Gender ideology

Post-1970s restructuring exacerbated occupational skill and occupational sex-segregation divides by reducing jobs in male-dominated occupations requiring less than college. Economic precarity might have motivated men to extend postsecondary careers into adulthood due to economic interests. However, men’s gender socialization
as “breadwinners” and familiarity with performance of stereotypically masculine occupational tasks might have discouraged postsecondary attainment in adulthood. Using National Survey of Families and Households data (1987–2003), event history and multinomial methods, we find that adult men’s postsecondary entry and completion of baccalaureate and higher degrees was strongly motivated by economic factors, including market precarity. However, traditional gender role attitudes and exposure to masculine task performance, as countervailing forces, significantly constrained men's potential educational gains. We briefly address policies that might reduce adult men’s barriers to attainment.

Radical right-wing parties often use the attack on feminism as a central argument in their political discourse. The Spanish political party Vox, born in 2013, is a good example of this phenomenon. This paper analyzes Vox's Instagram posts for the party's two last electoral campaigns previous to the two successive general elections held in Spain in 2019. After the collection, selection and quantification of these data, we carried out a qualitative analysis of the semantic networks created through the utilization of images, videos, texts, interactions, hashtags and emojis. Our findings identify five fundamental arguments: classic gender nationalism, anti-Muslim gender nationalism, delegitimization and ridicule of feminism, discrediting the concept of gender, and the idea that Vox is, in fact, the party that most advocates for women. An outstanding discursive strategy used throughout the sample is that of contrast and association. Signifiers with a strong positive signified and broad social acceptance (euphoric terms) are associated with this party and its political positions. In contrast, negatively charged signifiers and hate-instigating terms (dysphoric) are associated with feminism and the so-called "gender ideology."

This paper gathers a wide range of indicators into distinctive profiles to show how configurations of gender economic inequality are shaped by both welfare state strategies and gender role ideologies. When multiple aspects of gender inequality are assembled together, it becomes evident that all societies exhibit both genderegalitarian and inegalitarian features. These tradeoffs can best be understood through the ideological and institutional contexts in which they are embedded. Empirical illustrations are provided for fourteen advanced societies by analysing the major expressions of gender inequality; from women's economic wellbeing and financial autonomy, through labour force participation and continuity of employment, to occupational attainments and economic rewards. The analysis confirms the existence of distinctive profiles of gender inequality and their affinity to normative conceptions of the gender order and ideal types of welfare state institutions.

In 2005, Spain became the third European country to legalize same-sex marriage after the Netherlands (2001) and Belgium (2003). When the Spanish parliament was discussing the same-sex marriage bill, a majority of the Catholic population considered the change appropriate and in tune with modern times (Assiego 2015). But the Spanish Episcopal Conference, presided over at that time by the conservative Cardinal Rouco-Varela, as well as some Catholic associations, seriously disagreed and began a campaign against same-sex marriage.

Discourses on military gender integration in the US are shaped by various groups of social actors who promote different gender ideologies according to their varying interests in the process of military restructuring. Different branches of the Armed Forces, politicians, NGOs and lobbyists argue for or against integration by utilizing different images of military masculinity and femininity. Depending on social and military conditions, female soldiers are portrayed as efficient professionals, patriotic heroines, victims in need of protection or sexualized intruders in a male domain. The aim of this paper is to identify the strategic and political contexts that influence these ideologies, emphasizing the importance of structural change in military and civilian labor markets, patterns of gender-specific labor division and political power relations. For this purpose, media reporting on military gender issues in The New York Times (NYT) and The Washington Post (WP) from 1990 to 2010 is examined in a discourse-analytical case study.

This study explores the role of gender ideologies in moderating social judgments of gender norm violators. Three hundred and eleven participants evaluated a male or a female target who was either a primary breadwinner or a primary caregiver. Attributions of personal traits, moral emotions, and marital emotions were examined. Results showed that both traditional and egalitarian individuals applied a double standard when judging deviations from gendered family roles. However, and as predicted, traditional individuals evaluated the normative targets more favorably than the norm-violating targets, whereas egalitarians evaluated the norm-violating targets more favorably. These findings shed light on the important moderating role of gender ideologies and help account for the inconsistencies in previous findings regarding social judgments of gender norm violators.

Qual foi o papel desempenhado pelas redes na criação das polarizações polí-ticas que marcam a vida política brasileira desde as Jornadas de Junho? De que modo elas se relacionam com a cruzada moral que vivemos nesses dias? Nes-te artigo, buscamos compreender o papel político das redes sociais no acirra-mento de disputas políticas e morais no Brasil desde 2013. A crise política parece ter disparado elementos que estavam latentes, mas que ainda não en-contravam terreno propício à sua expressão. Embora o êxito político de grupos com agenda moral conservadora tenha raízes nas contradições históricas do país, buscamos neste texto compreender como as redes sociais acentuaram esse processo. Analisamos a disseminação das redes sociais enquanto uma tecnologia catalisadora de um processo histórico. O artigo se insere na linhagem analítica da moldagem social da tecno-logia (Williams, 2015), portanto busca manter uma perspectiva crítica aos de-terminismos tecnológicos: tanto os que atribuem à tecnologia todos os males contemporâneos quanto os que se assentam em expectativas de soluções téc-nicas para questões sociais. Assim, consideramos fundamental evitar a mera culpabilização de plataformas de rede social ou alguma de suas funcionalida-des pelos resultados do que identificamos sociologicamente como uma dispu-ta cognitiva nas redes visando projetar para o indivíduo uma experiência de realidade direcionada e motivada por objetivos econômicos e políticos subja-centes à própria estrutura social.

FROM THE JUNE DEMONSTRATIONS TO THE MORAL
CRUSADE: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA NETWORKS IN
POLITICAL POLARIZATION
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to understand the role of social media networks in political polarization. From the viewpoint of the social shaping of technology, it develops a sociological and historical analysis of on-line sociability in a context defined by individualized use of connective devices. The 2013 demonstrations are taken as the turning point after which political disputes began to unfold through a moral grammar. The article analyses how the concentration of internet use on a few platforms has altered communications previously mediated between people in different contexts, unifying them in a way that accentuates binary oppositions and the shaping of polarized consensuses.

In recent years, there has been an increase in the so-called anti-gender campaigns across Europe and Latin America. The main aim of these campaigns is to oppose "gender ideology", or what is perceived as an unnatural subversion of traditional and acceptable gender norms, roles, and relations. The anti-gender campaigns were quickly deemed an international movement by scholars, specifically prevalent in Eastern and Central Europe. However, a lack of empirical case studies of the situation in each Eastern and Central European country and a tendency to overgeneralize make such claims debatable. This paper set out to answer the question of whether the anti-gender narratives had become salient in Lithuania-specifically, in the context of ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention-based on a comprehensive analysis of the Lithuanian online news media articles on the topic. The paper argues that the signing of the Convention acted as a mobilizing force for the topic of gender ideology to enter the Lithuanian mainstream media. Although the subject matter seems to have gained public traction as evident through the organization of rallies against the Convention in Lithuania, the mainstream media has not played a significant role in escalating the anti-gender narratives.

Este artículo analiza el despliegue de la ideología de género en Colombia a partir de dos episodios que revelan el alcance y las estrategias del activismo religioso y político conservador: las protestas contra el material pedagógico diseñado por el Ministerio de Educación para combatir la homofobia y transfobia en los colegios, y el triunfo del “no” en la refrendación popular del acuerdo de paz entre el Gobierno y la guerrilla de las Farc-EP. Se propone entender la ideología de género más allá del ámbito religioso, concretamente, en sus dimensiones moral y ética, y en su conexión con la política. La tesis central del documento es que el uso que se hace de esta noción en la arena pública sirve de soporte a proyectos de construcción de nación y ciudadanías, en los que el miedo da forma a las figuras del pueblo y su otro: las personas señaladas de promover la ideología de género.

This article analyzes the deployment of gender ideology in Colombia, based on two episodes that reveal the scope and strategies of conservative religious and political activism: protests against a pedagogical material designed to combat homophobia and transphobia in schools, and the popular endorsement of the Peace Agreement between the government and the FARC guerrillas. It proposes to understand the gender ideology beyond the religious sphere, in its moral and ethical dimensions, and in connection with politics. It argues that this object serves as support for projects of nation and citizenship building, in which fear shapes the figures of the people and their other: gender ideologues.

Since the late 1990’s, a religious literature that uses the term “gender ideology” to denounce a serious threat, capable of liquidating human existence has proliferated. Over the last decade, the expression has gradually been incorporated by different political groups and has gained a significant place in decisions regarding the recognition of sexual and reproductive rights, educational policies, peace processes and electoral disputes in many countries. In this article, I resort of Judith Butler’s theory of performativity to analyze the discursiveness engendered in the production of this category, its emergency context and the effects of its diffusion in Brazil.

The aim of this study was to determine which woman stereotypes are most common in a group of young adolescents from Buenos Aires; to then see how they value these stereotypes and analyse whether they can be categorised as hostile, benevolent or of another kind. The total sample was composed of 250 secondary school students from the City of Buenos Aires, aging between 16 and 18, of both sexes. The first five woman features to come to participants minds were analysed, along with a value scale for each of them that ranged from very positive to very negative. Additionally, levels of ambivalent sexism were assessed in both hostile and benevolent forms. The main stereotypes of women and their positive or negative evaluation are described, along with the
relationship they keep with hostile and benevolent forms of sexism. Finally, we observe that several stereotypes categorized as benevolent were valued both positively and negatively, which opens a field of discussion about the relationship between ambivalent sexism and stereotypes of women.

The so-called gender ideology was a decisive tool for Jair Bolsonaro and his followers during the Brazilian presidential elections in 2018. By mobilizing gender and sexuality as a moral discourse to dispute power in the country, enemies could be both efficiently crafted and violently attacked in the name of the nation, of Christianity and of traditional values such as the heterosexual nuclear family. By now, Brazil's far right government has completed its first year in office. Its aggressive gender and sexuality politics, however, still resemble the election campaign. The president exhibits a (mostly intended) bumbling management of ecological disasters, unemployment, increased armed violence, and the deep crisis of public and social institutions. Similarly, Damares Alves, evangelical pastor and head of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights, opts for ideological rhetoric and conservative politics instead of progressive strategies for the protection and empowerment of women,

The present study examines the effect of gender ideology of the translators on two Persian translations of Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights. The findings reveal that although both translations have many similar features in respect to some maxims of translation, in both of them gender ideology of the translator is a key figure in translating the gender related items/parts of the source text, as each translator uses his/her own gender ideology in the interpretation and transformation of the SL text into TL.

The collapse of the New Order since May 1998 has opened the door for democratization. In turn, democratization and influence of the international fora on women have facilitated the improvement of Indonesian women's role and position in the public sphere. The improvement is highlighted by deconstruction of the New Order gender ideology state ibuism as can be seen from the spread of the discourse of women's role in the public sphere and the changing orientation of the Government program from practical gender interest in the New Order to strategic gender interest in he Reform Era. However, the conceptual and structural improvements face difficulty. This is because grass roots society keeps negative stereotype on women. This fact indicates that the efforts to raises women's role and position in the public sphere, is not only needed conceptual and structural reform but also cultural reform of grass root society's perception on women.

Social facilitation, the performance hindering or enhancing phenomenon that occurs when an individual completes a task under evaluation of an audience, is one of social psychology's oldest and most fascinating phenomena (Aronson 2010). Sixty-two students at California State University, Sacramento completed a Color Categorization task alone or in the presence of an audience in order to examine whether participant gender influences social facilitation. Women participants, but not men, performed the task more slowly in the presence of an audience than when alone. Findings are discussed in relation to the influence of gender on social facilitation. The implications of this research can be manifested in fields of sport psychology, employment, and social contexts of public evaluation. The purpose of this study is to examine whether gender affects social facilitation when completing a Color Categorization Task (CCT). Social facilitation, also identified as the audience effect, is a performance effect that enhances or deteriorates an individual's execution of a task in the presence of an evaluative audience (Aronson, Wilson, and Akert 2010, 262). This article discusses the history of social facilitation and theoretical explanations for its effects, followed by the discussion of how divergent gender self-construals lead to different behaviors, cognitions, and motivations. A combination of these two bodies of literature provides the foundation for the current study. Social Facilitation: A Brief Overview From the apprehension that public speakers experience causing them to forget their lines, to the performance enhancing effect that makes star athletes great, the implications of social facilitation are widespread. It is one of the most intriguing universal behaviors consistently found in different species. Psychologist Norman Triplett first investigated social facilitation in 1898 when he observed children reeling in fishing lines. He found that children reeled in fishing lines faster in the presence of others than when alone (Triplett 1898). Although, Triplett's research did not examine the performance deteriorating effect, as his results only illustrated the performance enhancing effect, he did inspire several other social psychologists to study this phenomenon extensively in humans. Furthermore, research suggests that even ants, cockroaches, and birds are susceptible to its effects (Aronson, Wilson, and Akert 2010; Guerin 2003; Platania and Moran 2001). Nearly a century after Triplett's research, Zajonc (1965) revitalized interest in social facilitation and extended the bounds of this phenomenon by using Drive Theory as a means to explain the performance deteriorating effects of unfamiliar or unpractised responses in the presence of others. Also known as Distraction-Conflict Theory, this theory suggests that social facilitation occurs because of a reflexive and automatic drive that arises within ambiguous situations. When an individual is placed in an ambiguous situation, an automatic response is aroused and facilitated. Using the Hull-Spence equation (sEr =sHrx D), Zajonc (1965) established that performance effects are the result of an enhancement of dominant responses. Dominant responses occur automatically because the attendance of an audience increases physiological arousal. The sympathetic nervous system activates the "fight-or-flight" stress response, and the individual's behavior is modified by the mental heuristics that facilitate the emission of dominant responses. The result is either an obstruction or amplification of individual performance. According to Zajonc (1965), an audience stimulates the division of the performer's cognitive performance, inasmuch as the individual is attending to the audience, as well as the task at hand. Simple tasks facilitate an enhanced performance, while complex tasks lead to reduced performance, because complex tasks require more cognitive energy than simple ones (Aronson, Wilson, and Akert 2010; Feinberg and Aiello 2006; Muller and Butera 2007; Zajonc 1965). Complex tasks are unpracticed, unfamiliar, and therefore elicit a recessive response. During a complex task, a performer is practicing a recessive response, and the requirements of the task lead to impaired functioning. During a simple task, a performer can effectively split attention between two stimuli (peripheral and central tasks). This is because the central task is practiced and mechanical, therefore eliciting a dominant response and a facilitated performance. Zajonc's (1965) work greatly expanded our understanding of social facilitation by identifying the role of physiological arousal on performance effects; however, he did not fully explain which contextual conditions lead to the strongest social facilitation effects. Nor did he give any attention to the role of individual differences on performance (Kushnir 1978). Cottrell and colleagues (1967) proposed an alternate explanation as to what causes social facilitation with their Evaluation-Apprehension Theory, attributing the arousal responsible effects not to the physiological emissions connected to the mere-presence of the audience, but to the social context. This theory suggests that in a context of an audience, individuals associate the audience with sources of evaluation, and there is a resulting fear of potential negative evaluation. This splits cognition between the central task and the fear of apprehension via peripheral

"Ideologia de gênero" e a Conferência Episcopal Peruana U m dos discursos mais correntes nas bases conservadoras que defendem a retirada de termos ligados ao gênero e à orientação sexual dos Planos de Educação, embasa-se no que alguns políticos têm chamado de "ideologia de gênero" 1. Esses setores ultraconservadores unidos a diversos grupos religiosos colocam seus alvos de ataque nos movimentos sociais e nas produções aca-dêmico-científicas que defendem questões referentes às populações historica-mente excluídas. Esse processo de ataque e de desqualificação das demandas LGBT é facilitado, uma vez que tanto os movimentos sociais quanto os grupos acadêmicos sofrem com disputas internas. Por sua vez, os grupos conservado-res apresentam um discurso unificado: através de dogmas e posições religio-sas eles dizem que prezam pela proteção da família-aquela família nuclear, consagrada no matrimônio e no arranjo pai, mãe e filhos-e que por meio de projetos e políticas públicas para diversidade (principalmente as no âmbito 1 Por entender que esse meta-conceito (CÉSAR, 2016) foi produzido para deslegitimar os estudos de gênero e as demandas do movimento LGBT, a expressão "ideologia de gênero" será sempre grafada entre aspas.

The historical construction of social roles that men and women must fulfil reveals a traditional gender role
ideology that favours the maintenance of inequality. This study analyses gender role ideology according to sex, age, acceptance of women’s rights and acceptance-rejection of gay marriage. The analysis was carried out with a sample composed of 366 undergraduate students (38,5% men and 61,5% women), between the ages of 18 and 42 (M = 24; SD = 3,02). Main results indicate that women tend to be more egalitarian than men. In addition, age, acceptance of women’s rights and gay marriage are closely related to gender role ideology.

The future comes through the family". Constructing family crisis in the discourse of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland-contents and functions The family crisis thesis constitutes a significant element in the discourse of the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) in Poland in the recent years. Public debates over the ratification of The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, in vitro fertilization, contraception, abortion, as well as events such as the Synod on the Family have reinforced this trend. The diagnosis of problems threatening the family refers not only to the private sphere. The RCC puts the family crisis in a broader context of society, citizenship and nation. The family crisis thesis plays a significant role in the RCC's narration on human sexuality (it strengthens heteronormativity) and gender roles (it petrifies the conservative gender contract). The article aims at reconstructing fundamental arguments and narrative schemes that the RCC uses to legitimize the thesis about the family crisis. It provides answers to such questions as: what is the function of the "family crisis" for other semantic fields in the RCC's discourse and what role does it play regarding the presence of the RCC in the public sphere in Poland? In the article I refer to the results of the qualitative content

The article presents a case study of dietary recommendations given in the book "100 minutes for beauty" by Polish author Zofia Wędrowska - an influential text, which helped shape the notion of femininity as well as everyday beauty rituals in late Soviet culture. Discussing the values and symbolic structures embedded in the dietary regime and explanations accompanying it, the article attempts to answer the question: what could make dieting in general and Wędrowska’s approach in particular appealing to Soviet women, and at the same time what constituted its relevance from the point of view of the official Soviet ideology? I argue that "100 minutes for beauty" exemplifies subtler instruments of control characterizing societies of late modernity, and highlights the key role of women as subjects and mediators of this control.

Esta investigación se propone indagar las estrategias de incidencia política del movimiento conservador argentino a través de sus repertorio de acción y discursos en redes sociales, durante el periodo 2017-2020. Para ello se analiza el caso de Con Mis Hijos no te Metas, uno de los colectivos que organiza sus discursos y activismo entorno a la oposición de las políticas estatales inspiradas en la denominada "ideología de género". El estudio de este caso busca realizar un aporte a los estudios de los contramovimientos sociales en Argentina a partir del enfoque de la etnografía virtual.

Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar uma análise histórica sobre a presença do termo "ideologia de gênero" nas discussões legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados. Para isto, foram sistematizados e analisados 225 pronunciamentos e 27 projetos legislativos, de 2003 (primeira aparição do termo) a 2019. As análises expostas são de natureza interpretativa, visando a compreensão do processo gradual de emergência e consolidação do discurso da "ideologia de gênero" na Câmara dos Deputados, junto a seus entrelaçamentos discursivos, políticos e institucionais. A análise foi dividida em três momentos históricos: 2003 a 2014 (primeira aparição e baixa frequência de uso do termo), 2015 a 2018 (crescimento abruto e ampliação do uso do termo por uma diversidade de atores políticos), e 2019 (alinhamento do uso do termo à agenda do Governo Federal). Atualmente, a "ideologia de gênero" se constitui como uma renovação das direitas no campo das políticas sexuais. Trata-se de um novo discurso político que reorganizou e unificou a agenda conservadora de oposição às políticas em gênero e sexualidade no Brasil.

This article presents a brief synthesis of a broad and complex situation comprised by a reaction against advances in sexual and reproductive rights that emerged in several Latin American countries showing common elements, among which a shared vocabulary that labels such rights as “gender ideology”. Politicians and interest groups, acting as opportunistic moral entrepreneurs, have come to adopt the term as an electoral strategy by converting the grammar of the political dispute into the moral conflict between “good citizens” and others, often identified as feminists, homosexuals ands trans people. Such Latin American crusade against “gender ideology” in its different national manifestations has already various consequences and results, but also common ones such as the impediment to the adoption of a gender perspective in educational policies, thus contributing to the maintenance of inequalities between men and women and above all to discrimination and violence against gays, lesbians,
trans people and others.

Chegamos ao número 43 da Revista Psicologia Política, último de 2018, com uma contribuição seminal para o estudo de fenômenos relacionados à essa renovada e fortale-cida onda conservadora, que vêm trazendo graves consequências à democracia no Brasil e no mundo. Preconceitos, a reificação de hierarquias sociais, que sempre foram estrutu-rantes da sociabilidade ocidental, hoje ganham força com as discussões sobre "Ideologia de Gênero" e o "Escola sem Partido". As contribuições aqui reunidas reforçam a tarefa assumida pela Revista Psicologia Política em debater o contexto político brasileiro, de forma posicionada e comprometida com o aprofundamento da experiência democrática. Uma vez que esta onda conservadora encontra ressonância em contextos políticos diver-sos, espalhados pelo mundo, os artigos estrangeiros publicados neste número nos ajudam a traçar paralelos e situar o debate no âmbito internacional. Os acontecimentos políticos que culminaram com os resultados desta última elei-ção presidencial no Brasil deixaram muitos de nós perplexos, não apenas pelas arbitrari-edades do processo político, mas também pelas novas dinâmicas sociais influenciadas pelos usos das redes sociais e pela irracionalidade de certos comportamentos políticos. As declaradas guerras culturais (e ideológicas) alimentadas por "fake news" celebram nossa entrada na era da pós-verdade, da celebração do fanatismo religioso e, até mesmo, da negação rasa de afirmações científicas básicas como o aquecimento global e o forma-to do planeta terra. Estes processos e comportamentos políticos, que se intensificaram nos últimos anos, precisam ser debatidos, interpretados e compreendidos. Desde esse prisma, a contribuição da Psicologia Política será fundamental, pois a questão do poder e suas configurações, as conflitualidades em torno da constituição da comunidade política,

In March 2019 Plovdiv court ruled that calling (on FB) a public officer “gender” is libel. Taking as its starting point this curious decision, the public debates in Bulgaria on the so-called ‘gender ideology’ are analyzed. They started in early 2018 with the introduction in Bulgarian Parliament of the ratification bill for the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (known as Istanbul convention) and peaked with the decision of the Bulgarian Constitutional Court to declare this Convention un-constitutional. Detailed analysis of the reasoning of the Court in this landmark decision provides the background against which important debates in Bulgarian society on the scope and content of civic rights and their relation to democracy are presented. It is argued that this decision exemplifies an important shift in the paradigm of democratization in post-communist Bulgaria: the diligent students of “West”-imported values (democracy, rights, rule-of-law, etc.) from the transition period , turn in the populist era into self-assured sovereignists, not afraid of getting lost in the translation of yet new concepts and values.

Como teórico queer me sinto implicado em primeira pessoa na frente de resistência contra a cruzada católica "anti-gender". Consequentemente, neste artigo não assumirei uma posição neutra, mas sim, assumirei uma posição política. Durante minhas intervenções públicas na Itália, diante de padres e professores alarmados, ou estudantes e eleitores confusos, trato de esclarecer sobre o pânico criado ao redor do conceito de gênero e, deste modo, convido as pessoas a tomarem consciência sobre a radicalidade do conflito e a se posicionarem sobre isso. Com este objetivo, nas páginas seguintes trato principalmente das seguintes questões: "O que é a teoria do gender"? Por que os estudos contemporâneos e as teorias queer não são "teoria do gender"?

As a queer scholar, I consider myself personally involved in the Italian LGBTQI+ field of resistance against the Catholic "anti-gender" crusade. As a consequence, I will not keep a neutral standpoint throughout this article, but I am going to assume a partisan position. In my public speeches in Italy, when I am confronted with over-concerned parents and teachers, or equally confused students and voters, I try to clear away the panic around the concept of gender , and at the same time I invite people to become aware of how radical the conflict is, and to take a stance on it. With these goals in mind, I generally tackle two issues, each of which can be put into a question: what is "teoria del gender"? and why are current gender studies and queer theories different from “teoria del gender”? In these pages, once again, I am going to attempt to answer these questions.

Tradução de Rogério Diniz Junqueira.

The paper addresses some of the ways in which anthropology, as a discourse and a discipline, has contributed to the forging as much as to the problematisation of the concept of gender, not only within the feminist, queer and LGBTQI camps, but also among Catholic fundamentalists. It argues that, despite some recent genealogical critiques of the concept of gender and its origins in mid-20th century bio-medical governance, insufficient attention has been paid to the role of the so-called ‘savage slot’ - as Rolph Trouillot defined the domain of knowledge carved out for anthropology, in a wider scheme of thought that has its origins at the same time as ‘the West’ became a reality. A more thorough genealogy of the ways in which anthropological thinking and evidence contributed to the construction, and then the deconstruction, of gender, can provide fruitful tools for a deeper challenge to the apparatus of gender itself.

La " ideología de género " y la embestida mediática: crítica de un discurso falaz

Abstract: The present article seeks to analyze the media phenomenon resulting from the performance of the group Citizen Go, which in 2017 made a mediatic staging using the so-called "bus of freedom" as a tool to make the demand of the evangelical world against the principles of the theory of gender and the theory of progressive autonomy in children. For this, the article analyzes and stresses the main arguments of the spokeswoman of the movement, calling into question the report of the magazine New Atlantis and showing that, underlying all the speech that arises after the "preferential right of parents". There is but a deep fear of difference and a deep love for ignorance.

Síntesis: El presente artículo busca analizar el fenómeno mediático producto de la performance de la agrupación Citizen Go, la que el año 2017 realizó una puesta en escena mediática empleando el llamado " bus de la libertad " como herramienta para visibilizar la demanda del mundo evangélico en contra de los principios de la teoría de género y de la teoría de la autonomía progresiva en el menor. Para ello, el artículo analiza y tensiona los principales argumentos de la vocera del movimiento, poniendo en tela de juicio el reporte de la revista New Atlantis y evidenciando que, subyacente a todo el discurso que se enarbola en pos del " derecho preferente de los padres " , no hay sino un profundo temor a la diferencia y un profundo amor por la ignorancia.