Denialism

This chapter explores three anthropological dimensions of the denial of crimes committed during the François Duvalier regime in Haiti (1957 and 1971): the manner in which social obligations created by kinship and social bonds induce conformism, self-censorship, and eventually denial; the disassociation from the victim's suffering, a social phenomenon I call pathophobia; and the animistic dimension of denial, which considers that the victim is wrong in their very essence and thus deserving of their fate.

Compreender os fatores que culminaram na decisão de vários governantes de voltar às ruas antes do tempo recomendado para enfrentar a pandemia do coronavírus demanda uma análise cuidadosa. Não se trata de falta de entendimento do problema por parte da população, mas de uma incompatibilidade de mundos: as verdades científicas não têm conseguido engajar a maioria das pessoas num projeto comum, nem servido de ponte para conectar necessidades individuais a projetos coletivos.

O primeiro objetivo deste ensaio é compreender a natureza específica das fake news e da pós-verdade enquanto fenômenos com características epistêmicas e sociais. Essa compreensão faz-se sob a hipótese de que um dos fatores que as tornam fenômenos particularmente inéditos e graves é a sua relação com formas corrompidas do ceticismo e relativismo. Descritas essas formas, o segundo objetivo consiste em contrastá-las a versões saudáveis de ceticismo e relativismo, procurando mostrar sua importância ao estabelecimento de acordos morais.
Após uma discussão sobre características definidoras das fake news (seção 1), vale-se de uma descrição do conjunto de crenças de conspiracionistas e negacionistas, em que se pode encontrar uma noção vulgar de ceticismo (seção 2). O relativismo vulgar é apresentado junto a uma descrição do que seria a pós-verdade (seção 3). Em seguida, apresenta-se uma defesa de um tipo específico de relativismo e ceticismo que serve a quem procura lidar adequadamente com o conhecimento em um ambiente não dogmático (seção 4). Ao fim, responde-se a uma possível objeção oferecida por relativistas de que haveria dogmatismo na crítica consensual às fake news e à pós-verdade (seção 5).

Resumo O artigo problematiza a emergência de histórias públicas reacionárias e novos negacionismos influenciados pela pro-fusão de narrativas históricas vinculadas aos meios de comunicação e às ideias de pós-verdade. Assim, destacam-se as re-lações entre história, mídia e ensino, abusos do passado, difusão de narrati-vas históricas e consumo. Ao final, aponta para os desafios colocados ao próprio lugar da história e dos professo-res de história frente a essa produção. Palavras-chave: História Pública; pós-verdade; negacionismo; ensino. Abstract This article approaches the emergence of digital discourse and the new Nega-tionism influenced by the historical narratives linked to the media; draft the relations between history, the media and education, the abuses of the past, the diffusion of historical narratives and consumption. In the end, it points to the challenges to the very place of the history and the teachers of history in front of to the concept of post-truth. No dia 2 de fevereiro deste ano [2017], uma equipe do History Channel veio a minha casa. Entrevistou-me para o que seria, se-gundo me informaram, genericamente, "uma série sobre a história do Brasil": Tomaram quase duas horas de meu tempo. Fiquei pas-mo quando o entrevistador, Matheus Ruas, da produtora Fly, pe-diu-me explicitamente para responder às questões como se, do outro lado da lente, sentado na poltrona, estivesse o Homer Simp-son. (Lira Neto, 20 out. 2017) Façamos um exercício: pensemos em Homer Simpson, como um tipo ideal, querendo aprender história do Brasil. Personagem de instrução

In the mid-1990s, elements of the social justice movement joined growthists and religious conservatives in a veritable Greek chorus of opposition to the problematisation of population growth. This unlikely alliance was highly successful in mainstreaming population denialism as well as turning overpopulation into a taboo subject, especially in the West. In the quarter-century since, natural scientists, environmentalists, demographers, journalists and policy-makers have systematically avoided problematising population growth, with grave consequences to public awareness and debate as well as to interdisciplinary experts' ability to properly diagnose the causes of and most effective remedies for climate change and a plethora of other creeping catastrophes. In this chapter I trace the ideological roots of population denialism and the taboo to age-old growthist ideation in combination with the shaming discourse and idealised expectations of human behaviour from late-18 th-century utopian thought. The problem of overpopulation has become vastly worse over the last 200 years or so, but the rhetorical strategies for dismissing and shutting down discussion on the issue have hardly changed.

El propósito de este trabajo es abordar el discurso del odio (más referido al plano racial y étnico que al religioso, sexual o político), en relación a la libertad de expresión en el continente europeo. En este sentido, se sostiene una postura favorable a la limitación de la libertad de expresión en lo referido a las diferentes formas de expresión que alienten el odio, en sus diferentes versiones y con matices según cada caso, como medida para perpetuar un positivo entendimiento del pasado cercano, del presente actual y del futuro incierto.

Systemic avoidance
Misrepresentation of social distancing in an overcrowded context
Modelling crisis development ignoring relative population density?
Ironies and contradictions of social distancing
Potential challenges of social distancing
Ensuring global strategic coherence in time of crisis
Unexplored strategic implications of social distancing
Requisite sacrifice in time of war?
Self-reflexive implication of social distancing?

The origins of al-Andalus traditionally proved a highly controversial issue in Spanish historical writing, mainly because of ideological reasons. A declared follower of fascism before the Spanish Civil War and amateur historian, Ignacio Olagüe (1903-1974) came to prominence in 1969 by presenting a 'nativist' approach to the origins of al-Andalus. Far from the consequence of a foreign military conquest led by Arab and Berber troops acting at the service of the Umayyad Caliph of Damascus, the formation of an Arabic and Islamic society in Iberia resulted from a civil war between local unitarian and trinitarian Christians and a subsequent religious evolution from Arianism to Islam. Ever since 2006, this set of delusional ideas gained traction among certain scholarly outlets as a challenge to the Reconquista paradigm, the traditional National Catholic approach to medieval Iberia. By so doing, Olagüe’s followers claim to set themselves as the only possible alternative to the most conservative reading of the medieval Iberian past, something helps understand much of their current success among leftists groups (mostly non-academic). Much like National Catholic scholarship, however, negationism looks at the past as a tool to promote and reinforce collective identities and, therefore, they are more alike than they are different. Taking into account its baseless and ungrounded approach to historical sources, Olagüe's ideas must be merely considered an outright historiographical fraud.

In responding to Weller and O’Neill’s ‘argument with neoliberalism’, I question the novelty of their approach and the problematics of denying the critical power and associated violence that neoliberalism continues to wield in our world. While they do raise an important epistemic challenge, a closer reading of the geographical literature on neoliberalism reveals that Weller and O’Neill tend to paint with the broad strokes of caricature. Notions of neoliberalism as inevitable or as a paradigmatic construct have long been debunked by human geographers, replaced by protean notions of variegation, hybridity, and articulation with existing political economic circumstances. A discursive understanding of neoliberalism further reveals it as an assemblage, and thus to hold neoliberalism to a sense of purity is little more than a straw man argument. Despite the positive desire to allow space for alternatives, Weller and O’Neill unfortunately construct their argument in such a way that positions it as part of an emerging genre of  ‘neoliberalism in denial’.

Si le conflit en Syrie est le plus documenté de l’histoire, c’est parce que ses propres protagonistes ont produit une masse de contenus (audiovisuels mais aussi photographiques et textuels) considérable. Depuis dix ans, des millions de vidéos produites par des manifestants,
des activistes et des groupes combattants ont été mises en ligne quasiment en temps réel sur Internet. Au début de la révolte, l’objectif est de contourner l’embargo médiatique imposé par le régime de Bachar al Assad et sa propagande, en montrant l’ampleur de la mobilisation et de la répression. Mais malgré les vidéos tournées sous le feu des balles dans les manifestations ou lors de bombardements, les témoignages filmés de rescapés d’assassinats collectifs, de
torture, de viols et d’attaques chimiques, la violence n’a cessé de s’intensifier et de s’exercer au grand jour. Ces vidéos ont même, paradoxalement, contribué à l’exacerber et à alimenter une rhétorique du doute au service de l’impunité.

Law’s claim of mastery over past political violence is frequently undermined by reversals of that relationship of mastery, so that the violence of the law, and especially its symbolic violence, becomes easily incorporated into longues durées of political violence, rather than mastering them, settling them, or providing closure. Doing justice to the past, therefore, requires a political and theoretical attunement to the ways in which law, in purportedly attempting to address past political violence, inscribes itself into contemporary contexts of violence. While this may be limited to an analysis of how law is an effect of and affects the political, theoretically this attunement can be further refined by means of a critique of dynamics that are internal to law itself and that have to do with how law understands its own historicity, as well as its relationship to history and historiography. This article aims to pursue such a critique, taking as its immediate focus the ECHR case of Perinçek v Switzerland, with occasional forays into debates around the criminalisation of Armenian genocide denialism in France. The Perinçek case concerned Switzerland’s criminalisation of the denial of the Armenian genocide, and concluded in 2015 after producing two judgments, first by the Second Chamber, and then by the Grand Chamber of the ECHR. However, although they both found for the applicant, the two benches had very different lines of reasoning, and notably different conceptions regarding the relationship between law and history. I proceed by tracing the shifting status of ‘history’ and ‘historians’ in these two judgments, and paying attention to the deferrals, disclaimers and ellipses that structure law’s relation to history. This close reading offers the opportunity for a critical reappraisal of the relationship between law, denial and violence: I propose that the symbolic violence of the law operative in memory laws is a product of that which remains unresolved in law’s understanding of historicity (including its own), its self-understanding vis-à-vis the task of historiography, and its inability to respond to historical violence without inscribing itself into a history of violence, a process regarding which it remains in denial.

Sans doute à lui seul ce chapitre pourrait constituer une sorte de résumé ou de condensé de cet ouvrage collectif. Théories du complot, alterscience, dénégation du changement climatique, contestation du massacre organisé des juifs européens ou bien encore propositions industrielles aventureuses, toutes ces thématiques se cristallisent autour de Lyndon LaRouche, personnage secondaire mais néanmoins important de la vie politique américaine depuis les années 1970.

[ENG] Climate change has been the subject of much research in various fields of the social sciences in recent decades, including that of communication. As a result, much evidence has been accumulated on the complex reality behind political inaction in this regard. However, when it comes to communicating this reality, the media, and part of academia, have tended to simplify this complexity by focusing on the climate countermovement and literal denialism of the phenomenon. This countermovement has been extensively studied in the United States, revealing the existence of a highly influential anthropogenic climate change denialism in that country. However, academic research has also shown that political inaction on the climate cannot be explained by denialism alone; not in the United States, and much less in Europe. In this article, we question the current indiscriminate use of the concept of denialism and suggest the incorporation of a more sophisticated conceptual and analytical framework that provides more nuance and aligns with the evidence emerging from academic research. It is a matter not only of critically communicating the reality of political inaction with regard to the climate, but also of identifying the entire spectrum of responsibilities, which are not limited to simply denying or not denying climate change.

[ESP] El cambio climático ha sido objeto de estudio frecuente desde distintos ámbitos de las ciencias sociales en las últimas décadas, también desde la comunicación. Gracias a ello, se ha generado una cada vez más abundante evidencia de la realidad compleja que se esconde tras la inacción política al respecto. Sin embargo, a la hora de comunicar esta realidad, los medios de comunicación, y una parte de la academia, han tendido a simplificar esta complejidad poniendo el foco en el contramovimiento climático y el negacionismo literal del fenómeno. Este contramovimiento ha sido abundantemente estudiado en los Estados Unidos, lo que ha puesto en evidencia la existencia de un negacionismo del cambio climático antropogénico muy influyente en ese país. Pero la investigación académica ha hecho también evidente que la inacción política al respecto del clima no puede explicarse solo con el concepto de negacionismo; ni en los Estados Unidos, ni mucho menos en Europa. En este artículo problematizamos el uso del concepto negacionismo en su uso indiscriminado actual y sugerimos incorporar un marco conceptual y de análisis más sofisticado, que aporte más matices y se alinee con las evidencias de la investigación académica. Se trata no solo de comunicar de forma crítica la realidad de la inacción política con respecto al clima sino de hacerlo también identificando todo el espectro real de responsabilidades, que no se reducen a negar o no negar el cambio climático.

The Zimbabwean government instigated Gukurahundi massacres resulted in the death of around 20 000 people. The majority of the victims belonged to the Ndebele ethnic group while the Fifth Brigade, a Shona dominated military out it, were the main perpetrators of the mass killings. The atrocities ended with the signing of the Unity Accord of December 1987 between the ruling ZANU (PF) party, which had masterminded the atrocities, and the opposition (PF) ZAPU, whose supporters had borne the brunt of state highhandedness. After the cessation of hostilities the Zimbabwean government frustrated open conversations and public commemorations of the massacres. What conversations on Gukurahundi that took place were largely victims' monologues. To interrogate this state instigated silencing of exposure and remembrance the article suggests an exigency for counter-narrating erasures of memories of harm and impunity. In the aftermath of massacres, I argue, harmed communities embolden themselves and coalesce their fractured senses of self by openly memorialising their collective suffering through open conversations about their shared victimhood, commemorations, and the assembling of monuments. The Robert Mugabe led government's foreclosure of such avenues for public acknowledgements of mass injuries that are supposed to serve as visceral registers of what societies should remember to avoid in the future reveals its disregard for the wounded humanity of the constitutive political other. Thus, Gukurahundi as an historical episode reveals the pathology of mass harm silenced and rendered
insignificant by the state.

SOMMARIO 1. Introduzione-2. Le evoluzioni normative in Italia-3. Due problemi per gli antinegazionisti: la contestualizzazione e il negazionismo in buona fede-4. Il negazionismo come problema culturale-5. Conclusioni. 1. Introduzione Nel 2008 il Consiglio dell'Unione europea approvò una Decisione Quadro 1 con la quale gli Stati si sarebbero impegnati a rendere punibile con "sanzioni penali efficaci, proporzionate e dissuasive", che prevedano da uno a tre anni di reclusione, "l'apologia, la negazione o la minimizzazione grossolana dei crimini di genocidio, dei crimini contro l'umanità e dei crimini di guerra, quali definiti agli articoli 6, 7 e 8 dello statuto della Corte penale internazionale", nonché "l'apologia, la negazione o la minimizzazione grossolana dei crimini definiti all'articolo 6 dello statuto del Tribunale militare internazionale, allegato all'accordo di Londra dell' 8 agosto 1945" (cioè i delitti contro la pace, i crimini di guerra e i crimini contro l'umanità) 2. A prima vista questa richiesta poteva, e può, apparire ragionevole: come recita infatti il punto 5 del Preambolo, "il razzismo e la xenofobia costituiscono una minaccia per i gruppi di persone che sono bersaglio di tale comportamento", ed è per questo, così continua il Preambolo, che "è necessario definire nei confronti di tale fenomeno un'impostazione penale che sia comune all'Unione europea, per fare in modo che gli stessi comportamenti costituiscano reati in tutti gli Stati membri e che siano previste pene efficaci, proporzionate e dissuasive per le persone fisiche e  Il presente lavoro costituisce il testo, riveduto e ampliato, della relazione tenuta il giorno 6 aprile 2018 presso l'Università degli studi di Firenze nell'ambito del Corso di perfezionamento in diritto e procedura penale "La recente legislazione penale". 1 Decisione quadro 2008/913/GAI del Consiglio, del 28 novembre 2008, sulla lotta contro talune forme ed espressioni di razzismo e xenofobia mediante il diritto penale. 2 Sempre in base alla Decisione Quadro, questi atti devono anche essere pubblici, non devono comunque essere in contrasto con la libertà di stampa e di espressione e possono essere agganciati a una decisione di un tribunale nazionale o internazionale passata in giudicato. in disCrimen dal 28.07.2018

The key idea this paper explores is that if climate change denial is relatively widespread, in spite of the continued efforts of researchers and journalists to debunk it, it is not only because of the ignorance of the average citizen and the powerful propaganda of the fossil fuel industry, but also – and perhaps mainly – because it is assumed as a form of resistance in defence of freedom and individual autonomy. A mistaken and paradoxical form of resistance, without doubt, which is precisely why it calls for careful examination.

This article compares how COVID-19 affected state–society relations differently in two relatively similar countries: Brazil and Argentina. Bringing together social movement theories and ideational institutionalism, we argue that variation in responses to the COVID-19 pandemic is explained by the different roles played by social movements inside and outside government and by contrasting ideational disputes. The extreme uncertainty introduced by the pandemic generated intense contestation about the meaning of the crisis and how to resolve it. In Brazil, progressive social movements not only were excluded from the government coalition, but also had to combat a powerful discourse that denied the existence of a crisis altogether. Such denialism did not flourish in the same way in Argentina, where progressive social movements were part of national government processes. The result was that in Argentina, movement–government dynamics revolved around constructing long-term policy proposals, w...

In early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, celebrity experts rushed to predict its outcome in Israeli media. Their predictions undershot the real spread of the pandemic by one or two orders of magnitude. Media seems to be lenient towards assertions of celebrity experts even if they fly in the face of reality, which raises two observations. First, statements from celebrity experts seem bold and controversial yet typically contain only few provable or refutable hypotheses. Second (and perhaps more significant), apparent errors of celebrity experts could be seen as emanating from values of an alternative worldview. If, in such alternative worldview, their assertions hold ground, it justifies defining them as an alternative mathematics. Consequently, criticism of statements by celebrity experts could be more effective if it ventures beyond numbers and touches on values and worldviews.

. This book combines practitioner scholarship with the voices of 42 contributors from various walks who co-produce knowledge about the impact of oppression(s) over time.

The reader is provided with an adaptable conceptual framework through which to critique, adapt, adopt or discard the conceptual argument and framework.

Available from Amazon and bookstores from August 2018

https://www.academia.edu/42747815/Disrupting_Denial_Analysing_Narratives_of_Invisible_Visible_Violence_and_Trauma_2018_Full_copy

Denial, or the habit of treating a real problem as if it were a nonissue, has both rational and irrational features. The interplay between these is best captured by a utilitarian-rationalist framework stretched to its limits. When in denial, people follow what they feel to be in their best interest by minimizing the psychosocial cost of acknowledging their problems. At its core, denial is thus based on a self-interested rationale of pain avoidance and harm minimization. Depending on the characteristics of the issue at hand, some of the effects are deeply ironic. I demonstrate this by starting from the simplest and most beneficial form of denial, before moving on to cases that are more complex and harmful. I also show how people can be liberated from denial when the practice has become counterproductive. Most of the mystery surrounding denial disappears when we accept that it is premised on a twisted kind of rationality.

O artigo pretende analisar a crise sanitária global advinda da pandemia da COVID-19 a partir de uma análise temporal para evidenciar o papel temporalizador do direito. Primeiro delineio os aspectos temporais que singula- rizam esta crise sanitária diante da necessidade de desaceleração da disseminação do vírus através de medidas jurídicas que implementaram o distanciamento social no Brasil. Em seguida mostro como o aspecto temporal surge nos discursos “ne- gacionistas”. Por fim, argumento que as medidas jurídicas que implementaram o distanciamento social provocaram uma dessincronia entre o “tempo neoliberal” e o “tempo da COVID”, e concluo argumentando que essa experiência pode ser lida como a materialização da função temporalizadora do direito.

This chapter surveys the literature on violence over civilians during the Spanish Civil War produced in the last decace by historians who can be considered representative respectively of pro- and of anti-Republican sensibilities. By showing the theoretical flaws and weaknesses of their perspectives, it goes on to denounce a particular kind of "pro-democratic" denialism inscribed in their work which reflects their moral prejudices when dealing with violent rhetoric and action during the 1930s. In trying to search for an alternative approach capable of dealing with the complex character of victims-perpetrators, it shows the epistemological and interpretive relevance of Carlos García-Alix´s documentary on the life and deeds of an Anarchist militant involved in killings of civilians during the war who committed suicide after being caught and tortured by the Francoist forces in 1939.

In Climate Matters John Broome defends two claims. First, if you live a "normal life" in a rich country, you will probably cause significant harm by your emissions of greenhouse gas (GHG), violating a moral duty of harm-avoidance. Second, you can satisfy this duty by offsetting your emissions. Some would deny Broome's first claim on the grounds that an individual's emissions of GHG do no harm. Broome calls this position "Individual Denialism" (ID) and in a recent paper he attempts to refute it. I explain how, if Broome's refutation of ID were successful, it would undermine his claim that you can satisfy your duty of harm avoidance by offsetting. I suggest an alternative defence of the claim that you can satisfy your individual duty to reduce your carbon footprint by offsetting. This alternative defence assumes that your duty to reduce your carbon footprint derives from a duty of risk-avoidance.

Petr Skrabanek (1940 - 1994) was a leading figure in the Anglo-Saxon skeptical movement. Claiming to speak in the name of science and reason, the "skeptics" deploy a systematic critique of acupuncture plunged into the jumble of "alternative and complementary medicine". But Skrabanek has also proven to be one of the doctors secretly recruited by the tobacco industry to denigrate any work showing the harmfulness of smoking (Whitecoat Project). The same strategy of doubt created and used in the field of smoking was used by Skrabanek against acupuncture. This is what underlies the current skeptical discourse. The link between the two types of denialism (the harmfulness of smoking and the therapeutic value of acupuncture) is ideological and must be placed in the political context of the Cold War and cultural of the New Age.

Petr Skrabanek (1940 – 1994) était une figure de proue du mouvement sceptique anglosaxon. Prétendant parler au nom de la science et de la raison, les « sceptiques » déploient une critique systématique de l’acupuncture plongée dans le bric-à-brac des « médecines alternatives et complémentaires » . Mais Skrabanek s’est aussi révélé être un des médecins recrutés secrètement par l’industrie du tabac pour dénigrer tous les travaux mettant en évidence la nocivité du tabagisme (Whitecoat Project).  La même stratégie du doute créée et mise en application dans le domaine du tabac a été utilisée par Skrabanek à l’encontre de l’acupuncture. C’est ce qui sous-tend le discours sceptique actuel. Le lien entre les deux types de dénialisme (la nocivité du tabagisme et l’intérêt thérapeutique de l’acupuncture) est d’ordre idéologique et à replacer dans les contextes politique de la guerre froide et culturel du New-Age.

Consideramos viver numa sociedade que se orienta pela racionalidade e o conhecimento, uma sociedade que definimos com frequência como "moderna". Portanto, a manifestação de crenças que nos parecem francamente irracionais é recebida sempre com alguma surpresa, senão inquietação. Remetemos, aqui, especialmente à difusão de discursos de natureza negacionista, ou seja, que colocam em causa a realidade de fato tidos usualmente como verdadeiros, despertando quase diariamente reações de incredulidade e tentativas de desconstrução mais ou menos generosas.

Paratactic ruminations on June 2019 visit to Auschwitz: reflections, impressions, (anonymised) conversations, Celan's Todesfugue, Trawny's "liberty to err", Hoss' memoirs, denialism, Heidegger, Martin Swords' "Birches at Birkenau", Elie Wiesel's La Nuit, our post-post-fascist times.

May you live in interesting times, the famous maxim quotes. Undoubtedly, at least in the historical context, periods of political, social, scientific, or economic riots – or at least commotion, ferment, crisis – have certainly earned such a title. So have the epochs which were subject to radical transformations distorting traditional relationships and institutions, existing patterns and rules. The abovementioned “interestingness” is thus a function of a radical change, challenge and variability, somewhat a derivative of erosion, and of all that we associate it with the notion of revolution or turn, be it political, social, economic, environmental, or scientific. The paper’s core aim is to examine the nowadays constantly revised, questioned, thus, shaking demarcation between science and pseudoscience in the light of new trends such as misinformation, denialism, internetisation and memoisation of scientific discourses.

Mucho se ha escrito en los últimos años acerca de la creciente desconfianza de la ciudadanía ante la ciencia actual, la objetividad, la verdad, la evidencia y los hechos. Se ha escrito acerca de la posverdad, de la progresiva desaparición de las y los expertos de los centros vitales de la sociedad, de los hechos alternativos, del negacionismo científico, de las teorías de la conspiración, de la pseudociencia, de las pseudoterapias, de las medicinas alternativas, de las noticias falsas, de la desinformación, de la infodemia y demás enemigos del conocimiento. También se han escrito, sobre todo después de la victoria electoral de Trump en 2016 y del Brexit, una cantidad formidable y creciente de análisis sobre el populismo y las crisis de las democracias liberales. Se nos ha instado a estar alerta sobre las señales que suelen presentarse cuando la democracia peligra, a no sucumbir ante el miedo, y a analizar las condiciones que posibilitan el asenso de líderes populistas al poder. Una mera selección de los principales libros y artículos publicados al respecto llenaría un librero mediano. No obstante, estos temas suelen tratarse de manera independiente y, cuando se establece alguna relación entre ellos, es meramente contingente: parece que a los líderes populistas les desagrada la ciencia y parece que quienes desconfían de la ciencia prefieren a líderes populistas. El análisis no había pasado de constatar simplemente dicha correlación. La tiranía del mérito, del famoso profesor de Harvard Michael J. Sandel, se ha propuesto cubrir la carencia de una explicación a este respecto.

Albert Friedlander's writings were part of a generational struggle to find a language in which to speak of the experience of the Holocaust. This struggle was, in part, a response to the 'unspeakability' of the Holocaust, the silence and denial of its perpetrators. As such, in the postwar period, the perpetrators of the Holocaust also struggled to find the words to speak of what they had done. This short article goes on to speculate on the implications of the unspeakability of the Holocaust and other genocides. It suggests that this unspeakability is beginning to break down as desires are spoken of more openly. As such, it is possible that current and future generations will have to embark on a different struggle to that of Albert Friedlander. While he could count on an assumed moral consensus that the Holocaust was wrong, current and future generations may no longer be able to rely on this assumption.

L’unità italiana del progetto MELA insieme al Dottorato in Scienze Giuridiche dell’Università di Bologna organizzano un ciclo di conferenze dal titolo "Tempo, memoria e diritto penale".

I Seminari in programma, in lingua inglese, francese, spagnola e italiana incrociano sguardi e prospettive disciplinari differenti, cercando altresì di instaurare un dialogo tra studiosi e pratic