Gender ideology

Radical right-wing parties often use the attack on feminism as a central argument in their political discourse. The Spanish political party Vox, born in 2013, is a good example of this phenomenon. This paper analyzes Vox's Instagram posts for the party's two last electoral campaigns previous to the two successive general elections held in Spain in 2019. After the collection, selection and quantification of these data, we carried out a qualitative analysis of the semantic networks created through the utilization of images, videos, texts, interactions, hashtags and emojis. Our findings identify five fundamental arguments: classic gender nationalism, anti-Muslim gender nationalism, delegitimization and ridicule of feminism, discrediting the concept of gender, and the idea that Vox is, in fact, the party that most advocates for women. An outstanding discursive strategy used throughout the sample is that of contrast and association. Signifiers with a strong positive signified and broad social acceptance (euphoric terms) are associated with this party and its political positions. In contrast, negatively charged signifiers and hate-instigating terms (dysphoric) are associated with feminism and the so-called "gender ideology."

Despite the contributions of intersectional approaches, the academic and political left is challenged by competing interests in class, gender, race, and other axes of inequality and power. The disconnect between research on political economy, on the one hand, and on culture and subjectivity, on the other, is stark in Latin American studies. In contrast, an emerging feature of the global radical right is the gathering of these dimensions in simultaneous attacks to different strands of progressive politics and scholarship. The enemy is defined in economic and cultural terms: thus, feminism is frequently referred to as an extension of communism while Marxism is understood as part of cultural conspiracies to destroy healthy families and normal lifestyles. We call this phenomenon right-wing intersectionality (RWI). Through a mixed-methods approach, the article explores how RWI manifests in 20 leading influencers, activists, and politicians. The research included the systematic content analysis of 30,858 tweets.

Social facilitation, the performance hindering or enhancing phenomenon that occurs when an individual completes a task under evaluation of an audience, is one of social psychology's oldest and most fascinating phenomena (Aronson 2010). Sixty-two students at California State University, Sacramento completed a Color Categorization task alone or in the presence of an audience in order to examine whether participant gender influences social facilitation. Women participants, but not men, performed the task more slowly in the presence of an audience than when alone. Findings are discussed in relation to the influence of gender on social facilitation. The implications of this research can be manifested in fields of sport psychology, employment, and social contexts of public evaluation. The purpose of this study is to examine whether gender affects social facilitation when completing a Color Categorization Task (CCT). Social facilitation, also identified as the audience effect, is a performance effect that enhances or deteriorates an individual's execution of a task in the presence of an evaluative audience (Aronson, Wilson, and Akert 2010, 262). This article discusses the history of social facilitation and theoretical explanations for its effects, followed by the discussion of how divergent gender self-construals lead to different behaviors, cognitions, and motivations. A combination of these two bodies of literature provides the foundation for the current study. Social Facilitation: A Brief Overview From the apprehension that public speakers experience causing them to forget their lines, to the performance enhancing effect that makes star athletes great, the implications of social facilitation are widespread. It is one of the most intriguing universal behaviors consistently found in different species. Psychologist Norman Triplett first investigated social facilitation in 1898 when he observed children reeling in fishing lines. He found that children reeled in fishing lines faster in the presence of others than when alone (Triplett 1898). Although, Triplett's research did not examine the performance deteriorating effect, as his results only illustrated the performance enhancing effect, he did inspire several other social psychologists to study this phenomenon extensively in humans. Furthermore, research suggests that even ants, cockroaches, and birds are susceptible to its effects (Aronson, Wilson, and Akert 2010; Guerin 2003; Platania and Moran 2001). Nearly a century after Triplett's research, Zajonc (1965) revitalized interest in social facilitation and extended the bounds of this phenomenon by using Drive Theory as a means to explain the performance deteriorating effects of unfamiliar or unpractised responses in the presence of others. Also known as Distraction-Conflict Theory, this theory suggests that social facilitation occurs because of a reflexive and automatic drive that arises within ambiguous situations. When an individual is placed in an ambiguous situation, an automatic response is aroused and facilitated. Using the Hull-Spence equation (sEr =sHrx D), Zajonc (1965) established that performance effects are the result of an enhancement of dominant responses. Dominant responses occur automatically because the attendance of an audience increases physiological arousal. The sympathetic nervous system activates the "fight-or-flight" stress response, and the individual's behavior is modified by the mental heuristics that facilitate the emission of dominant responses. The result is either an obstruction or amplification of individual performance. According to Zajonc (1965), an audience stimulates the division of the performer's cognitive performance, inasmuch as the individual is attending to the audience, as well as the task at hand. Simple tasks facilitate an enhanced performance, while complex tasks lead to reduced performance, because complex tasks require more cognitive energy than simple ones (Aronson, Wilson, and Akert 2010; Feinberg and Aiello 2006; Muller and Butera 2007; Zajonc 1965). Complex tasks are unpracticed, unfamiliar, and therefore elicit a recessive response. During a complex task, a performer is practicing a recessive response, and the requirements of the task lead to impaired functioning. During a simple task, a performer can effectively split attention between two stimuli (peripheral and central tasks). This is because the central task is practiced and mechanical, therefore eliciting a dominant response and a facilitated performance. Zajonc's (1965) work greatly expanded our understanding of social facilitation by identifying the role of physiological arousal on performance effects; however, he did not fully explain which contextual conditions lead to the strongest social facilitation effects. Nor did he give any attention to the role of individual differences on performance (Kushnir 1978). Cottrell and colleagues (1967) proposed an alternate explanation as to what causes social facilitation with their Evaluation-Apprehension Theory, attributing the arousal responsible effects not to the physiological emissions connected to the mere-presence of the audience, but to the social context. This theory suggests that in a context of an audience, individuals associate the audience with sources of evaluation, and there is a resulting fear of potential negative evaluation. This splits cognition between the central task and the fear of apprehension via peripheral

Anti-gender actors in East-Central Europe (ECE) too claim that gender is an ideological colonization. In this article, in contrasting these
accusations with actually existing power relations of the global and European gender architecture, I discuss whether they are – at least to some extent – based on social realities. Neither anti-gender campaigns nor the rise of illiberal forces are ECE phenomena per se and should not be treated as such. However, the relevance of the geopolitical embeddedness of gender equality policies, of gender studies and of feminist and LGBT politics needs to be analysed thoroughly in order to better understand the right-wing discourse. This paper offers a theoretical explanation, based on existing empirical studies and critical theoretical literature. Focussing on the four Visegrád countries, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary, it attempts to demonstrate the specific drivers of the anti-gender mobilization in this region and argues that anti-gender discourse is a right-wing language of resistance against existing material and symbolic East-West inequalities in Europe.

In October 2018, after a prolonged economic and political crisis and a ruthless presidential election campaign, Jair Bolsonaro, an ex-military right-wing extremist, was elected the new president of Brazil. In my work, I analyze material from Bolsonaro's election campaign with the help of the sociology of knowledge approach to discourse analysis. In doing so, I work out narratives and interpretative frames of his election campaign in relation to the crisis in Brazil. With the help of decolonial and feminist approaches, I analyze and contextualize the empirical findings. On the one hand, I focus on intersectional structural categories such as race, class, gender and sexuality. On the other hand, I analyze the campaign material with the help of concepts such as coloniality of power and Eurocentrism with regard to its colonial continuities. The analysis shows that the developed interpretative frames, 'gender ideology', 'racial democracy' and 'communism', make use of colonial as well as historical and transnational references. They often refer to myths and conspiracy theories popular in Brazilian and Global conservative and right-wing circles. What they have in common is that they strengthen current (colonial) power structures in Brazil and naturalize socially constructed power structures. The Politics of Belonging expressed in the material is nationalist and colonial in character and reifies existing intersectional inequalities.

Esta investigación se propone indagar las estrategias de incidencia política del movimiento conservador argentino a través de sus repertorio de acción y discursos en redes sociales, durante el periodo 2017-2020. Para ello se analiza el caso de Con Mis Hijos no te Metas, uno de los colectivos que organiza sus discursos y activismo entorno a la oposición de las políticas estatales inspiradas en la denominada "ideología de género". El estudio de este caso busca realizar un aporte a los estudios de los contramovimientos sociales en Argentina a partir del enfoque de la etnografía virtual.

cent conservative mobilisations across Europe alarm us, the progress that has been made in the field of gender equality has not only been rather stagnant and uneven, but also much shakier and easier to reverse than we had imagined. In countries such as Croatia, Germany, Italy, France, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, Slovakia and Slovenia, the post-war consensus on human rights is currently being threatened as issues such as gender mainstreaming, sexual education, LGBTQ+ rights and reproductive rights have come under coordinated attacks carried out by the Church, religious and lay conservative NGOs, right wing politicians, and even grassroots mobilisations.

Male chauvinism is the belief that men are morally superior to women. Female chauvinism is the belief that women are morally superior to men. Both depend on the assumption of essential or natural gender differences between men and women with regards to thinking styles, most easily summarized as male principle-based thinking and female empathic thinking. There is no evidence for such a gender difference, however, but there is evidence that differences in experience and circumstances can lead to relevant differences. People who care (often women) become more caring, for example. By implication, gender chauvinism is based on false premises, and therefore, its superiority claims are false as well. Moreover, because both male and female chauvinism imply that it is socially preferable if women focus on caring tasks and occupation before taking on other jobs, both promote the same social inequality, and consequently, female chauvinism is anti-feminist.

El texto introduce un Dossier sobre Ofensivas conservadoras en América Latina, editado por ambas para el LASA Forum No. 51. Spring 2020. Presenta conceptos generales de la ofensiva anti-género y describe y analiza las contribuciones de autoras y autores que analizan la cuestión desde una mirada regional, nacionales y transnacional.

Este trabajo busca destacar algunas dimensiones que hacen a la transnacionalización del activismo neoconservador en América Latina. Específicamente, aborda las principales formas de articulación y alianzas que están desplegando a nivel latinoamericano, desde una perspectiva histórica y trasnacional, que permita discutir cuáles de sus formas de acción colectiva representan transformaciones y novedades, y cuáles suponen continuidades con el pasado. Con esto en mente, en un primer momento abordamos las principales características que configuraron en sus orígenes al activismo neoconservador en la región a partir de los años 70? y 80?, marcado por una fuerte hegemonía católica bajo la influencia del Vaticano y de organizaciones neoconservadoras del norte global. En un segundo momento, recuperaremos algunas de las grandes transformaciones que ha experimentado el campo neoconservador en la actualidad, las que han complejizado sus formas de articulación política a lo largo de la región.  Este texto profundiza algunos de los nudos claves que representa el actual contexto de reorganización de la oposición a los DDSSRR en la región, como la visibilización de actualizadas identidades religiosas (especialmente la evangélica) y seculares que complejizan el mosaico de actores neoconservadores y obligan a la generación de alianzas trans-religiosas; la articulación regional para la conformación de liderazgos políticos, renovados proyectos partidarios neoconservadores y el impacto en espacios regionales de derechos humanos; y el auge de discursos de movilización social y política transnacional como la denominada ?ideología de género?.  Así, este trabajo busca mostrar distintas dimensiones que hacen a la articulación neoconservadora en Latinoamérica, pero desde un abordaje histórico que permita observar las continuidades y trasformaciones de estos sectores.

In 2005, Spain became the third European country to legalize same-sex marriage after the Netherlands (2001) and Belgium (2003). When the Spanish parliament was discussing the same-sex marriage bill, a majority of the Catholic population considered the change appropriate and in tune with modern times (Assiego 2015). But the Spanish Episcopal Conference, presided over at that time by the conservative Cardinal Rouco-Varela, as well as some Catholic associations, seriously disagreed and began a campaign against same-sex marriage.

Transnational anti-gender mobilizations emerged almost simultaneously throughout the years 2012-2013 all over Europe, seriously challenging women’s and minorities' rights, and attempting to undermine the very foundations of liberal democracy. Countries such as Croatia, Italy, France, Germany, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Spain became the stages of fierce attacks on gender equality and the rights of sexual minorities, as well as attempts to revoke the post-war international consensus on human rights. It was not long before progressives around Europe started to address these new conservative movements. This paper aims to present and critically evaluate these progressive reactions. First, we provide a short overview of existing academic literature and reflect on the anthropological and political foundations of the anti-gender campaign. We then provide numerous typologies of progressive responses, and follow up with their critical evaluation, pointing to broader structural causes behind the rise of anti-gender movements. Finally, we provide recommendations as to how current responses to the anti-gender campaign could be improved. Keywords: anti-genderism, gender ideology, conservative politics, right wing, fundamentalism, cultural wars, progressive politics.

Qual foi o papel desempenhado pelas redes na criação das polarizações polí-ticas que marcam a vida política brasileira desde as Jornadas de Junho? De que modo elas se relacionam com a cruzada moral que vivemos nesses dias? Nes-te artigo, buscamos compreender o papel político das redes sociais no acirra-mento de disputas políticas e morais no Brasil desde 2013. A crise política parece ter disparado elementos que estavam latentes, mas que ainda não en-contravam terreno propício à sua expressão. Embora o êxito político de grupos com agenda moral conservadora tenha raízes nas contradições históricas do país, buscamos neste texto compreender como as redes sociais acentuaram esse processo. Analisamos a disseminação das redes sociais enquanto uma tecnologia catalisadora de um processo histórico. O artigo se insere na linhagem analítica da moldagem social da tecno-logia (Williams, 2015), portanto busca manter uma perspectiva crítica aos de-terminismos tecnológicos: tanto os que atribuem à tecnologia todos os males contemporâneos quanto os que se assentam em expectativas de soluções téc-nicas para questões sociais. Assim, consideramos fundamental evitar a mera culpabilização de plataformas de rede social ou alguma de suas funcionalida-des pelos resultados do que identificamos sociologicamente como uma dispu-ta cognitiva nas redes visando projetar para o indivíduo uma experiência de realidade direcionada e motivada por objetivos econômicos e políticos subja-centes à própria estrutura social.

FROM THE JUNE DEMONSTRATIONS TO THE MORAL
CRUSADE: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA NETWORKS IN
POLITICAL POLARIZATION
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to understand the role of social media networks in political polarization. From the viewpoint of the social shaping of technology, it develops a sociological and historical analysis of on-line sociability in a context defined by individualized use of connective devices. The 2013 demonstrations are taken as the turning point after which political disputes began to unfold through a moral grammar. The article analyses how the concentration of internet use on a few platforms has altered communications previously mediated between people in different contexts, unifying them in a way that accentuates binary oppositions and the shaping of polarized consensuses.

In these pages we propose to reflect on the current proposal of inclusive language. In front of it, we adopt a critical posture, although moderate and open to the unfolded use of gender, which allows us to safeguard the ambiguity present in the use of the masculine in its genericor specific function. From our perspective, however, it is not so obvious that a morphological change in the linguistic plane entails a change in the conceptual and evaluative level in matters of inclusion. For this reason, we mention some idiomatic morphologies of other communities of speakers, to make it clear that a generically neutral language does not guarantee the promotion of the inclusion of generic identities, nor of equal rights. Then, the question of language games is focused since its emergence in the worlds of life, emphasizing its gradual, gradual and largely unconscious evolutions, pointing out the conditioning character that every language has established in the life of its speakers. Along these lines, the symbolic violence that connotes the irruptive imposition of a new way of speaking for strictly ideological reasons is noted. Finally, we warn that, contrary to what is sought to be imposed, an authentically inclusive language should not annul the identity differences that it includes, based on a homogenizing way of speaking.

"En el último par de años, el rótulo ideología de género (en adelante IG) se ha vuelto uno de los términos más discutidos en redes sociales y medios de comunicación. Álgidos debates políticos han hecho de esta expresión un recurso más útil para el ataque que para la explicación: por un lado, conservadores aseguran que la IG ha sido creada por la izquierda y colectivos LGTB para destruir la niñez.
Por otro lado, progresistas afirman que la IG no existe. Como ya es de costumbre en estos asuntos, la verdad no está ni de un lado ni del otro."

"In the last couple of years, the label gender ideology (hereinafter GI) has become one of the most discussed terms in social networks and media. Fierce political debates have made this expression a more useful resource for attack than for explanation: on the one hand, conservatives claim that GI has been created by the left and LGTB collectives to destroy childhood.
On the other hand, progressives claim that the GI does not exist. As usual in these matters, the truth is neither on one side nor the other."

O presente texto analisa como a produção de fake news impulsionou a
campanha de Jair Messias Bolsonaro (Partido Social Liberal - PSL) à
Presidência da República, culminando em sua vitória no 2º turno das
eleições do ano de 2018. Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfico-documental,
demonstramos como sua campanha se utilizou de estratégias discursivas
que associavam o candidato à defesa da “família tradicional brasileira”
por meio da oposição ao “kit gay” e à “ideologia de gênero”. Sua campanha teve o apoio massivo de setores conservadores da sociedade brasileira, tais como integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica (FPE) e
lideranças religiosas proeminentes na mídia como o pastor assembleiano Silas Malafaia. Por fim, refletimos sobre as formas como a campanha
de Jair Messias Bolsonaro e sua consequente vitória colocam desafios à
democracia e à laicidade do Estado brasileiro, sobretudo considerando o
não-compromisso com os direitos de mulheres e da população LGBT+
e com questões de gênero e sexualidade, combatidas com argumentos
falaciosos que também são respaldados por um discurso político-religioso
que se afirma monolítico.
Palavras-chave: Família Tradicional. Ideologia de Gênero. Kit Gay. Jair
Bolsonaro. Fake news.

The present study examines the effect of gender ideology of the translators on two Persian translations of Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights. The findings reveal that although both translations have many similar features in respect to some maxims of translation, in both of them gender ideology of the translator is a key figure in translating the gender related items/parts of the source text, as each translator uses his/her own gender ideology in the interpretation and transformation of the SL text into TL.

Analisaremos neste texto algumas das maneiras como concepções religiosas interferiram na formulação de políticas públicas no município catarinense de Paulo Lopes (Santa Catarina), culminando na retirada do termo gênero de seu Plano Municipal de Educação (PME). A justificativa para tal exclusão se deu a partir da fomentação da falaciosa expressão “ideologia de gênero”, que procura instigar um determinado sentimento de caos social fundado no suposto “fim da família brasileira”. Os resultados alcançados pela pesquisa realizada foram, entre outros, que o ideário religioso teve forte reverberação na decisão dos/as vereadores/as para não incluir os estudos de gênero no PME de Paulo Lopes, a partir da noção de homem e mulher (héteros) como algo dado naturalmente por Deus.

Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar uma análise histórica sobre a presença do termo "ideologia de gênero" nas discussões legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados. Para isto, foram sistematizados e analisados 225 pronunciamentos e 27 projetos legislativos, de 2003 (primeira aparição do termo) a 2019. As análises expostas são de natureza interpretativa, visando a compreensão do processo gradual de emergência e consolidação do discurso da "ideologia de gênero" na Câmara dos Deputados, junto a seus entrelaçamentos discursivos, políticos e institucionais. A análise foi dividida em três momentos históricos: 2003 a 2014 (primeira aparição e baixa frequência de uso do termo), 2015 a 2018 (crescimento abruto e ampliação do uso do termo por uma diversidade de atores políticos), e 2019 (alinhamento do uso do termo à agenda do Governo Federal). Atualmente, a "ideologia de gênero" se constitui como uma renovação das direitas no campo das políticas sexuais. Trata-se de um novo discurso político que reorganizou e unificou a agenda conservadora de oposição às políticas em gênero e sexualidade no Brasil.

In recent years, there has been an increase in the so-called anti-gender campaigns across Europe and Latin America. The main aim of these campaigns is to oppose "gender ideology", or what is perceived as an unnatural subversion of traditional and acceptable gender norms, roles, and relations. The anti-gender campaigns were quickly deemed an international movement by scholars, specifically prevalent in Eastern and Central Europe. However, a lack of empirical case studies of the situation in each Eastern and Central European country and a tendency to overgeneralize make such claims debatable. This paper set out to answer the question of whether the anti-gender narratives had become salient in Lithuania-specifically, in the context of ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention-based on a comprehensive analysis of the Lithuanian online news media articles on the topic. The paper argues that the signing of the Convention acted as a mobilizing force for the topic of gender ideology to enter the Lithuanian mainstream media. Although the subject matter seems to have gained public traction as evident through the organization of rallies against the Convention in Lithuania, the mainstream media has not played a significant role in escalating the anti-gender narratives.

This article presents a brief synthesis of a broad and complex situation comprised by a reaction against advances in sexual and reproductive rights that emerged in several Latin American countries showing common elements, among which a shared vocabulary that labels such rights as “gender ideology”. Politicians and interest groups, acting as opportunistic moral entrepreneurs, have come to adopt the term as an electoral strategy by converting the grammar of the political dispute into the moral conflict between “good citizens” and others, often identified as feminists, homosexuals ands trans people. Such Latin American crusade against “gender ideology” in its different national manifestations has already various consequences and results, but also common ones such as the impediment to the adoption of a gender perspective in educational policies, thus contributing to the maintenance of inequalities between men and women and above all to discrimination and violence against gays, lesbians,
trans people and others.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo levantar questões a respeito dos processos de ataques a questões de gênero dos ditos conservadores e fundamentalistas religiosos, a nomeando de “ideologia de gênero”. Apontando as ações anti-populares, anti-democráticas e misóginas da política brasileira do contexto atual – vide golpe, e também os discursos dos/as fundamentalistas religiosos/as com seu caráter sexista, patriarcal, racista e homo-transfóbico. Relata o narcisismo das pequenas diferenças e o medo do diferente alterar o poder vigente, seguindo os passos de Sigmund Freud. E por fim, pretende apresentar as raízes homofóbicas do judaísmo e cristianismo e suas vertentes da atualidade.

Este artículo analiza el despliegue de la ideología de género en Colombia a partir de dos episodios que revelan el alcance y las estrategias del activismo religioso y político conservador: las protestas contra el material pedagógico diseñado por el Ministerio de Educación para combatir la homofobia y transfobia en los colegios, y el triunfo del “no” en la refrendación popular del acuerdo de paz entre el Gobierno y la guerrilla de las Farc-EP. Se propone entender la ideología de género más allá del ámbito religioso, concretamente, en sus dimensiones moral y ética, y en su conexión con la política. La tesis central del documento es que el uso que se hace de esta noción en la arena pública sirve de soporte a proyectos de construcción de nación y ciudadanías, en los que el miedo da forma a las figuras del pueblo y su otro: las personas señaladas de promover la ideología de género.

This article analyzes the deployment of gender ideology in Colombia, based on two episodes that reveal the scope and strategies of conservative religious and political activism: protests against a pedagogical material designed to combat homophobia and transphobia in schools, and the popular endorsement of the Peace Agreement between the government and the FARC guerrillas. It proposes to understand the gender ideology beyond the religious sphere, in its moral and ethical dimensions, and in connection with politics. It argues that this object serves as support for projects of nation and citizenship building, in which fear shapes the figures of the people and their other: gender ideologues.

The article presents a case study of dietary recommendations given in the book "100 minutes for beauty" by Polish author Zofia Wędrowska - an influential text, which helped shape the notion of femininity as well as everyday beauty rituals in late Soviet culture. Discussing the values and symbolic structures embedded in the dietary regime and explanations accompanying it, the article attempts to answer the question: what could make dieting in general and Wędrowska’s approach in particular appealing to Soviet women, and at the same time what constituted its relevance from the point of view of the official Soviet ideology? I argue that "100 minutes for beauty" exemplifies subtler instruments of control characterizing societies of late modernity, and highlights the key role of women as subjects and mediators of this control.

Essa pesquisa analisa os efeitos do combate à chamada “ideologia de gênero”, por parte dos parlamentares do congresso nacional brasileiro, à fruição dos direitos das pessoas LGBTI, a partir de uma analise de discurso de alguns parlamentares no período de 2014 a 2016.

This paper gathers a wide range of indicators into distinctive profiles to show how configurations of gender economic inequality are shaped by both welfare state strategies and gender role ideologies. When multiple aspects of gender inequality are assembled together, it becomes evident that all societies exhibit both genderegalitarian and inegalitarian features. These tradeoffs can best be understood through the ideological and institutional contexts in which they are embedded. Empirical illustrations are provided for fourteen advanced societies by analysing the major expressions of gender inequality; from women's economic wellbeing and financial autonomy, through labour force participation and continuity of employment, to occupational attainments and economic rewards. The analysis confirms the existence of distinctive profiles of gender inequality and their affinity to normative conceptions of the gender order and ideal types of welfare state institutions.

This entry explores the concept of structural sexism, which encompasses a broad range of social phenomena related to sex- and gender-based discrimination, disparities, and injustices. The following offers an introduction to the term by first discussing its foundational concepts and theories in terms of social structure and social constructionism related to gender and sexuality and patriarchy as a gender system intersecting with other systems of inequity and as a multi-level social phenomenon that takes different forms. The next section addresses specific iterations of structural sexism to exemplify its workings and how it is reproduced as a social-structural phenomenon. It considers ideology, gender socialization and conformism, and harm and violence as means through which structural sexism is reproduced. Finally, responses to structural sexism are explored globally in terms of various feminisms, their work, and interrelationships. The implications of structural sexism are discussed throughout each part.

The beginning of the 21st century was marked by the emergence and geographical‎ spread of anti-gender movements in Europe and Latin America. The analysed‎ research articles were selected through the Google Scholar academic search‎ engine with the basic criterion for inclusion in the analysis being the mention of the‎ term 'anti-gender' in the title, abstract, or the body of the text. Sixty-two papers on‎ the subject of anti-gender movements have been included in the analysis, and the‎ review is structured according to the main analytical approaches in social movements‎ studies: regarding cultural artefacts and discursive frames, organizational‎ characteristics and activist networks, and the structure of political opportunities.‎ The article also analyses the conceptual definitions, the methods used, and the‎ geographical coverage of the research. Based on the content analysis the author‎ concludes the presence of heterogeneity in terms of the conceptual definition, homogeneity‎ when it comes to methods and geographical coverage, and the prevalence‎ of cultural artefacts and discursive frameworks when analysing anti-gender‎ movements.‎

The so-called gender ideology was a decisive tool for Jair Bolsonaro and his followers during the Brazilian presidential elections in 2018. By mobilizing gender and sexuality as a moral discourse to dispute power in the country, enemies could be both efficiently crafted and violently attacked in the name of the nation, of Christianity and of traditional values such as the heterosexual nuclear family. By now, Brazil's far right government has completed its first year in office. Its aggressive gender and sexuality politics, however, still resemble the election campaign. The president exhibits a (mostly intended) bumbling management of ecological disasters, unemployment, increased armed violence, and the deep crisis of public and social institutions. Similarly, Damares Alves, evangelical pastor and head of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights, opts for ideological rhetoric and conservative politics instead of progressive strategies for the protection and empowerment of women,

The paper addresses some of the ways in which anthropology, as a discourse and a discipline, has contributed to the forging as much as to the problematisation of the concept of gender, not only within the feminist, queer and LGBTQI camps, but also among Catholic fundamentalists. It argues that, despite some recent genealogical critiques of the concept of gender and its origins in mid-20th century bio-medical governance, insufficient attention has been paid to the role of the so-called ‘savage slot’ - as Rolph Trouillot defined the domain of knowledge carved out for anthropology, in a wider scheme of thought that has its origins at the same time as ‘the West’ became a reality. A more thorough genealogy of the ways in which anthropological thinking and evidence contributed to the construction, and then the deconstruction, of gender, can provide fruitful tools for a deeper challenge to the apparatus of gender itself.

The aim of this study was to determine which woman stereotypes are most common in a group of young adolescents from Buenos Aires; to then see how they value these stereotypes and analyse whether they can be categorised as hostile, benevolent or of another kind. The total sample was composed of 250 secondary school students from the City of Buenos Aires, aging between 16 and 18, of both sexes. The first five woman features to come to participants minds were analysed, along with a value scale for each of them that ranged from very positive to very negative. Additionally, levels of ambivalent sexism were assessed in both hostile and benevolent forms. The main stereotypes of women and their positive or negative evaluation are described, along with the
relationship they keep with hostile and benevolent forms of sexism. Finally, we observe that several stereotypes categorized as benevolent were valued both positively and negatively, which opens a field of discussion about the relationship between ambivalent sexism and stereotypes of women.