Early Modern Sermons

Logic and rhetoric are "the practice of the holy Ghost". 1 So says William Perkins, one of the leading godly clergy of Cambridge during the later Elizabethan period, in his commentary on the book of Revelation, posthumously published in his collected works. 2 Likewise, Richard Sibbes, who preached in Cambridge and London preacher during the reigns of James I and Charles I, writes in the prefatory epistle to his sermon treatise The bruised reede, and smoaking flax that "the Holy Ghost effectually perswadeth by a divine kinde of rhetoricke". 3 When looking at the context of these quotations, we discover that Perkins and Sibbes are not saying exactly the same thing. Perkins' commentary is discussing the verbal techniques and logical structures of the actual words of scripture given by the Spirit, whereas Sibbes is using "rhetoric" in a metaphorical sense to refer to the persuasive activity of the Spirit in conversion. These two invocations of rhetoric, one in a more literal and one in a more metaphorical sense parallel the two major strands of my project. On the one hand, I have been tracing the apparent influence of specific components of the Aristotelian-Ciceronian model of rhetoric on the homiletical theory and practice of godly clergy. On the other hand, I have been looking at rhetoric in the broader sense of strategies of persuasion adopted by human, divine and diabolic agents. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of interest in early modern preaching among both historians and literary scholars. This was exemplified by a 2006 conference in Cambridge organised by CRASSH on 'Preaching and Politics in Early Modern England'. That conference itself grew largely out of the publication in

Caterina Vigri's practice of "exhorting and leading" her sisters, especially in the setting of their weekly Chapter Meeting, was at the core of her Clarissan Observant identity.  Thus, this chapter will use the Sermoni to explore the educational mechanics that defined Clarissan community at the end of the Middle Ages. Caterina herself describes this all-encompassing process of spiritual learning at the end of Sermon II.  Here, she, as teacher, addresses her ultimate instructor – Christ: 

I have – so as to gain your greatest favor and mercy – learned all of the things that I have said above, as well as those that will be related in writing below, out of most holy love for you. I learned them partly from reading your holy books, and partly from listening to our preacher fathers.  I also learned them from reading an even greater compendium of your holy mysteries in the book of your most loving person on the cross, and in the wound of your open side, the true entry into your wisdom…

These words evoke the imbricated practices of preaching and writing, listening and reading, feeling and thinking that were required ofthe virtuous sisters of the Corpus Domini monasteries.  This chapter will explore the foundation of such practices, exploring how Caterina constructed the authority to preach and examining the communal setting in which she did so. It will then expose the conversational nature of her teaching style and probe its origins.  It will finally evaluate, to the extent possible, the effects of this regular preaching on the communal life of Clarissan Observants.

The sermon Thomas Gataker gave at the wedding of Brilliana Conway and Sir Robert Harley in 1623, was published under the title “A Wife in Deed” (1623). Gataker defines marriage as an affective contract between two agents with responsibilities to one another, and offers practical and generic precepts for conduct.  The dedication to Robert Harley honouring Brilliana Harley as a ‘mirror’ of the ideal wife, links those ideals, rhetorically at least, to the Harleys. Harley’s extensive extant correspondence (1625-44), allows us to consider the practical day-to-day significance of the sermon’s teachings.  The essay reviews letters Harley wrote to her husband in the 1620s, early in the marriage; and in the 1640s, later in the marriage.  Throughout she employs a deferential tone.  During the 1640s, when civil war raged and her husband was absent, Harley governed the household, sheltered a godly community, and withstood a royalist siege justifying her position in terms of natural law. Gataker’s sermon provides a fresh lens upon the disjunction between the submissive rhetoric of Harley’s marital letters, and the stridency of her defence of Brampton Bryan.

十六世紀半ばから十七世初頭にかけ、日本イエズス会により、日本語の教理書が出版されたということは周知の通りだ。世俗のヨーロッパ文学である『イソップ物語』の和訳、そして天草版『平家物語』、『太平記抜書』の存在もよく知られている。しかし、日本語で書かれたオリジナルのキリスト教説話が現存するということは案外知られていない。近年、このテキスト群を「異文化接触」というレベルで取り上げた研究が現れているが、漢訳仏典や漢籍の影響を受けた『日本霊異記』『今昔物語集』などとは対照的に、室町末期にラテン語文脈から国語に翻案されたキリスト教文学は、残念ながらこれまで国文学として扱われてこなかった。その理由をここで詳しくは追究できないが、日本精神というものが（漢文脈との関連性ではある程度まで認められている一方で）キリスト教との関係性については根本的に異質で相容れないものと一般的には理解されていることが、その背景にあると考えられる。しかし、キリスト教説話を聞いた織豊期の日本人がこのように日本精神とキリスト教を両極的なものとして捉えていたということは、資料からは読み取れない。本稿では、キリスト教も日本精神も信仰していない筆者が日本中世キリスト教の代表的な説話集をバレト写本という資料の中から取り上げ、その原典が何であったかを明らかにし、さらに、同時代の日本文学との関係性を探る。その結果、この説話集は当時の武士階級によって評価された軍記・語り物文学、取り分け幸若舞と最も関連性が深いということを示す。

In the attempt to unravel the religious entanglements of the Syrian Christians from Malabar and the literary networks of this Christian community in the early modern times, the present article focuses: (1) on collections of Syriac Catholic sermons from Malabar composed by Catholic missionaries in order to create a new Syriac Catholic literary culture since the second half of the sixteenth century; and (2) on the later Western Syriac redaction and reception of this corpus. Consisting both of putative translations/adaptations from Latin and original creations, the manuscript evidence of such literary compositions bears witness to several successive redactions of Syriac texts from Malabar in the early modern times. It shows how this type of theological compositions became a shared literary genre, being appropriated by two rival factions of the Malabar Syrian Christians, namely Paḻayakūṟ and Putaṉkūṟ, throughout their complicated ecclesiastical history, from the second half of the sixteenth century up to the beginning of the eighteenth century, and beyond. The study of these collections of sermons across confessional boundaries testifies to the religious entanglements between the two rival groups, and brings further evidence that the reorientation of the Putaṉkūṟ from the Syro-Catholic tradition from Malabar, based on both Eastern Syriac and European traditions and sources, towards the Western Syriac tradition was a gradual and slow process.

A fordításokat az eredetiekkel egybevetette Csepregi Zoltán, Horváth Orsolya, Vajda Károly Minden jog fenntartva. Bármely másolás, sokszorosítás, illetve adatfeldolgozó rendszerben való tárolás a kiadó előzetes írásbeli engedélyéhez van kötve.

As an aspect of the reception history of the Heidelberg Catechism this article gives a bibliographic survey of all the commentaries on this catechism published throughout Europe since its publication and until 1620, including the reprints of these explanations in the later seventeenth century as well.

I especially try to shed some light on the complicated edition history of the Latin catechism commentary by Zacharias Ursinus, as well as on the editing process of its Dutch translation. In England both Ursinus' commentary and Jeremias Bastingius' Exposition of the Heidelberg Catechism enjoyed a remarkably wide reception.

A slightly updated version of an article previously published in Dutch.

This paper argues that the recent trend in early modern studies occasionally referred to as the “new humoralism”, which lays heavy emphasis on the physiological and humoral significance of the emotions in seventeenth-century Renaissance literature, pays insufficient attention to the theological traditions of Christian humanism in the sixteenth century. In particular, the article traces a trajectory of the use of metaphors of clean versus muddy and calm versus turbulent water in Erasmus, John Calvin, John Donne and Edward Reynolds to illustrate the complexity of literary-theological discourse revolving around affectivity in sermons, treatises and biblical commentaries in the period, while simultaneously establishing the continuity of an exegetical tradition concerning Christ’s emotions.

This paper considers a phenomenon of war preaching discourse of the second half of the 17th century, based on the Old Ukrainian sermons written by Antonij Radyvylos’kyj. The discursive peculiarities of the war sermons are described as a result of a complex analysis of such components of discourse as participants, chronotope, aims, values, strategies, material, types and genres, precedent texts, and discursive formulas.

On 23 May 1498 Girolamo Savonarola, one of the most spell-binding figures of the Italian Renaissance, was publicly burned at the stake on the main piazza of Florence on trumped-up charges of heresy and sedition. Thus ended the friar’s meteoric rise to power and his unprecedented influence over Florentine society. Though his ashes were unceremoniously dumped into the River Arno the moment the cinders had died away, the fire of his teachings could not be extinguished, nor could Florentines forget the rivetting preacher from Ferrara who, in four short years, had turned their city upside down. Neither could Italians nor, more generally, European reformers, for they soon turned Savonarola into a prophet of renewal and into a symbol of the struggle against corruption. Whether he was one or the other or neither, is still very much under debate.

This collection of texts from Savonarola’s extensive body of works seeks to provide the English reader with a variety of entry points into this controversial figure. With samples from his letters to his poems, from his sermons to his pastoral works, it more than doubles the number of Savonarola’s works currently available in English. In so doing, it makes his teachings that much more accessible to wide range of scholars and students alike.

Includes:
Letters

    To his father explaining why he became a friar (25 Apr. 1476)
    To his mother explaining that a prophet is not listened to in his own country (25 Jan. 1490)
    To Elena Savonarola consoling her on the death of her brother Borso (5 Dec. 1485)
    To Giovanna Carafa Pico, congratulating her for wishing to die rather than sin (15 Dec. 1495)
    To Beatrice Savonarola with a copy of his lauda for St Mary Magdalene (3 Nov. 1496)
    To Giovanna Carafa Pico and Eleonora Pico della Mirandola telling them not to worry about venial sins (3 Apr. 1497)
    To Polissena Petrati and Lucrezia de’ Rana (?) congratulating them on entering a convent (24 May 1497)
    To Angela Sforza d’Este encouraging her to listen to God’s call (24 May 1497)
    To Caterina Sforza, duchess of Imola and Forlì, in answer to her request for advice (18 June 1497)
    To Giovanna Carafa Pico saying tribulations merely prepare the way to heaven (13 Aug. 1497)
    To the nuns of Annalena instructing them on how to read sacred texts (17 Oct. 1497)
    To Giovanna Carafa Pico advising her to set aside scruples of conscience and live more cheerfully (6 Nov. 1497)

Poems

    Canzone I. On the Ruin of the World
    Canzone II. On the Ruin of the Church
    Canzone III. Song to St Catherine of Bologna
    Sonnet I. On the Lord’s Ascension
    Sonnet II. On the Assumption of the Virgin Mary
    Sonnet III. to the Virgin
    Lauda I. Omnipotent God
    Lauda II. Song of Praise to the Crucifix
    Lauda III. My heart, why linger here?

Sermons

    On Haggai, Sermon No. 1 (1 Nov. 1494) `Do penance’
    On the Psalms, Sermon No. 3 (13 Jan. 1495) `Behold the sword of the Lord’
    On Ruth and Micah, Sermon 28 (2 Nov. 1496) `On the Art of Dying Well’
    On Exodus, Sermon No. 1 (11 Feb. 1497) `Renovation Sermon’

Pastoral Works

    Ten Rules to Observe in Time of Great Tribulations
    On the Prudent and Judicious Way of Living in the Order
    A Guide to Righteous Living
    The Book on the Life of the Widow
    Exposition on the Prayer to the Virgin

Around 1675, preachers across Spain and from many religious orders began to find chymical analogies useful or pleasing, and they began talking about chymistry in the pulpit. The results of preachers’ newfound interest in chymistry included three marked changes in their sermons: first, chymistry quickly became a positive analogy for spiritual change; second, these positive analogies grew in number, variety, and frequency; and third, descriptions of chymical processes and practices became increasingly technical and related to the controversies regarding chymistry in religious and scientific communities.

In der Reformationsgeschichte wird das Jahr 1522 bisweilen als Jahr des Durchbruchs bezeichnet. Es ist das Jahr, in dem Luther von der Wartburg zurück nach Wittenberg kam und Zwingli dem legendären Wurstessen die theologische Begründung nachlieferte. Gleichzeitig erreichte im Jahr 1522 die Flugschriftenproduktion im deutschsprachigen Raum einen ersten Höhepunkt. Im selben Jahr, am Vortag vor Mariä Verkündigung hielt in Luzern anlässlich des jährlich stattfindenden Museggumgangs der Johanniterkomtur Konrad Schmid aus Küsnacht eine evangelische Predigt. Bereits unmittelbar nach der Predigt wurde der Komtur von zwei einheimischen Priestern hart angegriffen. Schmid ergriff die Gelegenheit, auf die Angriffe zu antworten, indem er eine Predigtflugschrift drucken liess. So konnte er seine Predigt den Zuhörern nachträglich in Erinnerung rufen und die Argumente vertiefen. Zwei Kommunikations-und Frömmigkeitsformen waren an jenem 24. März 1522 gleichsam symbolisch aufeinander gestossen: Der Museggumgang, der stark in der mittelalterlichen Schaufrömmigkeit verwurzelt war und die evangelische Predigt und Flugschrift, die stark das neue Wort-und Schriftverständnis zum Ausdruck brachten. In dieser Arbeit sollen die beiden Frömmigkeitsformen anhand des Luzerner Beispiels untersucht werden. Zur Beschreibung der Prozession wurden die Einträge in den Luzerner Ratsbüchern und ein neu edierter Text von Josias Simmler aus dem Jahr 1577 beigezogen. Die Predigt von Komtur Schmid wurde hier zum ersten Mal seit der Erstauflage von 1522 integral ediert. Zum Schluss soll ansatzweise der Frage nachgegangen werden, inwiefern das Jahr 1522 auch für Luzern ein Entscheidungsjahr gewesen ist. Die Idee für diese Arbeit ist in zwei Seminarien an der Universität Luzern entstanden. Am Historischen Seminar der Kultur-und Sozialwissenschaftliche Fakultät wurde von Valentin Groebner unter dem Titel "Urknall Gutenberg" die Bedeutung der Flugschriftenliteratur für die Reformation behandelt. In der Theologischen Fakultät gab mir Markus Ries im Kirchengeschichte-Seminar über "reformatorische Schlüsseltexte" die Gelegenheit, Ausschnitte aus der Museggpredigt erstmals vorzustellen.

The aim of this study is to investigate a group of nine early modern Ruthenian homilies dedicated to the Marian feast of the Dormition, while focusing on both the liturgical and extra-liturgical sources of their Biblical quotations. One feature of these texts is the presence of such Biblical quotations as Song of Songs 6, 9 («who is she that looketh forth as the morning») and Apocalypse 12, 1 («and there appeared a great wonder in heaven: a woman clothed in the sun») which, while being an integral part of the Latin exegetical tradition of the Assumption, played just a marginal — if any — role in the Byzantino-Slavic liturgical tradition of the Dormition. The use of the Marian imagery modelled on the Song of Songs and the Apocalypse may be ascribed to the influence of either exegetic Comments to the Bible, such as those of Cornelius a Lapide, or Marian homiletic and exegetic literature produced in the West in the late Middle Ages and the Counter-Reformation. On the other hand, the tradition of Hesychasm — especially Theophilos Kokkinos’ Dormition Canon and Gregory Palamas’ Dormition homilies — may well represent a first step in extending the Marian reading of the Song of Songs to the Byzantine-Slavic area. Another question that is addressed in this paper is how the intellectual and ecclesiastical context in the Ukrainian lands, a distinctive feature of which was pluriconfessionalism and its close ties to Western Baroque, influenced the way in which these authors represented Mary.

Em primeiro lugar, gostaria de agradecer ao prof. José Carlos Sebe Bom Meihy, orientador e amigo, a quem devo a descoberta de Vieira, dos sonhos e muito mais. Ao Fábio Bezerra de Brito, pela amizade, pelas leituras argutas e sensíveis, pelo exemplo de ser humano. À Maria Eta Vieira, sempre lúcida e sensível. A Fabiano Maisonnave, pelas leituras à distância. Aos colegas do Núcleo de Estudos em História Oral/NEHO, em especial à Suzana, que acompanharam e apoiaram esse trabalho e souberam compreender minhas ausências. Aos professores do Departamento de História da USP, pelo apoio e pela minha formação. À profa Zilda Marcia Gricoli Iokoi, por tudo que aprendi como seu aluno e amigo. À profa. Ilana Blaj (in memoriam), por ter me indicado a trilha da História. À profa. Mary Del Priore, pela generosidade de seus comentários e indicações. À profa. Janice Theodoro, pelas várias conversas e observações. À profa. Laura de Mello e Souza, pelas sugestões e atenção. Ao prof. João Adolfo Hansen, pelos comentários e acompanhamento durante todo o processo de pesquisa, que me foram de imensa valia. À profa. Adma Fadul Muhana pelas indicações e leitura do projeto no início da pesquisa. , que trouxe sua Música e uma amizade antiga. Ao João Carlos Guedes da Fonseca, pelas críticas de um grande intelectual e amigo. Aos meus alunos do curso de História Ibérica, em cujas aulas e discussões algumas questões se iluminaram. À minha família, cujos agradecimentos sempre serão poucos. À Maria Alice, exemplo de força, trabalho, cuidado e minha leitora (e incentivadora) desde o início, e ao Furio. Ao Celso, modelo de postura acadêmica e ética e companheiro nos meus caminhos intelectuais, e à Beth. Ao João André, meu pequeno grande irmão, pelo eterno incentivo e admiração. Ao Mauro e à Manuela, pelas conversas sobre meus estudos e pela enorme generosidade e apoio. À Miriam, por suas leituras e por estar sempre presente, carinhosa e atenta. Ao Reinaldo e à Monayna, por me acolherem na família. Ao Boris e à Jerusa, pelas barrocas conversas sobre Vieira e seus sonhos. Aos amigos: Ivan e Bianca, Eduardo e Beatriz, Cássio e Elisa. Ao Carlos, pelos seus comentários sobre meu texto. Brasileiros (IEB), das bibliotecas da FFLCH. Ao CNPq, cujo apoio permitiu que eu realizasse esse trabalho. À Luana, por tudo. ÍNDICE INTRODUÇÃO 2 I. SONHOS PROFÉTICOS. A ONIROLOGIA CRISTÃ. 20 Sonho e práticas políticas em Portugal 36 II. SONHOS VIEIRENSES 44 Os sermões oníricos 45 Xavier Dormindo 48 III. PARA O SONHO DO QUINTO IMPÉRIO 75 O Apóstolo do Oriente: metonímia do destino português 78 CONCLUSÃO 86 REFERÊNCIAS 88 INTRODUÇÃO Eu dormia, mas meu coração velava Cântico dos Cânticos empo. Na concepção cristã, dimensão humana do projeto do Infinito. Segundo Santo Agostinho, o tempo era, menos que material, distensão da alma. 1 Limitava, o Bispo de Hipona, a continuidade (o quando escolástico) dada à ação humana. 2 Para Padre Antonio Vieira, convergindo com a Segunda Escolástica, 3 o tempo possuía materialidade. Em seu projeto do Quinto Império, o Futuro do Reino de Cristo na Terra fora anunciado, mas necessitava da ação humana, dentro dos futuros contingentes, 4 para concretizar os planos da Primeira Causa. O tempo para Vieira não podia ser somente uma distensão da alma e, contrariamente ao pensamento agostiniano, o passado não seria lembrança e o futuro não seria puro desejo. 5 O Futuro, porque escrito, certo e a realizar-se; o passado, porque argamassa sólida no qual o futuro, por meio das ações presentes, se escreveria. Como percebeu Vieira a configuração do Projeto e as eleições divinas? O jesuíta fundamentou-se na exegese 1 LLOYD, G. "Augustine and the 'problem' of time", in: MATHEWS, G.B. (ed.). The augustinian tradition. a concepção de enxergar no quando aristotélico a idéia de tempo fundada na continuidade. Contudo, segundo Jacob Schmutz, é desse modo que a segunda escolástica lia a definição aristotélica. SCHMUTZ, J. "Juan Caramuel on the year 2000: time and possible worlds in early modern scholasticism" in: PORRO, P. (ed.) The medieval concept of time.Leiden, Brill, no prelo. 3 SCHMUTZ, J., op. cit. 4 A humanidade seria responsável, na sua ação, pelos futuros contigentes, ou seja, as partes do plano Divino deixadas em aberto para que, por meio do livre-arbítrio, se completasse o Futuro da Graça. O tempo teria assim dois vetores concomitantes: a ação humana e a eleição divina (a Graça eficiente), sendo que a ação humana deveria apontar para a Graça -a parusia e para o final dos tempos, a Jerusalém Celeste (ou terrestre, segundo alguns pensadores cristãos). A ação humana, no limite, não impediria a realização do plano Divino, pois Deus está acima do tempo (Ele é infinito e contém o tempo: Deus é o passado e o futuro) e a não realização de seu plano implicaria na falência de seu projeto, o que não pode ocorrer, pois Deus é perfeito e seus desígnios infalíveis. Ao não agir e completar os futuros contigentes a humanidade estaria retardando a consecução do Plano, o que não afetaria Deus, pois este está acima do tempo humano. Quando estivermos nos referindo ao Futuro da Graça, infalível, usaremos maiúscula, em referências aos futuros contigentes, optamos pela minúscula. Isso para evitar repetições desnecessárias ao longo do texto. Para definição de contingência e seu entendimento por Vieira ver artigo de: BOSI, A.. "Vieira e o reino deste mundo" Revista da Biblioteca Mário de Andrade. n. 55, 1997, pp.164 167 T 3 das profecias bíblicas, na Patrística e nas visões dos Santos, seguindo a ortodoxia católica, e nos textos proféticos messiânico-milenaristas, seguindo os movimentos sebastianista e joanista, do qual fez parte. Algumas das principais profecias selecionadas por Vieira tinham a particularidade de serem visões em sonho ou narradas em forma de sonho. Percebemos, então, que era necessário sonhar. Em uma leitura da obra sermônica do jesuíta, deparamo-nos com os sermões de S. Francisco Xavier (1694). Quinze sermões, divididos em duas partes: Xavier Dormindo e Xavier Acordado. Interessou, sobretudo, o primeiro bloco, no qual o "Apóstolo do Oriente" sonhava, e não só sonhava, como tinha o Futuro profetizado. Além da própria figura de Xavier, percebida como missionário-pregador por excelência (fato apontado por Margarida Vieira Mendes), 6 e talvez como profeta, teve relevância particular perceber a discussão travada por Vieira acerca dos sonhos proféticos como visão do Futuro. Futuro da conquista espiritual da Ásia, ligado ao destino do reino português (e do Império Católico). Investigamos, assim, os sonhos narrados e sua relação com a profecia nos sermões de Xavier Dormindo, tendo em vista a questão do tempo, enquanto enfoque de compreensão do Quinto Império. Comparações com outros sermões -que, como recurso analítico, de agora em diante, chamaremos de "sermões oníricos" -também foram traçadas, mas não há nenhum no qual a "cousa notável" e matéria dominante são o sonho e sua particularidade profética. A partir desse corpus pensamos o título do trabalho: "Padre Vieira: Sonhos proféticos, profecias oníricas. O tempo do Quinto Império nos Sermões de Xavier Dormindo". O "sonhos proféticos" está sendo usado no título em sentido diverso do "sonho profético" bíblico, segundo a denominação de Kaufmann. 7 Para o autor de A Religião de Israel, há dois tipos de sonhos enviados por Deus no Antigo Testamento: o "profético", no qual "a divindade revela-se e fala diretamente ao homem", e o "simbólico", "visão (…) enigmática , cujo significado é velado" e que "requer interpretação". Na obra de Vieira, não percebemos essa distinção entre os sonhos, 5 AGOSTINHO. Confissões. Livro, XI, 20; Sobre o assunto ver RICOEUR, P.. Tempo e narrativa. Campinas, Papirus, 1994, pp. 22 e ss. 6 MENDES, M.V..A oratória barroca de Vieira. Lisboa, Caminho, 1989, pp.267 e ss. 7 Será usado nessa acepção ao longo do trabalho, exceto em casos de referência direta ao trabalho de Kaufmann: KAUFMANN, Y.. A religião de Israel. São Paulo, Perspectiva, 1989, pp. 95 ss.

The persecution of the Huguenots in France, followed by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, unleashed one of the largest migration waves of early modern Europe. Focusing on the fate of French Protestants who fled to the Dutch Republic, "Experiencing Exile" examines how Huguenot refugees dealt with the complex realities of living as strangers abroad, and how they seized upon religion and stories of their own past to comfort them in exile. The book widens the scope of scholarship on the Huguenot Refuge, by looking beyond the beliefs and fortunes of high-profile refugees, to explore the lives of ‘ordinary’ exiles. Studies on Huguenots in the Dutch Republic in particular focus almost exclusively on the intellectual achievements of a small group of figures, including Pierre Bayle and the Basnage brothers, whereas the fate of the many refugees who joined them in exile remains unknown. This book puts the masses of Huguenot refugees back into the history of the Refuge, examining how they experienced leaving France and building a new life in the Dutch Republic.

Divided into three sections – ‘The Economy of Exile’, ‘Faith in Exile’ and ‘Memories in Exile’ – the book argues that the Huguenot exile experience was far more complicated than has often been assumed. Scholars have treated Huguenot refugees either as religious heroes, as successful migrants, or as modern philosophers, while ignoring the many challenges that exile presented. As this book demonstrates, Huguenots in the Dutch Republic discovered that being a religious refugee in early modern Europe was above all a complex and profoundly unsettling experience, fraught with socio-economic, religious and political challenges, rather than a clear-cut quest for religious freedom.

This international and interdisciplinary volume investigates Protestant 'devotional identities' in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. Divided into two sections, the book examines the 'sites' where these identities were forged - the academy, printing house, household, theatre and prison - and the 'types' of texts that expressed them - spiritual autobiographies, religious poetry and writings tied to the ars moriendi - providing a broad analysis of social, material and literary forms of devotion during England's Long Reformation. Through archival and cutting-edge research, a detailed picture of 'lived religion' emerges, which re-evaluates the pietistic acts and attitudes of well-known and recently discovered figures. To those studying and teaching religion and identity in early modern England, and anyone interested in the history of religious self-expression, these chapters offer a rich and rewarding read.

Pre-publication draft. Published version: https://www.degruyter.com/view/journals/zcph/62/1/article-p45.xml

Zusammenfassung

Dieser Artikel umfasst eine Ausgabe und englische Übersetzung des zweitältesten bekannten manx-gälischen Prosatextes, einer handgeschriebenen Predigt aus dem Jahre 1696 von John Woods (von 1696 bis zu seinem Tod im Jahre 1739 Pfarrer von Malew im südlichen Teil der Insel Man), sowie eine historische und linguistische Einführung und Anmerkungen. Die Predigt ist vor allem deshalb von Interesse, da sie gewissermaßen als „fehlendes Glied‟, der Sprache und Orthographie bezüglich, zwischen dem Früh-Manx des von Bischof John Phillips übersetzten Book of Common Prayer der anglikanischen Kirche und dem klassischen Manx der gedruckten religiösen Texte des 18. Jahrhunderts gelten kann, und auch aufgrund der Einsicht, die sie zum Gebrauch und der Überlieferung des Phillips-Manuskripts und des Predigtkorpus gibt.

Álvaro Dinis (Samuel Jachia) was a spiritual leader, founder of the Sephardic Community in Hamburg, known as «Nação Portuguesa». His book Trinta Discursos ou Darazes is a clear evidence of a religious identity that is consistent with Judaism and a linguistic identity with the Portuguese. It is the first Portuguese sermons published in Hamburg from the community members and expresses its importance to the Sephardic and Portuguese Cultures. The present study focuses on these sermons that combine characteristics of Jewish and Christian sermons.

This article investigates not whether one person, using one form
of shorthand, on one occasion, copied Q1 Hamlet, but whether some people, using any form of handwriting they liked, on any number of occasions, could have penned Hamlet Q1. It considers evidence that plays, like sermons, were noted during
performance; it looks at what might constitute ‘note traces’ in the text of Hamlet and asks why watchers might want to capture in notes – and then publish – the uttered performances that they heard.

This paper studies the interaction between clerical and lay English Catholics on the Continent in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In contrast with Protestant exiles, who established separate exile churches, Catholic expatriates did not create churches specifically for the exiled laity. Catholics abroad did nonetheless get support from the religious convents, colleges, and monasteries, where they received some pastoral care, and liturgical nourishment. How this interaction gained particular features in the context of expatriate Catholics is discussed in three cases which are attributed great importance in Counter-Reformation Catholicism: sodalities, preaching, and saint veneration.

By presenting a Catholic case of confessional mobility, this essay contributes to scholarship on early modern exiles, which is dominated by work on Protestant migration. It also speaks to the study of the Catholic Reformation, by examining how this was shaped in a situation of mobility. In both cases, and more generally, it nuances the study of institutional and localised confessional lives. The evidence discussed in this article suggests that much of the exiles devotional and liturgical lives, and their sense of belonging, is to be found in informal networks and communal understanding, rather than in focused clear-cut institutions. This has bearing upon the records that have been created and passed on to this day, and their visibility in historical research.

The paper examines the topic of Jewish circumcision and other birth rituals in a narrow segment of three Christian literary treatments from the early modern period that are intertextually connected. Analyzing three literary genres, the paper focuses on a festive sermon by the Czech Catholic priest Štěpán František Náchodský from the beginning of the 18th century, an ethnographic description by the Christian Hebraist and Calvinist scholar Johann Buxtorf, and a polemical text by the Jewish convert to Catholicism Ernst Ferdinand Hess from the end of the 16th century. The connecting material on the basis of which the topic of circumcision is presented as a rhetorical concept, however, is primarily Náchodský’s sermon. Direct quotes from individual passages describing the circumcision celebration have completely different senses in various contexts and show how an early modern preacher could change their meaning through ellipses, alterations, and the overall framework. The paper shows how the description of circumcision was recast into homiletic works that had a much greater range of reception, and what role it may have played in the formulation of Baroque piety and in the depiction of the contemporary Jewish community in the Bohemian lands.

Desde o início do século XVII, a literatura católica escrita em Portugal deixou de acreditar em uma conversão sincera dos cristãos-novos e passou a defender que a incompatibilidade de fé estava na herança do sangue judaico. Este artigo tratará da questão do sangue judeu e as medidas a serem tomadas contra seus descendentes a partir de sermões de autos-de-fé, pregados em Portugal, entre 1612 e 1640. O objetivo é estabelecer elementos que evidenciem questões raciais, principalmente baseado em dois aspectos: o sangue impuro como um medo infeccioso para os católicos e, também, como herança geracional. Será também abordada a historiografia acerca da literatura antijudaica, da qual dispensou pouca atenção ao racismo dessa tipologia de fontes. Finalmente, ressalta-se a grande importância de estudar os escritos antijudaicos como grande formatador de um ódio que culminou em pedidos de condenação aos descendentes de judeus a morrerem queimados ou a expulsá-los.

This master's thesis is a comparative analysis of three sermon collections from Denmark in the period 1450-1550. The study contains two parts. First the collections are studied as collections with respect to how they are structured, how they treat their source material, what the intention was and which topics were most interesting. Then two sermons (New Years Day and Second Sunday after Epiphany) from each collection are analyzed and compared with respect to how the authors treat the Biblical pericope and how they relate to a common tradition.
An English resumé is found on page 72.

Começo a tirar da sepultura estes meus borrens, que sem a voz que os animaua, ainda ressuscitados saõ cadaueres PADRE ANTÓNIO VIEIRA Os sermões do jesuíta Antonio Vieira (1608-1697) foram durante muito tempo lidos, em especial no Brasil, majoritariamente como objeto dos estudos literários. Não poderia deixar de sê-lo, visto que Fernando Pessoa o nomeou, em Mensagem, "Imperador da língua portuguesa". Quando lembrados pelos historiadores, algo cada vez mais recorrente, seus sermões, porém, subjugam-se à figura do jesuíta, do político, do missionário, do visionário e esquece-se de entendê-los enquanto textos retóricos de uma época (e de uma concepção retórica). Buscando propor mudanças nessa abordagem, pretendemos aqui discutir os sermões enquanto produção retórica seiscentista mas, ao mesmo tempo, como documento histórico. Nosso objeto, portanto, se situa na tênue fronteira entre Literatura e História, e, portanto, implica propor alguns pontos para a discussão sobre seus limites e fronteiras. . Um especial agradecimento a José Carlos Sebe Bom Meihy, cujas idéias inspiraram esse artigo. Esse texto é uma versão bastante modificada de uma comunicação apresentada em um Congresso da Associação Internacional dos Lusitanistas.

In Richard Meek & Erin Sullivan (eds), The Renaissance of Emotion: Understanding Affect in Shakespeare and his Contemporaries (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015), pp. 45-64.

A fundamental aim of English Protestantism was to make the Bible available to all. Yet the Bible is a potentially dangerous text, not least in its frank portrayal of unstable, confusing and even frightening emotions, both human and divine. Taking three test cases (the function of emotion-words in the order for Morning Prayer, the defusing of anti-Jewish emotionality in the Good Friday liturgy, and the tempering of Eucharistic devotion in the order for Holy Communion), this chapter shows how the 1559 Book of Common Prayer and I and II Homilies served to mediate and moderate the emotional repertoire of the Bible. It argues that criticisms of the emotional restraint of the BCP by the likes of the Admonitioners in the sixteenth century and of John Milton in the seventeenth should be seen in this context. A comparison with recent research on the emotionality of the German Reformation helps to contextualise this attempt to create a Protestant ‘community of emotion’ on English soil.

The paper is in Croatian language.
Summary:
With the end of the Morean war came the aftermath, the Treaty of Karlowitz, signed in
January 1699., which confirmed Venetian possesion of Kaphalonia, and Morea with the island
of Algina. Also, Venice gained some new territories in the heart of Dalmatia. With the
territories also came the new population different in religion, customs, traditions, etc. Some of
them already lived there and some arrived as the immigrants from Bosnia, who fled from the
Turks. Those immigrants were guided by the Franciscans who were the most influential
clergyman in Bosnia. One of the immigrants was the young Jeronim Filipović, who lately
became one of the most important preachers in the area, but also outside the Venetian border.
He was a critic of moral and everyday life of Christians who lived in Sinj and its surrounding
area. His sermons were widely known and used by a lot of preachers. This research is the
analysis of his sermons and the focus of the analysis is sin in everyday life. How sinful and
superstitious were Christians of the area in the 18th century and what was Filipović's view
and opinion on that situation. Filipović left a lot of sermons in manuscripts which are an
excellent source of information for further research.

In this article, I discuss the concept of allegory, as well as the related terms
‘type’ and ‘figure’ amid the Christian hermeneutical tradition, in order to understand
their use in Father Antonio Vieira’s sermons. Stemming from the assumption that the
terminology may be insufficient to comprehend the multifarious use implied by these
concepts, we opt to subsidiarily employ the notion of “reading strategies”, based on
Young (1997), as a tool to map the various uses of allegory as a means of interpretation.
Through a qualitative sampling of Vieira’s sermons, we show the varied use of this terms
and the pertinence of comprehending the allegorical strategies employed by the Jesuit to
rhetorically and theologically compose his sermons.

The main aim of this study is to present how early modern preaching in the Czech lands shaped the image of the local Jewish community in Christian eyes at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries. Bohemian and Moravian preachers, drawing from medieval literature, were fundamentally influenced by the traditional theological concept of Jews as a living witness to the Christian truth. At the same time, baroque sermons reused medieval exempla and miracula preserving typical anti-Jewish narratives. Due to the increasing number of Bohemian and Moravian Jewry at the end of 17th century, and the socio-economical tension between Christian and Jewish communities, catholic preachers pursued contemporary topics and criticized unpermitted contacts, allegedly leading to the inferior status of Christians. On the other hand, these critical notes usually were targeted primarily on Christian believers and their laxity in the observance of religious life, as well as ignorance of social hierarchy. Although the Czech Catholic sermons constructed the hostile perception of Jews, the preachers endeavoured to avoid vulgar anti-Judaism and partly smoothed popular anti-Jewish sentiments.

Si au XVIIe siècle s'affirme la prééminence du style moyen et de l'esthétique conversationnelle 1 , c'est pourtant au grand style, ou à la « grande manière » qu'est resté associé dans le domaine des beaux-arts, pour les siècles ultérieurs, le « grand siècle » : celui qu'on appellera « Louis le grand » est en effet souvent perçu, pour reprendre les termes de Bossuet, comme « ce grand monarque, grand véritablement, et digne par la grandeur de son âme de n'entendre que de grandes choses » (90) 2 , exprimées, pourrait-on ajouter, grandement. Lanson écrit ainsi : «Il y a un grand art 'Louis XIV', en prose comme en peinture, et une belle phrase, correcte, grandiose, pompeuse, théâtrale, fort ressemblante, enfin, aux nobles tableaux de Lebrun.

a burgomaster in the town of Delft, was a man who seriously disliked getting wet. Seeing the menacing thunderstorms on the morning of 25 August 1687, he decided to stay at his country estate and spend his time doing something he did like: reading sermons. As he picked up a recent volume published by Pierre du Bosc, a Huguenot minister from Caen who had moved to Rotterdam in 1685, he was especially touched by a sermon entitled Le fondement et le sceau de Dieu, in which Du Bosc exhorted the faithful to forsake their sinful lives and convert themselves to Christ. Van Berkhout even copied out a key passage in his journal: "The true means to be firm in the profession of the Holy Gospel, is to leave behind sin and live a good life" 1 . Clearly the sermons Huguenot ministers preached in exile were not only heard in church but also circulated as printed texts that could make a vivid impression upon readers. Indeed, it is striking how many refugee ministers had their sermons printed in the Dutch Republic: between 1685 and 1700 over a 100 sermons written by Huguenot clergymen rolled of the presses in the major Dutch towns. When we consider the migration pattern of French ministers after the Revocation this concentration of published sermons seems hardly surprising, as the Dutch Republic was their main destination: of the estimated 680 ministers that chose exile, 405 moved to the Dutch Republic. This was an obvious choice, because in the Dutch provinces they found a vast network of Walloon churches, which had been established in the late sixteenth century by French-speaking Protestants fleeing religious persecution in the Southern Netherlands. Moreover, as a result of the Revocation around 35,000 Huguenot refugees had swelled the ranks of the Walloon churches, which were in serious need of ministers 2 .

The rich historical-cultural traditions of the carnival time, the period between Epiphany and Ash Wednesday, cannot be studied without examining their extensive primary sources belonging to various literary genres. The aim of this paper is to provide a brief summary of the major findings of the thesis I produced as a student of Hungarian language and literature at Pázmány Péter Catholic University. The title of the thesis was “Carnival Time in Old Hungarian Sermon Literature until 1800” and it was supervised by Prof. László Szelestei Nagy (Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of Old Hungarian Philology). The thesis was intended to contrast various genres and works related to carnival time with a particular focus on 17-18th century Hungarian sermons. In addition, school theatre and other literary genres, such as occasional and pulp poetry, were also included in the scope of research. The thesis was primarily concerned with two areas of research interests, namely, how amusement, dance and other forms of entertainment were reflected in the preaching of different Christian (Catholic, Calvinist and Lutheran) sermons at carnival time and how the rhetoric, the aims and the themes of the sermons were modified in this special period of the year.

online: https://digi.hadw-bw.de/view/kai4

Der moderne Begriff des Gewissens wurde wesentlich im Mittelalter geprägt. In dieser Zeit entstanden neue Vorstellungen vom Menschen und von Gemeinschaft, neue Ideen des Rechts, neue Sichtweisen auf Gott. Im Gewissen aber fiel das Wissen des Menschen von der Welt mit jenem zusammen, das er von sich selbst hatte. Im Zentrum des Buches steht ein Modell, demzufolge das Gewissen in vier Arten begegnet: Es sei entweder gut und ruhig, gut und unruhig, schlecht und ruhig oder schlecht und unruhig. Diese Einteilung hatte rasch Erfolg, wie eine Fülle von Texten bezeugt. Sie werden diskutiert und in den meisten Fällen ediert. Eine umfassende Rezeptionsgeschichte beleuchtet die Präsenz des Modells seit seiner Entstehung im 12. Jh. bis in die Gegenwart. Es wurde zu einem Instrument, das half, eine neue Gewissenskultur zu etablieren, mit der Verhalten konditioniert und Affekte kontrolliert werden konnten.
Die Studie präsentiert den Traktat »Von den vier Gewissensarten« erstmals in kritischer Edition und deutscher Übersetzung.

The article deals with the artistic features of presentation of the Gospel story about the Resurrection of
Christ in Lazar Baranovych’s sermons. The author concludes that the texts of Lazar Baranovych are the
examples of baroque rhetorical sermon.
Keywords: sermon, homily, baroque.

The old commentaries on the Heidelberg Catechism (HC) witness how this catechism was interpreted in the sixteenth century. Students, being trained in Christian doctrine with this catechism, as ministers had to wrestle with its contents in the preparation of their catechism sermons, which sometimes resulted in a commentary. Their printed sermons still show how they read the new catechism with their congregations. My intention in this paper is to introduce these commentaries and sermons from the sixteenth centurywhich up until now have received not much scholarly attention -to rouse interest in this part of the reception history of the catechism. In accord with the theme of the conference, I concentrate my paper on the way they explain Q&A 53 -discussing the Holy Spirit -which reads: