Irenaeus of Lyons

The following paper aims to demonstrate how the hermeneutic analysis of the religious phenomenon called "Gnosticism" was conducted in a slightly wrong direction by some American scholars and should therefore be reconsidered by using the Hegelian phenomenological categories, as suggested by Aldo Magris, professor and scholar of ancient Gnosticism. Even the soteriological aspect is essential; it serves to understand that the salvation of humanity was a conception that, according to the ancient Gnostics, could not be taken for granted for every human being. As a matter of fact, this predestination justifies the very strong accusations that Gnosticism received from Christianity. In fact, if Gnosticism, as Michael Allen Williams states, had really been conceived by its exponents as the way in which every human being could obtain his own salvation, we actually could not understand the hatred with which Hippolytus attacks the Gnostics when he writes his refutation of all heresy, defining the Gnostics as the worst of heretics.

Poster presented at the ManuSciences course organised by École Pratique des Hautes Études/Université PSL, Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures (Universität Hamburg), and Bundesanstalt für Materialforschung und -prüfung (Berlin), Fréjus, France, March 2019

This essay will consider a core principle driving contemporary interpretation, namely, suspicion. Just as Pope Benedict XVI famously called for a “criticism of criticism,” so also those studying the Fathers must evaluate the foundational principles informing today’s emergent scholarship. One of the surest ways to do this is to rediscover the object and purpose of patrology, “a systematic treatment and exposition of such preliminary subjects and questions as are necessary to acquire a proper knowledge of the writings of the Fathers, and to make proper use of them in theology,” according to the definition of Bernard Schmid. Such a manner of studying recognizes the Fathers’ speculative theological insights. It employs the Fathers in the sapiential mode in which they intended, lending their efforts to the contemplative habitus. Rather than attempting to deconstruct their work, one can instead appreciate the sapiential mode of their thought. They were those who were “suffering divine things” (παθὼν τὰ θεῖα), as Dionysius puts it in the Divine Names. After considering the faith as something received via the regula fidei, the essay will propose a number of ways forward for patrology today.

,,The Olive Tree and the Messiah"-Ephremian theopoetics /rom type to archetype. 1 Saint Ephrem the Syrian is an exeget of the Scripture, a poet of being and a theologian of the Revelation. He virtuously mastered the biblical typology, but enriched it with his vibrant and profound analogies, symbols, imagery and poetic compositions in a unique manner. In the present study, I have chosen to analyse solely the theme of the symbolic connections between the Messiah and the olive tree. For my analysis, I worked first on texts that belong to the subgroup of four hymns known under the title of Oş n o i i r t h o l i v t r Xn / t h s y m wo l s o G t h z o r / Or from the collection J î i r W i n i t Xt h/ î i r W d 4-7) translated, annotated and commented in English by Kathleen McVey 2. I investigated the texts of St. Ephrem's based on the methodological difference between natural symbolism and biblical typology. However, the ultimate goal of my research was to identify and analyse the Ephremian theopoetic images which, apart from their unparalleled stylistic originality, hide deep theological reasons. I sought to shed light on the latter; in doing so, I reached the conclusion that the Ephremian anagogy contains, or indicates to an initiating trajectory, that travels from the Scripture (the Scriptural typology), through cosmic and natural theopoetic symbolism, to the eternal archetypal model.

This book review takes a critical look at Dr. Michael J. Svigel's new book The Fathers on the Future: A 2nd-Century Eschatology for the 21st-Century Church and the premise that Irenaean eschatology is an valuable lens through which Bible prophecy can be more accurately understood.

The Epideixis of Irenaeus of Lyons is known to us only in its Armenian translation. In Epideixis 43 appears a Hebrew quotation both transliterated and translated rst from Hebrew to Greek and then from Greek to Armenian. is quotation – as far as we know, the only one in the Hebrew language in the whole work of Irenaeus – entails three problems. First: Irenaeus a rms that it is a quotation of Moses, but we can’t recognize it in any text we know, even if it resounds to Genesis 1,1. Second: it is di cult to reconstruct the original Hebrew text because the transliteration and the Armenian translation don’t correspond to each other. Indeed, a sequence of letters of the transliteration hasn’t any correspondence in the translation, and moreover, it is di cult to identify it with a Hebrew term. ird: in our passage, the Armenian language presents ambiguities that Greek did not, and the scholars do not agree about the position of Irenaeus in the theological point that this quotation would explain, namely if the Word was generated ab aeterno or ante tempus. is paper pretends to present the status quaestionis of the previous interpretations of the quotation and
to support one of them.

In the Epideixis by St Irenaeus of Lyons, a work originally written in Greek but only transmitted in an Armenian translation, the otherwise unattested compound verb շքակոխեմ occurs twice, with զմեր զփրկութիւնն (or զփրկութիւնս), ‘our salvation’, as its object. To fully understand its meaning, one must account for both elements, namely շուք and կոխեմ. Since no Greek verb exists that is composed of Greek terms equivalent to both, շքակոխեմ is likely not an exact calque but rather a semicalque on a Greek transitive verb. In this investigation three Greek verbs are identified which շքակոխեմ could have translated. On the basis of a detailed study of the usage of each one in the Greek Scripture, the Author argues that շքակոխեմ was used to render ἐπισκιάζω. This hypothesis is substantiated with the help of similar texts by Irenaeus and other Christian authors.

On the heels of the last apostle’s death, Ignatius of Antioch journeys across Asia Minor toward his own death in the Roman colosseum. On his way he writes seven letters to the Asiatic churches that are of extraordinary interest because of what they reveal about the development of the monoepiscopacy and the origins of unorthodox Christian sects. Both of these points – ecclesial unity in the threat of schism and orthodoxy in the face of heresy – cause Ignatius to reflect on the eucharist. This thesis analyzes Ignatius’ eucharistic theology in light of recent developments with respect to sacramental realism in the letters. While Ignatius’ eucharistic confession in his letter to the Smyrnaeans can no longer be understood as referring sacramentally to the food of the meal, I argue that Romans 7 remains as a plausible candidate for the theology of sacramental realism.
In chapter 1, I provide an introduction to Ignatius and the letters, frame the scholarly discussion up until the present with respect to sacramental realism, and then present the contribution that I intend to make. My approach focuses on the rhetorical and literary structure of the Ignatian epistles, and how this informs readings of the relevant eucharistic texts in Romans and Ephesians.

Chapter 2 contextualizes Ignatius within ancient views on the eucharistic presence from 50–200CE. It is argued that although sacramental realism is not explicitly found in either Paul or John, it has a terminus ad quem of 150CE in the writings of Justin Martyr and appears to be a popular view in orthodox Christian circles on through Irenaeus and Tertullian. Its diverse, though largely western provenance, and the way it is presupposed in theological disputes suggest that the origins of sacramental realism begin much earlier in the second century.

Chapter 3 turns to Ephesians and analyzes two texts: Eph. 5.2 and Eph. 20.2. It argues that both passages bear the marks of Johannine influence, and it further frames Ignatius’ medicinal language within the context of early Christian eucharistic theology which linked immortality with participation in the agape meal.

In chapter 4, I consider Ignatius’ letter to the Romans. The eucharistic passage in Rom. 7.3 is analyzed in concentric circles of context, reconsidering Rom. 7.3 within its chapter, Rom. 7 within the letter, Romans within the Ignatian corpus, and finally the corpus in view of its probable Johannine background. It is argued that in Rom. 7.3 the elements of the eucharist are equated with the flesh and blood of Christ mystically and realistically.

Chapter 5 draws the final concentric circle and summarizes Ignatius’ place within the development of early Christian eucharistic views. I argue that Ignatius is history’s first witness to the idea that the eucharistic elements are truly Jesus’ flesh and blood, and I frame Ignatius’ realism within the more salient features of his theology.

The present text revisits Niebuhr’s classical work from 1951 and analyses, in the form of a counter-typology, three misunderstandings that have been characterizing its reception. These concern the fundamental project of the work (I); the problem of typology (II) and the theological perspectivism (III). Although criticism is expressed in each of the free types, the text is a defense of Niebuhr’s work, emphasizing the author’s theological hospitality, reflected in the comitement to recover and redeem all theological positions engaged in the conversation opened up in Christ and Culture.

Une « image de Jésus faite par Pilate » (formam Christi factam a Pilato) est mentionnée dans le Contre les hérésies 1, 25, à propos des gnostiques, et plus particulièrement des disciples de Carpocrate. Le passage d’Irénée est repris avec des variations par Hippolyte (Refutatio omnium haeresium 7, 32) et par Épiphane de Salamine (Panarion 27, 5), ainsi que par Augustin (De haeresibus 7). La comparaison avec ces auteurs met en lumière des caractéristiques du passage d’Irénée qui ont été par la suite polies par la tradition tant patristique que moderne. Leur étude révèle qu’il ne convient pas de lire dans ce passage la mention d’un portrait de Jésus fait par Pilate et adoré par les gnostiques. Il n’est pas question d’une représentation figurée de Jésus, mais peut-être simplement du Nom du Fils. L’inscription par Pilate sur le titulus a pu servir à légitimer, pour les gnostiques, les pratiques magiques consistant à graver sur des gemmes ou d’autres matériaux le nom divin, voire celui des apôtres s’il faut suivre Eusèbe réinterprétant le passage (Histoire ecclésiastique 7, 18).
p. 161-184

En Adversus haereses 2.33-34, Ireneo rechaza la perspectiva platónica de la preexistencia del alma, y su relato de un demonio que sirve la bebida del Leteo, el río del olvido. El argumento de Ireneo aparece en el contexto de una polémica más amplia contra la perspectiva carpocraciana de la educación y el recuerdo, de allí que recurra a discusiones filosóficas sobre la educación y el recuerdo. Cuando Ireneo se opone a este mito platónico, refleja los argumentos de Estratón de Lámpsaco, un filósofo peripatético, por lo que subrayaré paralelos entre ellos. En particular, ambos hablan del alma como si participara en la vida en lugar de ser ella misma la vida, una afirmación que ha generado algunos desacuerdos en los estudios de la teología de Ireneo. Finalmente, sugiero que esta dependencia, presente en el libro 2 de Adversus haereses, continúa en una de las más famosas descripciones de la participación de Ireneo en haer. 4.20.5, pues Ireneo usa la misma metáfora de la luz y el mismo verbo que Estratón. Además de estudiar los paralelos entre Ireneo y Estratón, algo que no se ha hecho, mi aporte principal es sugerir que se debe reconocer la influencia de Estratón en la famosa perspectiva de la participación de Ireneo

In Adversus haereses 2.33-34, Irenaeus rejects the Platonic view of the pre-existence of the soul, and his tale of a daemon who serves up the drink from the Lethe, the river of forgetfulness. Irenaeus' argument appears in the context of a larger polemic against the Carpocratian view of education and recollection, so it appropriately draws from philosophical discussions on education and recollection. When Irenaeus' opposes the Platonic myth, his argument reflects Strato of Lampsacus, a Peripatetic philosopher. I will highlight the parallels between them, particularly in their description of the soul as participating in life rather than being life itself, an affirmation that has created some contention within studies of Irenaeus' theology. Finally, I suggest that this dependence in Book 2 of Adversus haereses continues in one of Irenaeus's most famous descriptions of participation in haer. 4.20.5, for Irenaeus uses the same metaphor of light and the same verb that Strato uses. In addition to studying the parallels between Irenaeus and Strato, which has not been done yet, my main contribution is to suggest that Strato's influence should be recognized in the famous Irenaeus's view of participation.

This study examines the spiritual dimension of salt by exploring the religious symbolism attributed to salt in the Old Testament and patristic writings. We will deepen the biblical episode of the transformation of Lot's wife into a pillar of salt (Gen. 19:26), its theological significance, and reception in the work and thought of Saint Irenaeus of Lyon. It also explores the anthropological perspective of Saint Irenaeus of Lyon and the concept of incorruptibility. The analysis begins with a philological examination of key terms such as “pillar” and “salt” found in the biblical passage of Genesis 19:26, which describes the transformation of Lot's wife into a pillar of salt. The second part of the study focuses on Saint Irenaeus of Lyon's interpretation of the biblical passage and its connection to the religious symbolism of salt. The study highlights the importance of incorruptibility and the image of the Church as the salt of the earth in Saint Irenaeus' theology. Turning the pillar of salt from a negative symbol into a positive one, Saint Irenaeus represents an impactful and courageous hermeneutical voice in the Church. This interpretative position did not create an echo in subsequent centuries in patristic literature, but neither was it contested.

The comparison that Justin Martyr makes between the Christianity to which he converted and the traditional cults of his time has two sides that make Justin’s religiosity essentially ambiguous. On the one hand, Justin critically attributes the concepts and practices of ancient religiosity to the influence of demons. On the other hand, he wants to justify the universality of the Logos in human history. For this reason, he recognizes, in an appreciative way, certain traces of truth and morality in Greek wisdom, which finds its fullness and fulfillment in Christ, Logos made flesh.

In the light of this ambiguous religiosity, one can understand why Justin coins the phrase “Christians before Jesus” as a category for Socrates and others. The driving force behind this operation is certainly confessional and proselytising, but for contemporary dialogue it can stimulate a sincere and passionate exchange with the religious position of one’s interlocutors.

This paper will examine Irenaeus’ theology of the Imago Dei, focusing on his understanding of humanity’s creation in God’s image, how image and likeness are differentiated, sins effects upon the Imago Dei and God’s ultimate plan of recapitulation through Christ. This paper will look to Irenaeus’ major work, Against Heresies along with his Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching as source texts.

Negli ultimi quarant’anni molti progressi nella conoscenza della teologia, liturgia e spiritualità di Aquileia cristiana si devono all’acquisizione di nuove fonti letterarie e alla conseguente possibilità di supporre precisi influssi dall’oriente asiano, siriaco ed egiziano fin dal s. II, la cui persistenza appare chiaramente riconoscibile fin oltre il s. IV, quando l’interscambio culturale con il Vicino Oriente è vivacemente nutrito dalla presenza in quei luoghi di personalità aquileiesi innovative e internazionalmente influenti, nonché da relazioni intrattenute dall’episcopato aquileiese con i centri e gli esponenti di maggiore spicco della complessa realtà delle Chiese di lingua greca.

In the recent forty years many advances in knowledge of theology, liturgy and spirituality of Christian Aquileia are due to the discovery of new literary sources and to the consequent identification of specific influences from Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt up from the second century: their persistence is clearly recognizable until after the fourth century, when the cultural exchange with the Near East is briskly nourished by the presence there of innovative and internationally influential Aquileian personalities, as well as by the relations entertained by the bishops of Aquileia with the centers and the most outstanding exponents of the complex reality of the Churches of Greek language.

Fortunaziano: organico testimone della tradizione 'aquileiese'? A quale titolo un antico autore cristiano latino può essere definito 'aquileiese'? Al di là di dati estrinseci, come la nascita o l'attività entro l'area geografica della giurisdizione o dell'ancora più ampia influenza economica e culturale di Aquileia (X Regio dioclezianea, Pannonia, Norico, Illirico occidentale), possono essere riconosciuti nell'opera di taluni autori, o nelle fonti concernenti taluni personaggi, elementi dotati-per così dire-di energia tassonomica, cioè la cui presenza cangiante, ma ricorrente, legittimi la loro qualifica di 'aquileiesi'? La loro classificazione come 'aquileiesi', precisandone più distintamente la peculiare identità storica, equivarrebbe quindi al riconoscimento di uno sottoinsieme 'aquileiese' dell'antica cultura cristiana in Occidente, la cui specificità teologica-letteraria risulti in ultima analisi da una comune spiritualità: cioè da una fede cristiana tale quale organicamente e originalmente si espresse in uno spazio e in un tempo determinati. Ne deriverebbe quindi l'utilità di riuscire a cogliere più lucidamente anche certi legami prima forse quasi insospettati, eppure altamente significativi, fra aree di tradizione di fede vaste e apparentemente distanti, come fra l'ambito aquileiese e l'ambito gallico.

By what right can an ancient Latin Christian author be defined as ‘Aquileian’? Beyond extrinsic data, such as birth or activity within the geographical area of ​​the jurisdiction or of the even broader economic and cultural influence of Aquileia (X Regio of Diocletian, Pannonia, Noricum, Western Illyricum), can elements be recognized in the work of certain authors, or in the sources concerning certain characters, endowed – so to speak – with taxonomic energy, that is, whose changing but recurrent presence legitimizes their qualification as ‘Aquileian’? Their classification as ‘Aquileian’, specifying more distinctly their peculiar historical identity, would therefore be equivalent to the recognition of an ‘Aquileian’ subset of the ancient Christian culture in the West, whose theological-literary specificity ultimately results from a common spirituality: that is, from a Christian faith such as it was organically and originally expressed in a specific space and time. It would therefore be useful to be able to grasp more clearly certain connections that were perhaps almost unsuspected before, yet highly significant, between vast and apparently distant areas of faith tradition, such as between the Aquileian area and the Gallic area.

Thèmes évoqués, entre autres et dans le désordre : chasses au trésor ; Veau d'or ; souterrains ; légendes/traditions ; croyances ; superstitions ; pseudo-archéologie ; ésotérisme ; archéoastronomie ; martyrs chrétiens ; toponymie ; instrumentalisation des vestiges archéologiques ; limites de l'archéologie dans sa capacité à donner du sens à des vestiges matériels.
Souterrains de la Croix-Rousse ("arêtes de Poisson") ; Sarrasinières ; souterrains au parc archéologique ; couvent de la Compassion ; odéon ; Cybèle, autels tauroboliques ; "tombeau des Deux Amants" ; ancienne église Saint-Etienne et son "idole" antique ; Saint-Jean ; ossuaire de l'église Saint-Irénée ; crâne de saint Irénée ; Antiquaille ; cachot de saint Pothin ; "amphithéâtre des Martyrs" ; tombe de Lucie ; trésor des Jésuites ; Observance ; Loyasse ; chapelle du Grand Collège ; remploi ; scène de banquet funéraire (fragment inédit et une nouvelle interprétation sur une pièce disparue) ; légende/tradition du Martyr sous Septime Sévère.
Titres :
I. Les limites des données
    I. 1. Le problème de transmission des récits anciens
    I. 2. Entre imaginaire et réalité
II. A la recherche du Veau d'Or et des trésors enfouis
    II. 1. L'enfoui : entre mystère et réalité
    II. 2. A la vache, voilà le démon
    II. 3. Cybèle tape l'incruste
    II. 4. Prier, travailler et creuser
    II. 5. Les révélations d'un vieillard mort et le magot enfoui
III. Donner vie à des vestiges
    III. 1. Nommer pour faire exister
    III. 2. Les amants réunis
    III. 3. A boire et à manger
IV. Une quête de sens
    IV. 1. Croyance et besoin de matérialité
    IV. 2. Peut-on faire l'archéologie d'une légende religieuse qui a ses croyants ?
    IV. 3. Des objectifs distincts et un débat impossible
    IV. 4. Une limite parfois floue
    IV. 5. Une archéoastronomie qui a la Lune dans le Capricorne et qui ne doute de rien
V. Quand les croyances comblent un vide scientifique
    V. 1. Episode 1. Le secret
    V. 2. Episode 2. Les données invisibles
    V. 3. Episode 3. Le succès des théories éthériques
    V. 4. Episode 4. Redescendre sur et sous terre

What did the early church think about the nature of Scripture? Would they be in agreement with modern evangelicals and their affirmations of the inspiration and inerrancy of Scripture? This book looks at one often forgotten second-century father, Theophilus of Antioch, who used the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments in order to defend the Christian faith. Scripture has a foundational role in his arguments and in the very structure of his work. This book examines Theophilus’ explicit affirmations about Scripture and his rhetorical use of Scripture in order to offer a systematic presentation of his doctrine of Scripture. It shows how Theophilus viewed the necessity, authority, inspiration, antiquity and consistency of Scripture. Each of these affirmations not only form part of Theophilus’ explanation of the Christian faith, they also serve to show Christianity’s superiority over the pagan religion and philosophy of his day.

San Ireneo de Lyon, por siglos, no tuvo una oración colecta, mientras que distinta fue la suerte de san Cipriano de Cartago desde los albores del cristianismo. La relación entre ellos supera el aspecto literario y doctrinal de sus obras, porque encontramos otra cosa en común más allá de su afán por la unidad: el silencio. Hemos bautizado con este término a la ausencia o interrupción de una tradición eucológica ligada a los padres de la Iglesia. Esta particularidad del Doctor unitatis, a la que he llamado silencio ireneico, terminará con el Concilio de Trento cuando se le asigna una oración en el misal. Por otro lado, la colecta de Cipriano desaparece en el mismo concilio que puso en las colectas a Ireneo, y no va a volver a los misales si no hasta después de 400 años de silencio ciprianeo, en el Concilio Vaticano II. El objetivo de esta investigación es hacer una comparación de las oraciones colectas de los padres en cuestión, observando la estructura lingüística y semántica que las componen para poder entender las causas de estos silencios y su relación con su periodo histórico. Por ello, hemos consultado códices de libros sacramentarios del siglo IV, haciendo uso de la eucología, la paleografía y el análisis filológico, para concluir en una clara censura al padre que habla sobre la unidad de la Iglesia en Cartago.

Among the authentic Greek fragments of the works of Irenaeus of Lyon, two of them are taken from his Epistle to Victor and reported by Eusebius of Caesarea within the dossier on Easter question around the last decade of 2nd century. Going beyond the conflict of interpretations aroused by the studies of the last century on this dossier in general and on Irenaeus' intervention in particular, this contribution intends to highlight above all a concise statement by the bishop of Lyon ("The dissonance of fasting confirms the concord of faith"), and then to compare it with some fundamental orientations of Irenaeus' thought in his other works and at the same time to provide a possible interpretation key of the title Doctor unitatis, recently attributed to him by pope Francis.

Prior to the discovery of the Nag Hammadi codices, the characterization of Valentinian teachings primarily relied on the heresiological writings of the early Church Fathers. Based on this, a consensus (cf. Bultmann) emerged that Valentinian Gnosis envisioned human salvation within a deterministic philosophical system, where the individual's nature (φύσις) predetermined their eternal destiny, categorizing society into three classes (hylic, psychic, pneumatic). This interpretation was contested by Quispel (1947), who suggested that the expression does not imply philosophical determinism but rather reflects the terminology of Valentinian election theology. Elaine Pagels (1975) extensively demonstrated the possibility of tracing Valentinian teachings back to a coherent exegesis of the Pauline corpus. As she pointed out, it is conceivable that Valentinian election theology and its vulgar critique, solidified in heresiological literature, influenced the reception of Paul in the Great Church. Of course, Valentinian teachings extended way beyond interpretations of Paul. However, during the refutation of Valentinian Gnosis, figures like Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Origen, while reinforcing the existence of free will with philosophical apparatus, neglected various elements of Paul's theology in their attempt to "reclaim" him from Gnostic interpreters. In this paper, I attempt to showcase an impact history of the Pauline corpus both in Irenaeus' theology and in the reconstructible Valentinian teachings so that, by comparing the two, I may illustrate the likelihood of the distorting influence of the latter on the former-taking into account that the contemporary understanding of Paul is inherently shaped by the legacy of the Great Church, and thus the surviving sources may inherently distort the true personality of the historical Paul under examination.

This tenth chapter of the book Early Christianity in Contexts provides a history of the origins and spread of Christianity in the Roman Western provinces and surrounding regions such as Caledonia (Scotland), Hibernia (Ireland), and territories north of the Rhine and the Danube, including the Low Countries (the Netherlands), inhabited by the Western Goths, Visigoths, Vandals, Northern Franks, and Frisians. The introduction is by William Tabbernee and the remainder of the chapter, drawing, where possible, on material evidence, is by Graydon F. Snyder.

In the nineteenth century, Christian clergy in Western Europe feared what they saw as a general dechristianization, or decline of participation in the churches. They saw a decline of faith both among intellectual elites, as a result of developments in modern thought that challenged traditional Christian faith, and among the working class, as a result of urbanization and industrialization that challenged traditional Christian practice. In the twentieth century, sociologists developed the theory of secularization, according to which a decline in the of religion was regarded as an inevitable aspect of modernization. Such theories were based upon the real decline in the importance of religious participation in Europe. By the end of the century, however, it became evident that religion was again playing a major role both in the public arena and in people's private lives, particularly outside Western Europe, forcing many scholars to reviset their theories. If one considers the role of religion in the United States in the past thirty years, it is clear that religion continues to thrive even as American society continues to modernize. It is my thesis that dechristianization is not inevitable in post-Communist Orthodox countries; rather, the This principle, however, must not remain an abstract concept, but must become a living reality. If the inertia of the communist-era isolation of the Church from society continues to persists, and the Church continues to rely upon the state, then I predict that dechristianization wil take place in Romania in the decades to come. But dechristianization is not inevitable. Ultimately, the spiritual fate of Romania depends largely upon the choices that the Orthodox Church makes in the forthcoming years…

The fourfold covenant (Adam, Noah, Moses and Christ) expounded by Irenaeus of Lyons in Adversus Haereses (3,11,8) was called into question in various ways in the second half of the last century by Catholic theologians. The aim of this contribution is to reconstruct the early and more recent context of the ancient passage, to then suggest its philological reconstruction and theological interpretation. Thus three provocations that come to contemporary theology from the ancient text can be drawn: the universality of creation, the exceptional nature  of the people of Israel, the invitation to christian conversion with a view to finding the unitary point of history which enables dialogue with non-Christians.

Walter Kasper, Un rapporto interrotto con la modernità. Riflessioni sulla mia prima disputa con Joseph Ratzinger, 7-16

Ezio Prato, La storia, il nostro problema più grande? Appunti sul confronto fra Joseph Ratzinger e Walter Kasper, 17-27

Pierluigi Banna, La quadruplice alleanza in Ireneo di Lione (haer. 3,11,8). Possibili aperture verso i non cristiani?, 29-48

Alberto D’Incà, Unzione e guarigione nel cristianesimo del I secolo. Rilievi esegetici, storici e antropologici sull’uso dell’olio in Gc 5,14 e Mc 6,13, 49-76

Manuel Belli, Una fenomenologia impura? Husserl e la questione dell’etica, 77-108

Egidio Giuliani, Prudenza e discernimento morale alla scuola di Tommaso d’Aquino, 109-133

Nota
Le Note ad un corso annuale di geologia: un reperto d’archivio annotato da Stoppani (Mauro Locatelli), 136-142

Recensioni
Alberto Longo, Lógos e Agápe: lo statuto ontologico della nominazione del mistero di Dio e dell’uomo. Un confronto con il pensiero di Piero Coda e di Pierangelo Sequeri (Simone Duchi), 144

Luca Castiglioni, Figlie e figli di Dio. Uguaglianza battesimale e differenza sessuale (Aristide Fumagalli), 146

Isacco Pagani, «Si compia la Scrittura». I rimandi al compimento della Scrittura pronunciati da Gesù in Gv 13-17 (Lorenzo Flori), 148

Fabio Leidi, Signum efficax: studio storico-fenomenologico sul segno sacramentale (Lorenzo Maggioni), 150

Cristina Viganò, Chiesa comunione di chiese-soggetto di soggetti. Fondamenti metodologici per un’ecclesiologia cattolica nella proposta di Hervé Legrand (Martino Mortola), 152

Keeping the unity of the Church is the most important concern of St. Ignatius of Antioch (†107). In his letters he reveals a well-developed ecclesiastical doctrine, in which the church hierarchy has a crucial role, serving the community and being the guarantor of the correct storage of the faith. Ignatius argues theologically the oneness of the church, following a celestial pattern. The unity is practically realized through the participation at the eucharistic celebration which, more than just a symbol, is the very presence of Christ in the community. Finally, the unity means a single altar and a single hierarchy led by the bishop, whose authority is associated with God, Christ and his Apostles. Ignatius's testimony about Jesus Christ as fully God and fully man opens the way to the Christology established in the first Christian centuries.

The present study deepens the Exegesis of the Holy Scriptures to the Holy Fathers regarding the Church. Appreciating the world of their time through the lens of Scripture, the Holy Fathers knew how to be guides of their time, readers of God's signs and indicators of the path of eternity, when darkness seemed to be more active in the world. As people aware of Scripture updating in their day, the Holy Fathers served the Church, the faithful people of God, were not only supporters of the Church, in a world, all the time, ready to devour their children, but more it's the parents.

ABSTRACT: In this paper the author analyses the historical development of different clerical voices starting from the difference and relation between natural, universal, and ordained priesthood. By starting from these dogmatic considerations, we can state the necessity of the collaboration between the clergy and lay people in the life of the Church.

La concepción y el nacimiento del Señor en Ireneo se puede analizar desde distintos aspectos. Desde hace décadas se ha venido estudiando desde la mariología. Se puede comparar la doctrina de Ireneo con respecto a sus adversarios: los ebionitas negaron la concepción virginal, los gnósticos rechazaron que el Verbo haya asumido la carne y Marción menoscabó el valor del Antiguo Testamento. El obispo de Lyon desarrolló una exégesis bíblica que le permitió –al mismo tiempo– exponer la doctrina cristiana y refutar las enseñanzas de sus diversos adversarios. De este modo, el "Doctor Unitatis", presenta el nacimiento de Cristo en la unidad de la economía salvífica: el nacimiento humano del Señor es tan espléndido como la generación eterna; el Verbo creó el cuerpo que asumió porque Él fue quien modeló al primer hombre; el nacimiento se orienta a la pasión y a la resurrección; etc. El propósito del presente artículo es estudiar los principales textos ireneanos que hablan del nacimiento a fin de ofrecer una articulación de las ideas que nos permita visualizar los esquemas en los que se mueve el santo.

Among the Greek witnesses to the famous passage of Irenaeus of Lyon on the Fourfold Gospel in Adversus haereses III, 11, 8, there is an excerpt transmitted by a manuscript in the Sevastianov collection of the former Lenin Library in Moscow (currently the State Library of Russia). It has only been used by the most recent editors, Fr Sagnard, then A. Rousseau and L. Doutreleau, on the basis of a photograph. They had recognised its importance, but, without suspecting it, they knew only part of it. It turns out that the extract from Sevastianov extends beyond the part covered by their photograph and, above all, that it contains the few lines of the Irenaean text that no other witness transmits in Greek. After tracing the editorial history of this extract, the present article gives for the first time the complete text of the Sevastianov excerpt and briefly details its textual contribution.