Future Tense

Future – predictions  We use will, won't and might to talk about predictions based on opinions: something that we believe or calculate.  We use might when we are not sure about something.  Adverbs like certainly, probably, definitely are used to say how sure our prediction is.  We use going to for predictions based on evidence.

Tulisan ini membahas tentang 16 tenses bahasa Inggris. Hal tersebut sama seperti kita mempelajari bahasa Indonesia yaitu agar mampu berkomunikasi secara lisan dan tulisan dengan benar sesuai kaidah kebahasaan.  Sebab, tanpa tenses perkataan kita akan rancu atau ambigu serta sulit untuk dipahami. Misalnya, dalam penulisan surat bisnis mengenai pengiriman barang, perubahan waktu disana sangat penting untuk kita ketahui, apakah barang itu akan dikirimkan sekarang atau bulan depan. Bentuk kata kerja dan waktu seperti ini yang sangat diperlukan dalam dunia berkomunikasi dalam lisan dan tulisan.
Adapun Tenses terdiri atas empat bagian, yaitu: (1) Present Tense (bentuk-bentuk waktu sekarang); (2) Past Tenses (bentuk-bentuk waktu lampau); (3) Future Tense (bentuk-bentuk waktu yang akan datang); (4) Past Future Tense (bentuk-bentuk waktu akan datang-lampau).

West Polesian is an understudied Eastern Slavonic variety spoken between Belarus, Ukraine and Poland. The speech community has been geographically isolated for centuries, contributing to the preservation of older forms of Slavonic, but also the development of innovations. Nowadays it is surrounded by several closely related and standardised varieties that cause interference. This work provides a typological approach to the particularities that distinguish West Polesian morphology and syntax from its neighbours. Besides documenting and describing the morphology and syntax, I deal with theoretical questions that arise in the light of the data collected through fieldwork. I devote most of my attention to three phenomena. The first one is the adnumerative form, a morphosyntactic form that only appears when a noun is headed by specific numerals. I start by describing numerals and numeral phrases in West Polesian, and I narrow the focus to the interactions with nouns. The morphosyntactic nature of the adnumerative is complicated: it displays properties of both case and number values, but neither of them fully. Using insights from Canonical Typology I give an analysis of its morphology, syntax and the canonical behaviour of features and values. The second one is suppletion, which
strongly characterises the adnumerative cells of the noun paradigms. I use the suppletive nouns ‘year’ and ‘person’ to see what they can teach us about suppletion in general. Still within the framework of Canonical Typology, I show how these nouns approach the canonical instance of suppletion and how they have the most complex paradigms in the
Slavonic family. And the third one is the surpassingly large inventory of constructions West Polesian has developed to express futurity. I evaluate whether they are all legitimate (i.e. grammaticalised) constructions; and if so, what is their origin and relation to other future tense constructions in Europe.

Özet: Eski Oğuz Türkçesinden itibaren gelecek zaman fonksiyonunda kullanılan {-(y)IsAr} eki hakkında günümüze kadar birtakım çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Bunlar ekin iki heceli olmasından hareketle kaleme alınmış olup genellikle ekin oluşumu hakkındadır. Vecihe Kılıçoğlu, Talat Tekin, A. Bodrogligeti, B. Flemming ve Sinan Uyğur bu konuda müstakil çalışma yapanlardır. Bu çalışmada {-(y)IsAr} eki hakkında önceden ileri sürülmüş fikirlerin değerlendirilmesi yapılarak, {-(y)IsAr}’ın oluşumuna yönelik kendi görüşümüz ileri sürülecektir. Bize göre ek, isimfiil (mastar) eki -(I)g ile sa– (“istemek”) fiilinin geniş zaman eki {-r} almış biçiminin kalıplaşmasından oluşmuştur.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Eski Oğuz Türkçesi, -(y)IsAr, gelecek zaman, etimoloji, “istemek” anlamlı fiiller

Cette approche se propose de faire le point sur l'évolution des formes du Futur roumain, vue dans la perspective extensive de la grammaticalisation. Ce processus (appelé dans la littérature, régrammation) qui affecte tout d'abord la forme canonique de Futur, s'est réalisé (ou il est en train de se réaliser) par rapport à d'autres constituants du paradigme verbal analysé, à savoir les structures périphrastiques, plus ou moins grammaticalisées. Autrement dit, l'évolution des formes du Futur roumain pourrait être analysée par rapport aux tendances suivantes: (i) la réduction du fonctionnement de la forme canonique de Futur au style littéraire et au registre soigné de la langue, où celui-ci est utilisé seulement avec des valeurs temporelles ou modalo-temporelles; (ii) la création d'un système d'actualisation du prospectif déictique, qui contient le Futur de Type 1 (voi cânta), le Futur de Type 3 (am să cânt) et le Futur de Type 4 (o să cânt), respectivement, la spécialisation des formes gérondives (oi fi cântând) et du Futur de Type 2 (oi cânta) pour l'expression de l'épistémique probable, tous ces deux morphèmes verbaux étant dépossédés de la valeur déictique prospective, à partir du XVIIe siècle. En effet, ce repositionnement méthodologique reprend la discussion sur l'histoire de la création d'une forme verbale nouvelle, connue dans la linguistique roumaine sous le nom de présomptif.

This paper comprises two main parts: In the first one, we discuss the correlation between the tense verbal category future and the mood category subjunctive within the diachrony of the Greek language. Our examination has the Indo-European (IE) linguistic heritage as its starting point and will cover several periods of Greek up to the modern language. It is argued that this correlation within the language is manifested in a systematic manner, which is highly suggestive of the semantic properties of the category future. In the second part of the paper, we suggest a semantic analysis of the categories future and subjunctive in Modern Greek (MG) based on semantic features. The analysis aims to capture both the similarities but also the differences between the two verbal categories.

From surveys made on the Internet, in newspapers and in novels written in Modern Standard Arabic, this article shows the existence of other forms of negation in the future than that of lan + subjunctive. It demonstrates that the so called MSA grammar books are, once again, descriptively inadequate when facing the reality of the texts. While arguing for a renewal of the teaching of the MSA grammar, this article shows that these forms are actually much older than it appears and proposes assumptions to analyze the conditions for their emergence. More specifically, the article proposes after Larcher and on the basis of non synonymy to see in the joint existence of several forms of negations in the future a probable reorganization of the negation system where, on logical and pragmatic bases, the difference would be made between a descriptive negation on one hand and a modal negation (= denial) on the other.

The paper aims to introduce a new source for the study of Late Medieval Greek, namely the Rasûlid Hexaglot, a multilingual dictionary originating from 14th century Yemen. It focuses on the future-referring constructions contained in the Hexaglot, since they pose numerous problems of interpretation. It is argued that, on the basis of this new
material, the emergence of the well-known the na construction must be placed at an earlier date than commonly believed (possibly around the 12th century), while the overall presence as well as absence of specific constructions from the Hexaglot calls for a reconsideration of the means to express future reference in Late Medieval Greek in general.

The future tense in the Ibero-Romance languages swings between temporal and modal readings. Despite the fact that all the varieties of the Iberian Peninsula possess various strategies that compete with the morphological future, there is no consensus on pinpointing which alternative refers to each of the possible readings. The only thing all authors agree on is the current decline of the morphological future tense with temporal value. In this article, current dialect data of the Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula have been collected with the aim of analysing the contemporary and oral usage of this verbal tense in order to verify whether it still maintains its temporal or modal uses, or whether, as the latest research points out, it has become an evidentiality strategy.

В работе рассматриваются взгляды современных грамматик (2-я пол. ХХ — ХХI вв.) относительно будущего времени в пиренейском варианте португальского языка. Рассматриваются проблемы соотношения темпоральности и модальности в футуральных языковых средствах, статус перифразы ir + Inf. и другие вопросы.

Настоящая статья посвящена проспективной конструкции словацкого языка. Проспективные конструкции связывают состояние с последующей акцией. В некоторых западноевропейских языках они образуются с помощью вспомогательного глагола идти; ср. англ. Someone is going to do something, It is going to rain, франц. Quelqu'un va faire quelque chose, Il va pleuvoir. Среди славянских языков только словацкий располагает подобной конструкцией: idú sa sťahovať ,они собираются переезжать‘, ide mi hlava prasknúť ,у меня голова разламывается‘. В предлагаемой статье рассматривается употребление проспективной конструкции в современном словацком литературном языке, включая разговорные письменные тексты (материал привлечен из Словацкого национального корпуса, анализ базируется на 400 единицах употребления). Отдельно рассматриваются семантика конструкции, ее грамматикализация и рестрикции данного образования; выявляются отличия в употреблении данной конструкции между отдельными областями Словакии: самая сильная грамматикализация характерна для словацкого разговорного языка центральной Словакии.

This article touches upon the problem of the manifold forms of the future tense in the group of Slavic languages. Covering a variety of methods of forming the future tense, the author tries to give a description of each form and to define its semantic component. At the end of the article the author concludes from the conducted observations and gives a description of future tense for the project of a pan-Slavic language, codenamed novoslovnica.

Рад се ба ви гра ма ти ка ли за ци јом фу ту ра у ста ро срп ском је зи ку од XII до XV ве ка. По ка зу је се да је реч о из ра зи то гра ду ел ном про це су, ко ји је ре зул тат са деј ства уну тра шњег је зич ког раз во ја и ме ђу је зич ких кон та ка та на Бал ка ну. Ана ли зи ра ју се и оста ли из пра сло вен ског на сле ђе ни по тен ци ја ли за озна ча ва ње бу ду ће рад ње (пер фек тив ни пре зент, imyti, ();Ati, Eti + ин фи ни тив), гра ма ти ка ли за ци ја bo u demq + ин фи ни тив / l пар ти цип у фу тур 2 и те ри то ри јал на ди стри бу ци ја ових фор ми, ко ја илу стру је ди ја ле кат ске кон ти ну у ме у срп ском је зи ку и на ју жно сло вен ском про сто ру у це ли ни.

The paper proposes an analysis of the auxiliary 'will' as a relatively independent syntactic unit at the level of utterance. The functioning of the verb reveals that there are two basic aspects of its grammatical meaning which are realized in utterances: indication of the nature of knowledge a conceptualizer has about the clausal event and indication of the way the event is categorized in discourse.  The first type of indication is shown to be dominating in the structure of the verb's meaning.

Key words: auxiliary, grammatical meaning, discourse categorization, type of knowledge

It is well known that the various forms of future tense tend to be very unstable in many languages of the world. In Indo-European languages it is assumed that this is due to the absence of an original form subsequently filled by different structures aimed at expressing this temporal deixis. These structures often added modal values – originally conveyed by the auxiliary forms used for the construction of periphrasis – to the temporal reference. The modal origin of these new temporal forms may also have determined their instability and continuous change.
The present paper describes some forms of future tense in the Slavic of Molise (SLM), a Croatian minority language in contact with Romance varieties of Southern Italy. On the basis of the data collected in two SLM communities, the role of the Romance contact languages in the evolution of the different forms of future tense is highlighted. Three forms of future tense that have a model in Italian and in the dialect variety of the region have been added to the periphrasis with the auxiliary ‘want’ brought from the Balkan area of origin: a periphrastic form with the auxiliary ‘have’ / ‘have to’, the form of the present indicative, and an imminential periphrasis with the verb ‘stand’. However, this system is not stable: the change in the use of the varieties of the linguistic repertoire (both by communities and by single speakers) modified the functional distribution of the forms of future tense. The aim of the present work is to describe the current conditions of use of the different forms of future tense and to provide an explanation to the ongoing process of change.

In this paper, we review the various types of epistemic usages of the (simple and anterior) future tenses in French with the assumption that what actually licenses their occurrence is not a semantic feature such as aspect but pragmatic effects that give relevance to the utterance at the moment of speech. We review the main hypotheses proposed in the relevant literature and conclude that epistemic futures seem to fulfill the function of communicating – through a metarepresentation of a future verification – not only epistemic modality and evidentiality, but also, and perhaps especially, the inference that a particular course of action has to be undertaken from the perspective of a state of affairs that is true in the present.

Настоящая работа посвящена семантике форм предбудущего в языках Европы в кон-текстах референции к прошлому. Исследование основано на данных параллельных корпусов НКРЯ и анкетировании и выполнено на материале нескольких европейских языков, включающих романские (итальянский, французский и румынский), немецкий, балтийские (литовский и латышский), балканские славянские (болгарский, сербохорватский и чакавский диалект сер-бохорватского), а также албанский и новогреческий. В результате исследования выявлен широкий диапазон модально-эвиденциальных стратегий предбудущего: презумптив, инферентив, эн-дофорическая эвиденция и передача неосознаваемых действий, игноратив, миратив и дубитатив. Эти стратегии развиваются на основе способности предбудущего передавать эпистемиче-скую дистанцию. Набор стратегий, по-видимому, универсален для всех рассмотренных языков. Более типично для предбудущего употребляться в эндофорических контекстах и для передачи неосознанных действий, а также в качестве маркера личной непрямой эвиденции в презумптивных и инферентивных контекстах, менее типично - в миративных и дубитативных контекстах. Ключевые слова: балканские языки, балтийские языки, будущее время, европейский ареал, предбуду-щее, романские языки, славянские языки, таксис, эвиденциальность, эпистемическая модальность

The paper is dedicated to the semantics of future anterior with reference to the past in Euro-pean languages. The study is based on the data from parallel corpora and on the questionnaire. Data from several European languages, such as Romance (French, Italian and Romanian), German, Baltic (Lithuanian and Latvian), Balkan Slavic (Bulgarian, Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian and its Čakavian dialect), Greek and Albanian, are taken into account. As a result, a wide range of different modal-evidential strategies of future anterior was identified, namely presumptive, inferential, ignorative, endophoric and unconscious, mirative and dubitative. They all develop from the epistemic source, viz. from the ability of the future anterior to express epistemic distance. It is more typical for the future anterior to be used as a marker of personal indirect evidence in presumptive, inferential, unconscious and endophoric contexts, but less typical in mirative and dubitative contexts.

Irregular futures and conditionals in contemporary Spanish have been scarcely studied from an explicative synchronic point of view. Nevertheless, Luquet’s noteworthy morphosemantic attempt (2000a) should be continued beyond his own reticences in order to understand both the reasoned coherence of the marked sub-system they make up and the paradigmatic system of future forms as a whole. Thus not only {infinitive} morpheme ‑r is likely to be reanalysed as a {future} morpheme ‑r‑, but it may also be considered (following Bottineau 2007 and Luquet 2010 among others) at a sub-morphemic scale as a R cogneme for ‘impulsion’.

The dependent, as defined in Holton et al. 1997, may appear in a number of subordinate contexts in which it contrasts not only with various other forms but also with the form tha+dependent. This latter contrast tends to be ignored in earlier and more recent descriptions of the language – and the implication is that there is in fact no contrast involved in the alternation between otan grapso/otan tha grapso, an grapso/an tha grapso. For the most part, this paper is an attempt to investigate the nature of this contrast and to suggest some ways in which the occurrence of the dependent in such contexts may be predicted and its behaviour explained.

The paper deals with future tense in Nanai. There is a well-known
idea of a special status of Future in tense system. It remains
disputable, whether Future can be considered as a tense in the same
sense as Present and Past. These general questions are discussed on Nanai data.

Suppose that our world is objectively indeterministic, so that at certain points in time, there is more than one way in which events might carry on. Two main positions address how to think about the future as it unfolds beyond such indeterministic points in time: the Thin Red Line (TRL) approach which holds that among possible future courses of events, exactly one of them is what will happen; and the Open Future (OF) approach which denies this posit of a privileged course of events. OF is often associated with the view that future contingents (statements concerning future events whose truth value is not guaranteed by physical, metaphysical, or logical necessity) are neither true nor false. This “truth-value gap” commitment has in turn been thought to produce unpalatable implications concerning the practice of assertion: (1) Some have denied that it is possible to assert a future contingent when that statement’s propositional content lacks truth value at the time of its utterance; (2) others have denied that one can appropriately assert a future contingent when its propositional content cannot be known to be true at the time of its utterance. In response to (1) I argue that a sentence can have truth conditions, and thus a determinate content, even if it lacks truth value at its time of utterance. Because it is contents (rather than truth-valued contents) that are needed for viable speech acts, I conclude that OF can readily accommodate assertions of future contingents. In response to (2) I argue that even if we accept the “knowledge norm” for assertion that drives this objection, that norm does not mandate a reading on which assertions of future contingents must violate it on OF. The upshot of our response to these two objections to OF is that the contest between it and TRL should be settled, if at all, on other grounds than those pertaining to the pragmatic and epistemological aspects of assertion of future contingents.

As is well known, PIE possessed several distinct sigmatic formations with modal or future-like semantics. The paper deals with two sigmatic formations which must be reconstructed for PIE and obviously possessed a similar semantic value. First: a full grade -sie̯ /o-formation which is attested in Indo-Iranian, Continental Celtic and Balto-
Slavonic; and second, an athematic -s-formation which is attested in Italic and in the Eastern branch of Baltic. The diverging morphology of these formations implies that
they originally also differed in their semantics. The problem is that both formations are reflected as simple future tense in all daughter-languages which preserved them. However,
it seems possible to detect the original semantic difference between these formations by using the evidence of the only IE branch which preserved both formations side by side, i.e. Baltic. The paper investigates the morphology of the sigmatic future tense in dialects of Lithuanian and Latvian and shows that for the common prehistory of East Baltic dialects a secondary conflation of originally independent PIE formations —-sie̯ /o-formation and -s-formation—in one single paradigm must be assumed. The particular distribution of both formations within the unified paradigm of Proto-East-Baltic makes it possible to obtain information on the lost semantic difference between them. Possible traces of the -sie̯ /o-formation in the only recorded West Baltic language, Old Prussian, seem to confirm the conclusions drawn on the basis of the East Baltic evidence.

Resumen: La expresión del futuro puede construirse en las lenguas romances de la Península Ibérica mediante varias estrategias lingüísticas: un tiempo morfológico propio, perífrasis aspectuales o incluso el empleo del presente de indicativo. Con el fin de cartografiar la vigencia de todas ellas, así como los factores que inciden en la elección de cada una, hemos sacado los datos del Atlas lingüístico de la Península Ibérica. Gracias a estos, descubriremos qué realidad lingüística imperaba en el siglo xx en los tres dominios estudiados: castellano, portugués y catalán.

The paper investigates the problems related to futurity and modality in modern Greek. The discussion of Greek temporal future expressions is conducted with reference to relevant literature from the areas of English linguistics, cognitive studies and pragmatics. The focus is on the status of future-oriented expressions and the question whether they are primarily epistemic in nature, whether they are tense-based, or modality-based. It is argued that the future tense in Greek has a modal semantic base conveying epistemic modality and that the preferred future prospective reading is a pragmatic development of the semantic modal base. The author further suggests that the future reading is a kind of presumptive meaning which follows from the neo-Gricean Principle of Informativeness, known as the I-principle (Levinson 2000) being a generalised interpretation which does not depend on contextual information.

The paper examines all uses of the Spanish future tense (the HABLARÉ paradigm) from a cognitive perspective and analyses in detail the level of subjectivity displayed and the relationship to the ground. It is claimed that these uses share a common feature: the echo of the ground (the speaker or the communication situation). The modal, evidential and temporal elements of the ground are presented in a new light, underlining their inherent interconnection. It is proposed that a unified account for all uses of what is traditionally called the "future tense" can be found only when all these elements are taken into account, thus arguing against approaches that associate this paradigm exclusively with temporality, modality or evidentiality.

En esta tesis se propone que la formación y evolución de los exponentes de futuro en las distintas lenguas está motivada por la interacción de dos formas de la cognición temporal. La primera de ellas se denomina tiempo fenomenológico, y se refiere a la experiencia directa del presente vivido (cf. Husserl 1905, Varela 1995). La segunda, derivada a partir de la primera, se denomina tiempo simbólico, y se relaciona con la capacidad de localizar intervalos en un tiempo considerado homogéneo (cf. Wearden 2008). Proponemos que las formas aspectuales y modales son más sensibles al primer tipo de temporalidad, pero se desarrollan, con el tiempo, como exponentes de tiempo simbólico. Así, puede darse cuenta de casos como la evolución del latín cantare habeo al español cantaré, o la actual sustitución de esta forma sintética por una forma en principio aspectual (voy a cantar).

Егизарян П. Э. Темпоральные формы перифразы ir + inf. в пиренейском варианте португальского языка // Вестник Московского университета. Серия 9: Филология, №1. — М.: Издательство Московского университета, 2019. — С. 50–61.

В статье рассматриваются различные временные формы перифразы ir + inf., функционирование которых недостаточно освещено в работах, по-свящённых португальскому глаголу. Мы опираемся на описание системы романских времен, которое предлагает Э. Косериу. Он рассматривает все формы перифразы ir + inf. (презенс vai + inf., футурум irá + inf., имперфект ia + inf., кондиционал iria + inf., перфект foi + inf., плюсквамперфект fora + inf.) как футуральные и независимые друг от друга единицы. Мы проверяем этот тезис на основании современного языкового материала: португальских газет, изданных в 2016–2017 гг. Поскольку речь идет о выражении близких грамматических значений, мы сопоставляем футуральные языковые средства в единых или схожих контекстах (основываясь на признаках грамматической синонимии, приводимых Н. М. Фирсовой), анализируем их общее темпоральное значение, временную дистанцию и другие параметры. В статье анализируются: перифраза vai + inf. в сопоставлении с Futuro simples и Presente в значении будущего; ia + inf. в сопоставлении с Futuro no passado; foi + inf., fora + inf. и tinha ido + inf. (не упоминаемая Косериу форма, встречающаяся в текстах) без сопоставления с другими формами по причине отсутствия аналогов с близким темпоральным значением; irá + inf. в сопоставлении с vai + inf., Futuro simples и футуральным презенсом; iria + inf. в сопоставлении с ia + inf. Оставляя в стороне возможные различия в модальности, мы делаем выводы относительно взаимозаменяемости языковых средств на основании близости их значений, относительно возможности их темпоральной интерпретации, возникающих теоретических проблем и соответствия системы, предложенной Косериу, современному португальскому узусу.

From surveys made on the Internet, in newspapers and in novels written in Modern Standard Arabic, this article shows the existence of other forms of negation in the future than that of lan + subjunctive. It demonstrates that the so called MSA grammar books are, once again, descriptively inadequate when facing the reality of the texts. While arguing for a renewal of the teaching of the MSA grammar, this article shows that these forms are actually much older than it appears and proposes assumptions to analyze the conditions for their emergence. More specifically, the article proposes after Larcher and on the basis of non synonymy to see in the joint existence of several forms of negations in the future a probable reorganization of the negation system where, on logical and pragmatic bases, the difference would be made between a descrip-tive negation on one hand and a modal negation (= denial) on the other.Keywords: Arabic linguistics, corpus, denial, descriptive negation, didactic, fut...

This paper discusses the development of the analytic future in Russian Romani. In this Romani dialect, an analytic future tense can be expressed by means of the two auxiliary verbs avéla ‘to come’ and  léla ‘to take.’ This article argues that the development of this analytic future was induced by contact with Eastern Slavic languages. In Romani, the verb avéla also functions as the future form of the copula, thus its use as an auxiliary to derive future tense is a calque from the Slavic construction with the verb budu‘I will.’ In the article it is argued that the use of the verb léla as an auxiliary is a “fossilized” calque from Old Russian, in which the verb jati ‘to take’ was, up to the 16th century, one of the main ways to derive the future tense. It is also shown that there is no clear semantic distinction between the two constructions, and that preference is given to one or the other depending on the areal variety or even idiolect. Finally, Soviet Romani literature offers interesting cases that demonstrate when the verb lélabegins to function as a future tense copula.

Članak na temelju analize primjera iz Hrvatskoga nacionalnoga korpusa donosi semantičko i funkcionalno određenje futura drugoga u suvremenom hrvatskom standardnom jeziku. Futur drugi tvori se u pravilu od nesvršenih glagola, dok je uporaba futura drugoga svršenih glagola često povezana s oslabljenim osjećajem za normu - u istim funkcijama i s istim gramatičkim značenjima, svršeni glagoli stoje u prezentu. Futur se drugi rabi samo u zavisnoj surečenici nekoliko vrsta zavisno složenih rečenica, pri čemu predikat glavne surečenice u pravilu upućuje na budućost te stoji najčešće u futuru prvom, rjeđe i u imperativu, prezentu i kondicionalu. Futur drugi izriče različita gramatička značenja u različitim vrstama zavisnosloženih rečenica. U vremenskim rečenicama označuje buduću radnju, ali ne i njezin slijed u odnosu na radnju glavne surečenice - on se izriče veznim sredstvima. Uporaba futura prvoga u vremenskim rečenicama nije moguća. U pogodbenim, odnosnim, mjesnim, načinskim, količinskim i poredbenim rečenicama futur drugi označuje buduću prethodnost i istodobnost, dok futur prvi označuje buduću naknadnost. U dopusno-odnosnim rečenicama futur drugi također označuje buduću prethodnost i istodobnost, ali uporaba futura prvoga u njima nije moguća.

Abstract:The current study considers the use of various grammatical structures expressing the future tense by 10 intermediate French learners. We examine the effect of the verbal paradigm – regular versus irregular – on the learners' preferred structure in order to determine if they prefer the periphrastic construction, particularly when it comes to irregular verbs. We predicted that the learners' use of the simple future depended on their ability to correctly conjugate verbs in simple future, meaning that learners who had more difficulties with this variant would use it less often. However, results show that learners used the simple future equally, and as often, with both regular and irregular verbs and that they preferred the periphrastic construction with both verb types. In fact, even those learners with the highest scores on a verb conjugation test targeting the simple future preferred the periphrastic future. We argue that this preference for the periphrastic future is either due to the influence of the learners' L1 or to the fact that the periphrastic future is an analytic construction, making it cognitively simpler.Résumé:La présente étude examine les tendances d'usage de différentes structures grammaticales exprimant le futur chez 10 apprenants intermédiaires du français. Elle porte précisément sur l'effet de la régularité du paradigme verbal sur le choix de variante des apprenants, le but étant de savoir si ces derniers préfèrent le futur périphrastique, surtout avec des verbes irréguliers. Nous avions prédit que l'emploi du futur simple dépendrait de la capacité à bien conjuguer des verbes au futur simple. Ainsi, moins l'apprenant maîtrise la conjugaison des verbes au futur simple, moins il utilise cette variante. Or, les résultats démontrent que les apprenants utilisent le futur simple à un taux égal avec les verbes à racine régulière et irrégulière et qu'ils favorisent le futur périphrastique avec les deux types de verbes. En fait, même les apprenants ayant obtenu les scores les plus élevés lors d'un test de conjugaison au futur simple ont préféré le futur périphrastique. Nous suggérons que cette préférence pour la variante périphrastique soit due soit à l'influence de la langue première (L1) des apprenants soit au fait que cette forme constitue une construction analytique et donc est plus simple d'un point de vue cognitif.

We critically review two extant paradigms for understanding the systematic interaction between modality and tense, as well as their respective modifications designed to do justice to the contingency of time's structure and composition. We show that on either type of theory, as well as their respective modifications, some principles prove logically valid whose truth might sensibly be questioned on metaphysical grounds. These considerations lead us to devise a more general logical framework that allows accommodation of those metaphysical views that its predecessors rule out by fiat.