JNU

A book-length interview with Romila Thapar should have been a cause for celebration. Talking History, however, is a mixed bag, for a number of reasons. This interview is one of a series of conversations curated by the political-philosopher Ramin Jahanbegloo with intellectuals and activists in India. Since the series spans disciplines ranging from philosophy to architecture, each conversation must necessarily be evaluated on its own terms. This conversation is also marked by the presence of Neeladri Bhattacharya, making for a tripartite dialogue that throws up interesting questions, not all of which are successfully resolved. An interview makes possible a discussion about issues that often do not enter scholarly discourse. Talking History succeeds in bringing alive some of the forces that have shaped Thapar's life and work. The first chapter, 'From Panjab to London' provides a series of delightful vignetteswhether it is the stories of the strong matriarchs of her family, the experience of living in pre-Partition Lahore, the charged atmosphere of the 1940s, or studying in London in the 1950sa whole host of experiences is beautifully sketched out. As Thapar reflects on these formative experiences, genealogies are constructed, colleagues are remembered, and institutions and their environments are brought to life.

The purpose of this study was to analyse the media framing of the JNU issue by the television news channels in India. The JNU sedition controversy that first broke out on February 9, was fueled largely by the way it was propagated in media by channels like Zee News that led to the arrest of the leader of student union, Kanhaiya Kumar. The issue was covered fiercely in media while some supporting the JNU cause and some opposing it. Keeping in mind the scale of the issue and the way it was portrayed in Indian media, it makes for an excellent option for frame analysis. The analysis is of the media narrative and not how the audience perceived the issue. The intention was to analyze how the TV news channels Zee and ABP, largely at the center of the controversy, framed the issue from the day it broke out till few days after its culmination. For this purpose the news in the time frame of February 9, 2016 to March 2, 2016 was analysed. On March 2, Kanhaiya was granted interim bail of six months by the Delhi High Court. A sample of two weeks of the video clips uploaded on YouTube was analysed using inductive framing analysis. The results demonstrated that there were four frames present in Zee News: condemnation, guilty, action and nationalism; and two frames present in ABP News: Condemnation and not guilty. The frames present in Zee News and ABP News were found to be at contrast and represented the two ideological sides of the same story.

The assignment for Service marketing, the first of its nature in Bangladesh, has been carried out by desk study, documents review and searching Internet. Findings reveal that our community is very much related with service marketing. Most of the part of this assignment is covered with so many necessary information regarding service marketing and its different procedures and actions. Our society will be benefitted if the service marketing is applied in Bangladesh properly.

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A huge yellowish green poster in JNU's Dholpur Reading Hall carries a portrait of Babasaheb Ambedkar and his message underlining the contradiction between the democratic, egalitarian and secular Constitution and unequal social ideals "embedded" in religion and caste. Not far from the hall lies the School of Languages building on whose walls posters of Dalitbahujan icons, carrying messages of social justice, have been pasted. One such poster has the image of Eklavya, who is seen stretching the elastic band of his catapult. A quotation on the poster reminds

The politics of Hindutva arises in large part from sexual repression and the hidden injuries of class, caste and cosmopolitanism. Such frustration was all too evident in the events surrounding JNU in February-March of 2016 and the charges of sedition and anti-nationalism brought against students leaders and others on that campus.

To respond to the violence of 15th September in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in a dispassionate manner is perhaps uncalled for. We are aware of the pitfalls of demonizing the actions of a political adversary. As much as it drives us to a feeling of horror at what we have seen, we must not deny the social character of its existence. The impetus of violence in this case is an expression of a social force, demonizing it or morally dismissing it might make it more pathological than it already is. As much as it goes against our instincts at this moment-we are shocked and are in a moment of disbelief-this event calls for a critical reflection on the conditions that made it possible, and the modes through which these possibilities have been able to actualize themselves inside the university.

An Ambedkarite organization's work in protecting the interests of the historically neglected sub-subaltern groups on campus is not achieved via the mere romanticization of its existence. It is achieved through the trust it builds among the different sections of the students who are able to align themselves with its ideology and politics.
https://roundtableindia.co.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=9454:bapsa-a-challenge-to-the-abvp-and-pseudo-left-in-jnu&catid=129:events-and-activism&Itemid=195

Freedom of expression in India has been enshrined in the Article 19 1 (a) of the Indian Constitution which the country conceived in 1950. It has been more than 60 years and the Indian State seen a lot of socio-political changes, on ideological, philosophical and physical level. With time, the conflict between the State‘s and the citizens‘ notion about various constitutional terms have come to surface among which the Freedom of Expression constitutes an important place. The conflict became visible and more explicit during the controversy in New Delhi‘s Jawaharlal Nehru University in 2016. This study aims to explore and understand the redefined notion of freedom of expression and its various limitations in the contemporary scenario of the post-Globalized India with the help of the narrative brought forth by the English News Websites‘ editorials on the JNU controversy. It‘s an attempt to understand how these major news organisations intend to perceive the validity of the free speech in institutes of higher learning‘.

This paper reads The Longest Journey to glean the instructive and to discuss the relevance of E. M. Forster for contemporary India, especially in its impact on the university. As it explicates the implications of Forster's writing for the Indian university, many of these instructive foresights from Forster are applicable to the state of the university globally too, as funding cuts and hiked fees affect universities in the USA, Britain, Japan, and elsewhere. Forster is prescient with his views on the university, and we can learn from his writings to assess the damage being done to academia by conservative policies.

ikinci el eşya alanlar spot 2.el köşe takımı alanlar, spot 2.el komple eşya alanlar, gardolap alınır satılır, ,eski plazma tv alan yerler, ambalajında ev eşyası alanlar, ikinci el buzdolabı alım satım, eski çamaşır makinesi alım satım yatak odası takımı, ikinci el eşya alanlar, bilgisayar sehpaları, 2.el yatak odası alım satım, 2 el eşya fiyatları, 2.el yatak odası alan yerler, ikinci el eşya mersin, ikinci el yatak odası takımı alım satım, ikinci eşya, ikinci el yatak odası takımı alanlar, mersin 2 el beyaz eşya, 2 el masa sandalye, spot yatak odası takımı, 2 el eşya alım satım, 2 el yemek odası takımı, ikinci el yemek masası, ikinci el klima alanlar, ikinci el esya alanlar, ikinci el koltuk takımı adana, ikinci el halı, yatak ikinci el, ikinci el ofis mobilyaları, 2 el televizyon, 2 el beyaz eşya, ikinci el koltuk kanepe, ankara 2 el eşya, ikinci el televizyon alanlar, 2 el buzdolabı, ikinci el mobilya alanlar ankara, ikinci el cafe masa sandalye, satılık yemek odası takımı, sahibinden satılık yemek odası takımı, ikinci el yatak odası alanlar, ikinci el gardrop fiyatları, ikinci el koltuk takımı alanlar, ikinci el mobilya fiyatları istanbul, satılık yatak odası takımı, ikinci el koltuk takımı sakarya, 2 el yatak odası, sahibinden satılık ikinci el ev eşyası, ikinci el koltuk takımı istanbul, 2 el yemek odası takımı fiyatları, bit pazarı yatak odası takımları fiyatları, 2 el spot eşya, satılık ikinci el eşya, 2 el gardolap, 2 ci el yatak odası takımı, ikinci el yatak odası takımları ankara, ikinci el çamaşır makinesi fiyatları, 2 ci el yatak odası takımı, ikinci el beyaz eşya satanlar, 2 el çamaşır makinesi fiyatları, ikinci el eşya alım satım, ikinci el mobilyalar ve fiyatları, sahibinden satılık ikinci el ev eşyası, sahibinden

There is no novelty in the charge of equating SIO and ABVP as the two sides of the same religious ideology. As a Muslim student activist, who works with SIO and other like minded religious minority organization in this campus, let me clarify some of the issues. I don't believe in the possibility of any dialogue with the Savarna left/right forces in this campus but I hope my explanation will help to clear ambiguities in this space and add to the growth of the new political imaginations of the oppressed in JNU ­ that have already gained momentum with the victory of BAPSA.

Books (Published):

1. Sociology of Population in India, Macmillan India, New Delhi, 2007.

2. Population and Sustainable Development (ed.), Authors Press, 2006.

3. Education, Polity and Society, Shipra Publication, Delhi, 1997.

4. School, Family and Media, Rawat, Jaipur, 1995.

5. Studies in the Problems of the Third World, (ed.), Uppal Publications, Delhi,1985.

6. Education and Political Culture in India, Sterling Publications, Delhi, 1981.

"What the Nation Really Needs to Know: The JNU Nationalism Lectures"
What the Nation Really Needs to Know: The JNU Nationalism Lectures (eds. Rohit Azad, Janaki Nair, Mohinder Singh, Mallarika Sinha Roy on behalf of JNU Teachers’ Association, Harper Collins, 2016) is an interesting book consisting of 24 lectures.

Who or what is ‘anti-national’? The question was foregrounded in a series of unprecedented events that unfolded in Jawaharlal Nehru University from February 2016. It was a creative response movement the Jawaharlal Nehru University Teachers’ Association organized a teach-in for a month between 17 February and 17 March 2016. The lectures addressed the meanings, histories and experience of nationalism and its unresolved dilemmas, in India and beyond. They are published in both English and Hindi languages.

I mainly got the book to read the chapter “Languages Of Mother Tongues: India’s Linguistic Diversity” by Prof. Ayesha Kidwai. But then the other lectures I found more interesting include—Prof. Jayati Ghosh’s “On Anti-National Economics”—Suvir Kaul’s “At the Limits of Postcolonial Nationalism” --Prof. Romila Thapar’s “The Past As Seen In Ideologies Claiming To Be Nationalist”—and Mirdula Mukherjee’s “Civil Liberties and Indian Nationalism.”

The teach-in lectures, which were initially intended for members of the JNU community and delivered principally by JNU teachers, soon gained unanticipated audiences across India and in international forums. Reports and translations of the lectures, live streamed on YouTube, made for a reach that echoed well beyond the ‘Freedom Square’, the area in front of JNU’s Administrative Block, which became the space of this intellectual and political occupation. The book, therefore, is both an archive of that historic moment and a tribute to the effort that succeeded in refocusing national attention on the university as the space for sustaining serious, well-historicized and critical thought.

In my paper entitled ‘Hegemonies, regimes and villains, I intend to discuss the order that produces its moral heroes and immoral villains. I start with the premise that heroes and villains do not exist in an absolute and even psychopaths, as Robert Hare argues, exist and do well in the current social system. From this premise, I will begin to argue that it is the dominant social system which creates its own heroes and villains not based on any moral imperatives but in order to preserve the existing structure, both in fiction as well as reality. Heroes exist only insofar as they are serving the purpose of defeating the villain from compromising the existing system. In this scenario, the purpose of the villain is to attack the structure symbolically or through praxis of iconoclastic ideas. The villain is not just therefore immoral but also takes a socio-political position which is against the system. The demise of the villain is necessary for the restoration of faith of the people on the structure. But the demise of the villain cannot come of its own since it presupposes the idea of determinism and leaves no room for dialectics, and has to be instigated by an actor, ergo the hero. I will show through historical examples how the restoration of faith upon the system by the hero creates hegemony that governs the structure, in reality as well as fiction. In reality however, we observe a peculiar feature which we do not see in fiction which is the concept of regime. Hegemony manifests through the propagation of false consciousness or ‘faith’ in the system by the hero, which is then, by virtue of its totalitarianism, is represented by a regime. This hegemony is not just the hegemony of ideas, morality or concepts but that of a regime, as I have previously presented. As a result, the regime, though it does not create its own heroes and villains in reality, they do so in the realm of fiction. These heroes and villains are but mere caricatures, where the hero the caricature of the regime and the villain is the caricature of the opposition. The opposition is therefore the other and is accordingly both vilified and defeated, not because it is wrong, immoral or illogical but because it has a peripheral and therefore weak position in the existing structure and because it does not wish to remain in the structure and demands freedom from structure. This is not mere fiction but a representation of actual power struggle between the regime and the political other, wherein the hero, only to the extent of an actor and not a player, enacts the thoughts of the regime and the villain enacts the thoughts of the political other. I will explore this theory in length taking into considerations the history of power struggles from the Cold War era to the era of the Modi regime in India and its creation of ‘others’.
From this, I will then solidify the premise from which I had started that heroes and villains exist in relativity and one cannot sustain without the other, especially the hero. I will delve briefly into how the villain engenders the questions that are more pertinent to the post-modern world such as subjectivity, existentialism, nihilism, non-conformism and plurality while retaining a symbolic universality and oneness of being ‘one’ villain. In conclusion, I will analyze the various situations of conflicts that arise in the material world between the symbolic hero and the symbolic villain and how the villains have been more convincing and mobilized more intellectual support than the heroes. I will argue that the victory of the villain over the hero is not possible under the current structures that exist in status quo, and so if we seek to free ourselves from hegemony and regimes, our first priority should be to intensify the conflict to such an extent that the excess fractures the structure and destabilizes the regime in order to render the force of hegemony immobile.

Is the result of 2014 JNUSU election an assertion of Dalitbahujan in the Red Soil? If one looks at the recent trend of JNUSU politics, one is persuaded to call it a Dalitbahujan assertion. In what follows, I will briefly discuss these assertion in three spheres—(a) changing social composition of student leadership in JNU, (b) Dalitisation of public culture and (c) inclusion of Dalitbahujan agendas to political imaginary of JNU.