New Left

The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with
direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the
development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate
impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the
world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student
movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics
that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on
reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a
revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.

Andrei Znamenski argues that socialism arose out of activities of secularized apocalyptic sects, the Enlightenment tradition, and dislocations produced by the Industrial Revolution. He examines how, by the 1850s, Marx and Engels made the socialist creed “scientific” by linking it to “history laws” and inventing the proletariat—the “chosen people” that were to redeem the world from oppression. Focusing on the fractions between social democracy and communism, Znamenski explores why, historically, socialism became associated with social engineering and centralized planning. He explains the rise of the New Left in the 1960s and its role in fostering the cultural left that came to privilege race and identity over class. Exploring the global retreat of the left in the 1980s–1990s and the “great neoliberalism scare,” Znamenski also analyzes the subsequent renaissance of socialism in wake of the 2007–2008 crisis

In 1980, three Republican women prisoners held in Armagh prison in Northern Ireland joined the hunger strike being conducted by male Republican prisoners in Maze Prison. Overshadowed by the fatal 1981 strike, the 1980 strike involved these women in Armagh, who challenged the traditional nationalist notion of the strong male warrior, while generating sympathy and solidarity across the globe, including with the far left and the women’s liberation movement in Britain. This article will look at how the left and the women’s liberation movement in both Britain and Ireland looked to portray these women within their competing narratives.

This study examines artists’ approaches to social change in New York City from 1966 to 1976. During this period, overlapping communities of artists and art professionals sought means of providing a social meaning and purpose for their practice – one that addressed the political ruptures of the 1960s and 1970s, and challenged what was perceived as a classed, elitist, and socially disengaged art establishment. In doing so, they produced politically motivated art and performance, while participating in active protest, initiating museum reform, and engaging in community arts and education projects. While these developments reflect the national context, the thesis argues that they need to be understood within their local setting. As artists responded to political and social concerns, they did so with reference to their own local conditions as both artists and residents of New York City. Tracing these impulses into the 1970s, the thesis also challenges scholarly periodizations that present 1969 as an endpoint for social movements initiated in the 1960s. Within this framework, the art and actions of New York art-protesters reflect unique and innovative approaches to activism and social change that both appropriated aspects of the avant-garde tradition, and anticipated future modes of political radicalism.

The goal of this work is to describe the relations and contacts between the most representative italian left wing terror group and the East Germany intelligence service at the time of the kidnapping of Aldo Moro, one of the most investigated crimes in the italian 70's.

Es war wie das gleichsam letzte Aufflackern des "roten Jahrzehnts" der 1970er Jahre, als in den Jahren 1983 und 1984, vor nun einem Vierteljahrhundert, zwei Aufsatz-Bände des politischen Psychologen und Theoretikers Peter Brückner im Westberliner Wagenbach-Verlag erschienen. Die dort versammelten Aufsätze und Artikel bilden einen nicht unwesentlichen Teil des denkerischen Nachlasses des 1982, kurz vor seinem 60.Geburtstag viel zu früh verstorbenen Vordenker der westdeutschen Neuen Linken.

Ernst Bloch-ist das nicht der linke Philosoph mit der Pfeife und dem »Prinzip Hoffnung«? Das dürfte-jenseits der kleinen, aber eingeschworenen Bloch-Forscher und-Anhänger, die sich weitgehend abseits von der bürgerlichen Öffentlichkeit austauschen-das erste und wahrscheinlich auch einzige Bild sein, das sich die meisten Menschen machen, die seinen Namen nicht mit dem erfolgreichen Fernsehkommissar Bloch verwechseln. Auch hier gilt noch immer das bekannte Diktum Hegels, dass, was bekannt, zumeist noch nicht erkannt ist.

Zu den erfrischenden Momenten in unserer Zeit der politischen und intellektuellen Einöde gehören jene, in denen die Medienindustrie meint, vermeintliche Minderheitenmeinungen zu Wort kommen lassen zu müssen. Ein solcher Moment schlug im Mai des letzten Jahres, als die Polit-Illustrierte Stern einen ihrer bewährten Zeitgeist-Autoren nach London sandte, um den altehrwürdigen Eric Hobsbawm zur Krise des Kapitalismus zu befragen.

Si torni a guardare questo film allora, non come un documento interno alle vicende del comunismo italiano ma come un dramma, una lotta in cui l’uomo rischia di smarrirsi ritrovandosi prigioniero di quel consumismo che passo dopo passo lo consuma.

Este prólogo tiene como objeto de estudio la correspondencia escrita por Juan Domingo Perón a lo largo de 1967, la mayor parte proveniente del archivo Hoover de la Universidad de Stanford. El propósito del trabajo es glosar, comentar y contextualizar las cartas a la luz de una coyuntura marcada por la dispersión del peronismo, la lenta reactivación de la protesta política y social, y la peronización de sectores juveniles de clase media durante la dictadura del general Juan Carlos Onganía. La crisis de la dirigencia sindical cercana al gobierno y la fragmentación de la oposición al régimen militar, fue el difícil escenario en el que Perón desarrolló una febril labor epistolar para reorganizar el movimento peronista y articular un amplio frente antidictatorial, objetivos que recorren la mayor parte de su correspondencia en 1967. Las cartas redactadas por Perón integraban una forma del discurso político que se articuló en las excepcionales condiciones del exilio, donde el líder justicialista estaba resignado a seguir los acontecimientos desde lejos, y debía posicionarse frente a hechos consumados. La ponencia se divide en cinco partes: la primera aborda los intentos de unificar al peronismo contra la dictadura, la segunda analiza las recomendaciones de Perón sobre el arte de la conducción, la tercera estudia los conceptos de traición, infiltración y sinarquía, la cuarta se enfoca en la relación entre revolución y violencia, y la quinta reflexiona sobre la incorporación al vocabulario peroniano de términos como socialismo nacional y tercer mundo.

La certeza de que la guerra civil en El Salvador no se definiría exclusivamente en términos militares, sino en la capacidad de cada uno de los actores por conquistar las conciencias de los salvadoreños y ganar para sí a la opinión pública internacional, fue un elemento compartido por el FMLN, los asesores norteamericanos y, en menor medida, el Alto Mando de la Fuerza Armada. Bajo esta concepción, el enfrentamiento entre el movimiento revolucionario y las fuerzas gubernamentales se expresó en el ámbito político y militar, pero también en el terreno cultural y en el campo de la comunicación y de la propaganda. La guerra por otros medios aborda esta otra dimensión de la confrontación armada, analizando las estrategias de difusión y los proyectos comunicativos que impulsaron las organizaciones guerrilleras salvadoreñas, desde su surgimiento, a principios de los setenta, hasta la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz en 1992.

Este libro pone de manifiesto la necesidad de incorporar la dimensión comunicativa al estudio de las experiencias insurgentes latinoamericanas. En este sentido, el autor propone un modelo de análisis específico que permita insertar las políticas de comunicación en el marco de la estrategia general de movilización de las organizaciones revolucionarias.

Publisher: San Salvador: UCA Editores, 2017.
ISBN: 9789996110375

This article examines the role of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its youth wing, the Young Communist League (YCL), in the advancement of gay rights in the 1970s and 1980s. Although the CPGB was the first major organization of the British labour movement—and the British left—to advance a policy of gay rights, its participation in the gay liberation movement has tended to be neglected by scholars. In contrast to the general perception of the CPGB in the last decade (or so) of its existence as a party of declining influence and cohesion, easily ignored by the mainstream of the labour movement, we argue that the embrace of gay rights provided communists with a means of pushing for a diversification of labour politics. This coalesced in the mid-1980s with the co-founding of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners (LGSM) by the communist activist Mark Ashton. With the recent scholarly and public interest in the LGSM and its impact upon the Labour Party's attitude to gay rights, this article aims to reveal that the 'pre-history' of the group is firmly rooted in the CPGB/YCL and the Eurocommunist section of the British communist movement. The year 2014 saw the 13th anniversary of the beginning of the 1984–5 miners' strike and the establishment of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners (LGSM). The moment was used to launch the British film Pride, which tells the story of LGSM. One of the controversial points of the film's narrative was the silence over the co-founder of LGSM Mark Ashton's membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain

Using the example of the French journal Partisans, this article analyses the reciprocal constitution of a new radical Left and a comprehensive concept of global explanation in the shape of the so-called Third World. In the 1960s, Partisans became the most important organ in France of radical left-wing ideas about the Third World. The programme for de-centring the West undertaken by the journal found its framework in the concept of the Third World and accompanied the genesis, differentiation and radicalisation of the French Left until the end of the decade. There emerged a forum for anti-colonial intellectuals and activists divided into periphery and metropolis. First, the analysis illustrates this using the example of one of the monumental political texts on decolonisation of the twentieth century, Frantz Fanon’s manifesto "Les damnés de la terre". Then it throws light on important topics, arguments, developments and functions of radical leftist discourse about the Third World by means of relevant texts from Partisans. Finally, the analysis is placed within a wide-ranging spatio-temporal genealogy of critical discourse about Western modernity, which makes evident the fundamental ambivalence of radical leftist discourse about the Third World.

در دهه‌ی پنجاه، دفاعیات پاک‌نژاد در ایران و همچنین در سطح جهانی شهرتی بی‌مانند یافت. اهمیت این دفاعیات را دست‌کم در پنج عنصر می‌توان جستجو کرد: نخست آن‌که دفاعیات پاک‌نژاد، اولین مدافعات یک زندانی سیاسی ایرانی بود که به زبان‌های گوناگون ترجمه شده و از این طریق به‌طور بی‌سابقه‌ای در سطح بین‌المللی شناخته شد. دوم، این دفاعیات به‌نحوی آشکار و صریح نگرش سیاسی-اجتماعیِ نسل جدیدی از مبارزان چپ‌گرای ایرانی را بازتاب می‌داد و شاید بتوان این متن را در جایگاه مانیفست چپِ نو و مستقل ایرانی ارزیابی کرد. چنان‌که پاک‌نژاد در این دفاعیات بیان می‌دارد، چپ مستقل ایران نه وابسته به حزب توده و نه متأثر از خطوط سیاسی چین و شوروی بود (فغفوری آذر و نصیری، ۱۳۹۹، ۱۱۸-۱۱۹). سوم آن‌که پاک‌نژاد خود یک حقوق‌دان ژرف‌اندیش بود و با ارائه‌ی دفاعیاتی مبتنی بر مبانی حقوق اساسی، توانست بنیان‌های حقوقی و سیاسی نظام پادشاهی و محکمه‌ای که در برابر آن ایستاده بود را به چالش ‌کشد. چهارم، رویکرد پاک‌نژاد نسبت به قانونِ حاکم و مفهوم حق برای مبارزانِ پس از او سرمشق‌ساز بود. باید در نظر داشت که اغلب دفاعیاتی که توسط مبارزان پیش از پاک‌نژاد در برابر محاکم نظام پهلوی صورت می‌گرفت، سبک و سیاق و محتوای بسیار متفاوتی داشت. بی‌گمان، پاک‌نژاد با ارائه‌ی دفاعیاتی مبتنی بر مبانی حقوقی از یک‌سو و اندیشه و آرمان‌های آزادی‌خواهانه و برابری‌طلبانه از سوی دیگر، روش و نگرشی را برای کنش‌ورزی سیاسی ابداع کرد که مبارزان با بهر‌ه‌گیری از آن بتوانند در عین دفاع از خود و حقوق‌شان، هم‌زمان بنیان‌های حقوقی‌-سیاسی یک نظام استبدادی را به چالش بکشند. پژواک این نگرش را می‌توان در دفاعیات پر‌آوازه‌ای مانند دفاعیات مهدی رضایی (۱۳۵۱)، خسرو گلسرخی (۱۳۵۲) و کرامت‌الله دانشیان (۱۳۵۲) به‌روشنی شنید و احساس کرد. و سرانجام پنجم آنکه تأثیر و اهمیت اجتماعیِ دفاعیات پاک‌نژاد به اندازه‌ای بود که بسیاری از جوانان و دانشجویانی که به پخش و انتشار آن پرداختنه بودند، توسط ساواک دستگیر و زندانی شدند. پرونده‌ی محاکمه‌ی گروه فلسطین و دفاعیات پاک‌نژاد موج جدید و گسترده‌ای از اعتراضات علیه سیاست‌های سرکوب‌گرایانه‌ی نظام پهلوی و وضعیت زندانیان سیاسی ایجاد کرد (آرش [دفترهای آزادی]، ۱۳۶۳، ۳۲). به علت فشارهای داخلی و بین‌المللی که به دنبال این موج ایجاد شده بود، دستگاه قضایی در نهایت مجبور به کمی عقب‌نشینی شد و حکم پاک‌نژاد را که گمان می‌رفت اعدام باشد، با یک درجه تخفیف، به حبس ابد همراه با تبعید و اعمال شاقه کاهش داد. در همین زمینه، روزنامه‌ی اطلاعات درباره‌ی رأی دادگاه نظامی در خصوص اتهامات متهم ردیف چهارم با استناد به ‌قانون «مجازات مقدمین بر علیه امنیت و استقلال مملکت» (۱۳۱۰) چنین گزارش کرد:[3] «شکرالله پاک‌نژاد چون اقدام علیه امنیت داخلی مملکت نموده بود و جرم وی از نظر دادگاه محرز گردیده است محکوم به حبس ابد است» (اطلاعات، ۱۰/۱۰/۱۳۴۹، ۴).

la revue socialiste 60 le dossier Pour répondre à cette question, une remarque préliminaire classique s'impose : ce qui réfère au modèle organisationnel social-démocrate concerne, au premier chef, deux des trois types de profils isolés pendant longtemps dans l'analyse des partis socialistes en Europe : les types « social-démocrate » et « travailliste ». Quoique différents au plan idéologique et de leur rapport au syndicat, ces deux types répondent aux critères de définition qui seront développés, ci-après. En revanche, le type « socialiste », qui se rapporte essentiellement aux partis socialistes de l'Europe méridionale, échappe classiquement au modèle dans les analyses réalisée sur cette famille de partis. À la fin du XIX e siècle, la naissance et le développement de la famille socialiste/sociale-démocrate impriment l'avènement d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan ; pour être plus correct, d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan, social et sociétal. Les nouveaux partis socialistes, sociauxdémocrates ou ouvriers se donnent rapidement à voir comme des partis de masse, selon la terminologie de Maurice Duverger, reposant « sur les sections, plus centralisés et plus fortement articulés » 1 . Plus largement même, ce sont des partis d'intégration sociale face aux formations de représentation individuelle 2 ou des partis de contre-société ouvrière 3 qui sont édifiés. Que recouvre le modèle organisationnel qui leur est petit à petit prêté dans l'analyse scientifique ?

The long 1960s in the Gulf States was a period of great political changes, in which struggles over the very future of the region's political systems were fought out. Some of these struggles are still written out of the official histories of these countries. They are also seldom mentioned in the academic literature on the region, as they do not fit into dominant paradigms of the rentier state, authoritarianism, or Islam, and are also often left out in accounts on the Global Cold War more broadly.

In the United States during the 1960s and 1970s, appeals to authenticity were deployed across the political spectrum. Taken together, these notions offered competing and often contradictory accounts of what authenticity entailed, where it resided, and who could be authentic. Despite how ideologically diverse and protean these claims were, many activists chose to hold onto the term rather than jettison it. They contested popular accounts of who and what was authentic and deployed the term for their own purposes. In doing so, they were able to advance a variety of political causes. By analyzing four texts associated with movement politics of the time, this article shows how authenticity appeals could help marginalized groups to contest oppressive stereotypes, animate resistant practices of truth telling, and provide alternative accounts of justice, freedom, equality, and solidarity. In this article, I first show that the political potential of such appeals can be detached from the purported truth of their ontological claims, and second, that while it is possible to deploy authenticity strategi-cally—that is, without really believing that an inner self exists—such a deployment may eclipse some of the more potent discursive effects offered by such appeals.

Resumen: En agosto de 2015 fui detenida durante una marcha pacífica contra la reelección indefinida del presidente de Ecuador. Una semana después fui expulsada del país en el cual había construido mi vida social, profesional y emocional durante más de una década. Mi experiencia confirma las fallas de gobiernos progresistas y de izquierda no solo en Ecuador, sino también en América Latina. Además, el incidente revela la cara racista de revoluciones que celebran Manuelas blancas pero siguen menospreciando a las Manuelas indígenas. Esta historia de represión que separa a la fuerza a dos personas unidas en matrimonio es más que una vendetta política personal: es otro capítulo en la historia de violencia de estado contra la libre determinación de los pueblos indígenas. Abstract In August 2015, I was beaten and detained during a peaceful protest against the indefinite re-election of the president of Ecuador. A week later I was expelled from the country where I had lived, worked, and built emotional ties for over a decade. My experience speaks to a broader disappointment with the political left in Latin America. My experience confirms the shortcomings of progressive governments of the political left not only in Ecuador, but also across Latin America. The incident also reveals the racist face of revolutions that celebrate white Manuelas while dismissing the Indigenous ones. This story of repression that separates two people united by marriage is more than a single political vendetta: it is one more chapter in the history of state violence against Indigenous self-determination.  Profesora Visitante en el Departamento de Ciencia Política de Amherst College, EUA, y Profesora de Relaciones Internacionales en la Universidad San Francisco de Quito (USFQ), Ecuador.

C’è una parte di umanità in esubero, esclusa, emarginata. Una parte che potrebbe sparire da un giorno all’altro e la cui sparizione farebbe sobbalzare solo gli indici della statistica. Una parte che non ha altro da perdere che le proprie invisibili catene.
È dunque necessario che lo scandalo del lavoro precario avvenga, per mettere in moto il pensiero critico, per innescare logiche di resistenza, per dare vita a un nuovo potere costituente.
Senza questo scandalo non si riuscirebbe a sbirciare dietro la maschera per vedere il vero volto del capitalismo selvaggio. Una potente locomotiva che corre su binari d’oro, messi in posa da schiavi senza volto.

Despite the contributions of intersectional approaches, the academic and political left is challenged by competing interests in class, gender, race, and other axes of inequality and power. The disconnect between research on political economy, on the one hand, and on culture and subjectivity, on the other, is stark in Latin American studies. In contrast, an emerging feature of the global radical right is the gathering of these dimensions in simultaneous attacks to different strands of progressive politics and scholarship. The enemy is defined in economic and cultural terms: thus, feminism is frequently referred to as an extension of communism while Marxism is understood as part of cultural conspiracies to destroy healthy families and normal lifestyles. We call this phenomenon right-wing intersectionality (RWI). Through a mixed-methods approach, the article explores how RWI manifests in 20 leading influencers, activists, and politicians. The research included the systematic content analysis of 30,858 tweets.

Srećko Horvat i Igor Štiks knjigom Pravo na pobunu snažno, oštro i polemično reagiraju na aktualne političke događaje. Ispravno i jasno detektiraju da je studentska pobuna s proljeća 2009. ključni događaj koji bi mogao pomaknuti Hrvatsku iz točke rezignacije, stagnacije i izgubljenog povjerenja ne samo u politiku i političare već i u sustav kao takav. Studentsku pobunu i pravo na besplatno obrazovanje stavljaju u širi kontekst prava na pobunu i građanski bunt u cijelom svijetu od Južne Amerike do Europe, i to u vrijeme kada se ideja neoliberalizma i slobodnog tržišta koje će sve samo regulirati slama naočigled. Horvat i Štiks stavljaju specifičnu hrvatsku situaciju u pravi kontekst – ukupne borbe za jedan bolji svijet, govore o ideji plenuma i samoorganiziranja te se suprotstavljaju zagovornicima kapitala koji gazi sve ljudske vrijednosti. Pravo na pobunu polemična je knjiga koja se jasno svrstava, kojoj je cilj pokazati da je pobuna moguća, da je ona sastavni dio demokracije, da je stanje u kojem se nalazimo neodrživo i da se ono mora mijenjati odmah.

Izdavac: Fraktura
Broj stranica: 184
Godina izdanja: 2010.
ISBN: 978-953266148-4

https://fraktura.hr/pravo-na-pobunu.html/

Las FAR expresaron un estilo de peronización particular, una forma de asumir la identidad peronista que llevaba las huellas de la cultura de izquierdas de donde provenían sus fundadores. Y que implicó, también, importantes rupturas respecto de aquella tradición.
¿Cuáles fueron los principales núcleos de la estrategia discursiva que le permitió a las FAR legitimar su identificación con el peronismo desde una perspectiva marxista y un proyecto político de horizontes socialistas?, ¿cómo caracterizaban al movimiento peronista, sus distintos sectores y el rol de Perón en el proceso de liberación nacional y social que impulsaban?, ¿cuál fue la lógica de sus prácticas políticas y político-militares?, y ¿cuál el modo en que pensaron sus vínculos con grupos de activistas afines?
Estas son algunas de las preguntas que explora este libro en su intento de reconstruir la historia de las FAR y la articulación entre marxismo, peronismo y revolución que la caracterizó. Una historia que se asemeja a una mirilla desde la cual es posible asomarse a los convulsionados años sesenta y setenta argentinos y -por qué no- a la matriz de pensamiento de quienes, ya en otras épocas, siguen filiándose con el peronismo desde sensibilidades de izquierda.

Chap 1 (pages 1-24) excerpted from the book, Venezuela´s Polarized Politics:  The Paradox of Direct Democracy Under Chavez. Ana L.Mallen and Maria Pilar Garcia-Guadilla . First Forum Press. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 2017.
How Participatory democracy led to profound polarization in Venezuela