that he left to the Republic of Turkey. This article will first talk about Turgut Özal’s political background and explain his legacies in three types of titles; economy, foreign policy and inner policy also it will give examples from some quatitions and researchs.

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book will be useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.Reviews: 'This book is a serious and in-depth reading of Iraqi political history. Isakhan's argument, bolstered by an impressive array of source material, is a direct affront to the use of violence to impose a wholesale American "democracy" on a society that has its own rich history of egalitarian and collective forms of governance.' Muhsin Al-Musawi, Columbia University, USA 'Democracy in Iraq expertly excavates democratic traditions that have long been buried in Western Orientalism and Bathist totalitarianism. In demonstrating that a will towards collective and participatory governance has existed over the centuries, Benjamin Isakhan rescues assessments for Iraqi democratisation from the kind of negative determinism, deracinated from history and local culture, that has dominated scholarly and policy debates.' James Piscatori, Durham University, UK

This paper explores the rise of cultural economy as a key organising concept over the 2000s. While it has intellectual precursors in political economy, sociology and postmodernism, it has been work undertaken in the fields of cultural economic ...

The rapid diversification of immigration to New Zealand post-1987 has made Auckland, as the nation's key gateway city, both culturally and demographically superdiverse, and the location of considerable immigrant business development. We focus here on the development of ethnic precincts as the manifestation of this transformation of the cityscape. The neo-liberalism of the 1980s continues to prevail primarily in minimal postarrival interventions and an unwillingness of central and local government to recognise the ethnic/immigrant nature of such developments. As a consequence of this laissez-faire attitude, immigrants' relational embeddedness tends to be privileged and ethnic-specific networks dictate the nature and location of ethnic precincts within a policy environment that stresses the importance of market processes and encourages small business development. 43 globally; the settlement of immigrants is left to their own agency and the opportunities -and barriers -of the marketplace, notably in relation to the labour market or small business sectors. Many immigrants, unable to enter New Zealand's labour market at levels commensurate with their qualifications and skills, open small or medium sized businesses, often serving the needs of their own and/or other new immigrant communities which, by 2010, were significant in size. The ethnic and immigrant character of the rapidly growing colocation of business clusters, resulting in the concentration of economic activities involving one immigrant group or another (ethnic precincts), has been largely ignored. In this paper, we explore what this means for the gateway city of Auckland by examining the formation of two ethnic precincts: Northcote and Somerville-Meadowlands.

Professor Very Pious, if Jesus' paradigmatic prayer (called the Lord's Prayer) has as its paramount concern bread for subsistence in a time of hunger, relief from debt when an unjust debt structure crushed the people underfoot and the establishment of God's sole sovereignty when the people's misery was largely the by-product of Caesar's authority, then why is the Lord's Prayer not also called the Lord's Paradigmatic Critique of Political Economy'? The Lord's Model of Social Analysis?'

In this paper I argue that it is rather unfortunate that planning theorists have, with a few notable exceptions, tended to ignore the potential contributions that Henri Lefebvre’s spatial triad ideas regarding the production of space can make to planning theory and urban democracy. In addition to the familiar spatial triad, I argue that Lefebvre’s concept of everyday differential space could provide a powerful focus for urban planners’ conceptual approaches to the creation and enhancement of inclusive democratic public space. In addition I work with the concepts of quasi-public space and publicness and a spectrum of publicness is proposed that together inform the approach to differential space. A case study approach is used based on international comparative research. A mixed methods methodology is deployed where archival data form the bulk of the original empirical sources, supplemented by interviews, visual data and non-intrusive observation. Three cities form the basis of the case studies: one in the UK and two in North America. A robust rationale for the choice of case studies is provided. This paper explores critically through original research, the production of urban public space focusing principally on the era of the 1960s to the 2010s. A range of implications and consequences for the production of differential space are outlined. Methodologically, the mixed research methods approach, based on a series of methodological clues provided by Lefebvre delivered a tough but flexible empirical framework allowing for qualitative analyses used iteratively throughout the research process. Through exploratory research the paper discloses city centre space to consist of  highly complex, contested spaces produced by various social relationships. Their complexity has compounded through time by the accretion of layers of subsequent spatial practice, and through the many official and unofficial representations of space that have rendered the areas more visible or less visible since the 1960s. Rather than simply complaining about the privatisation, loss or corruption of ‘public’ space, we should appreciate the potentialities inherent in the production of differential space through the contestations that can occur in the creation of a more fair and just society in asserting ‘the right to the city’. What might be called ‘strong’ differential space: the spaces of politicised appropriation and the assertion of rights to the city, insinuates itself to a constant dialectical struggle through elements of the spatial triad. Conclusions draw attention to the importance of spatial histories and differential space for democratic urban public space. The paper makes an original contribution empirically through case study revelations in the three cities. Lost histories are recovered and unexpected spatial civil society and public spirited coalitions revealed. Theoretically, the paper goes ‘beyond Lefebvre’ by situating differential space in the contemporary neo-liberal context. Recommendations for urban policy and practice are provided.

Key-Words - spatial triad, Lefebvre, differential space, public space, democracy