Imperialism

Colonialism is a particular mode of domination exercised by a state or comparable entity over foreign lands and peoples. There is a good deal of overlap between the keyword colonialism and the more general concept of imperialism. The former has come to refer specifically to the European domination of vast expanses of the world during the modern period as well as to techniques of imperial control developed during this period and applied by powers such as Japan and the United States. Colonialism and decolonization have had a profound impact on all domains of cultural production, including music. After defining colonialism, this entry introduces some of the processes and musical effects of Western colonial expansion from the 15th century to the present.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

In this chapter I will examine the origins, functions, and consequences of extraterritoriality in Siam, and its important role in the creation of the modern Thai state. More specifically, I will trace the role of extraterritoriality in the creation of a territorially bound polity governed through bureaucratic mechanisms displaying a high degree of legalisation of social relations and integrated into a global capitalist system. In the first part of this chapter, I will examine the establishment, operation, and abolition of extraterritoriality in Siam, having as my main reference-point the 1855 Bowring Treaty and the subsequent legal, institutional, and economic reforms enacted by the Siamese monarchy in its attempt to have extraterritoriality abolished. In the second part, I will discuss the process of creating a territorialised, centralised state and the assumption of control over former vassal states by Bangkok. Here I revisit imperial struggle and co-operation between Britain and Siam regarding the resource-rich Northern Siam (Lanna). I will argue that extraterritoriality treaties in 1874 and 1883 crystallised the alliance between foreign capital and the Siamese ruling classes, an alliance that drove the process of state-building in Siam. The core of my argument is that extraterritorial jurisdiction was a legal technique through which British capitalists, the Foreign Office, the Siamese monarchy, and the nascent bourgeoisie formed a precarious and contradictory, yet operationally effective, alliance that enabled Siam’s transition to capitalism, the emergence of fixed borders, and the subjugation of northern vassal states and concomitant consolidation of state control over these territories, as well as the mastery over and commodification of nature.

The nature of the relationship between the Assyrian state and the Syro-Hittite states is often represented in the writings of archaeologists and ancient historians under the rubric of imperialism, Assyrian sovereignty, and the Syro-Hittite resistance, an unchanging formula largely based on center-periphery models. This structuralist model of fixed relationships is thus characterized as a firmly-set trajectory of power relations and a teleological narrative of conquest, ending without exception with the eventual and complete submission and subjugation of Syro-Hittite states to Assyrian military power. While Syro-Hittite states are represented as vulnerable and politically weak entities, the Assyrian state is referred as an “expansionistic imperial power” or “superior invading force”. Had they escaped direct Assyrian sovereignty, these peripheral communities were at least deemed “Assyrianizing” in their material culture. This a priori qualification of Syro-Hittite-Assyrian relationships as an imbalanced power distribution is an outcome of the preponderance of studies of Assyrian sovereignty with an obsession with the (cosmic) image of the sovereign in his visual and verbal manifestations. Secondly it is often assumed that the study of Assyrian imperialism has always operated through coercion and military violence. Alternative forms of engagement between the Neo-Assyrian state and the Syro-Hittite kingdoms such as diplomacy, political negotiation, trade, exchange of ideas, politics of settlement, land management, taxation or traveling craftsmen and circulation of technology and knowledge are much more rarely discussed. In this paper, I suggest that historical perspectives on the unchallenged Assyrian imperialism are often driven by the alluring, yet biased perspectives offered by the sumptuous, if not excessive corpus of Assyrian annalistic accounts, state sponsored texts, and imperial monuments. Therefore such perspectives prioritize short-term political histories of conquest and domination over other longer term and more horizontally distributed aspects of the past such as cultural practices, ecological histories, political landscapes, socialization, or material worlds. The historicist accounts of the Near Eastern past can be challenged and perhaps balanced by evidence offered by archaeological, material, and environmental research, which present alternative and often contrasting perspectives on these particular histories. Prioritizing textual evidence often leaves out the material flows, delicate negotiations of power, dynamics of trade and exchange and the politics of resource extraction. Attending to other forms of evidence allows us to reflect on the complexity of the relationships between Assyria and the Syro-Hittite states. In this article, I pay particular attention to such interactions and encounters that are other than military in nature, and give priority to material evidence that challenge standard imperialist narratives of Assyrian textual accounts.

This paper argues that capitalist accumulation requires imperialist expansion, and that this expansion creates a “raced” surplus laboring population. The argument proceeds in seven parts: that Marx’s assertion in chapter 25 of Capital that capitalism produces an ever-increasing relative surplus population is tenable in all but the longest of time frames; that imperial expansion played an important role in the transition to capitalism, though not for the reasons traditionally given; that overinvestment rather than the increasing organic composition of capital best explains imperial expansion in the capitalist era; that the uneven development of capitalism produces at the same time an uneven development of the surplus laboring population; that race has served as a mark of membership in the surplus laboring population; that by intertwining itself with the surplus laboring population, race serves to perpetuate itself despite its contradictions; and that despite this resilience, the contradictions of race also set in process conflicts that make it possible to overcome imperialism.

È uscito il volume A. Pascale, Ascesa e declino dell'impero statunitense, tomo 1 – Genesi di un regime elitario (dalle origini al 1945), La Città del Sole-L'AntiDiplomatico, Napoli 2022.
Il testo consta di 620 pagine ed è acquistabile al prezzo di 28 euro nelle migliori librerie e con uno sconto dai rivenditori online. 
Di seguito un breve abstract, l'Indice, una presentazione dell'Autore e la bibliografia utilizzata.

‘Based on exhaustive work in numerous archives and in several languages, Lorenzo Kamel has produced what I think is one of the most definitive works on the transition from empire to nation-state. It is impressively ambitious and does what many major historians have been promising to do: to show how hard, Western conceptions of identity shaped and formed the thinking and decisions of statesmen and other political elites in the 19th and early 20th centuries. It also deals with the penetration of hard national categories among the various peoples of the empire. It is an authoritative book and will be very widely consulted.’
NICHOLAS DOUMANIS
Author of Before the Nation and Professor, School of Humanities and Languages, The University of New South Wales – Sydney
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‘This book will make an important mark on the field. From Empire to Sealed Identities shows the ways in which ethnic and other divisions were historically constructed in the Middle East under the influence of imperial powers. The work combines meticulous archival research in multiple languages with careful analysis of broader trends to map the transition from empire to homogenized nation-states. This ability to document with rich detail and at the same time be able to present the larger picture with great clarity is rare. The author pulls off the feat with great erudition.’
BETH BARON
Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center and City College, CUNY
Past President, Middle East Studies Association (MESA)
Director, Middle East and Middle Eastern American Center
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‘In this engaging revisionary study, Lorenzo Kamel shows how modern Western-ist intellectual prejudices have distorted our understanding of identity and conflict in the modern Middle East. Based on original archival research and an exhaustive survey of secondary literature, the author reveals a world that can only be characterized as “medieval” if one misunderstands the Middle Ages. Focussing on the long nineteenth century, the book provides a chronological continuation of much of the most interesting work being done in pre-modern Mediterranean Studies.’
BRIAN A. CATLOS
Author of Muslims of Latin Christendom and Professor, Faculty of Religious Studies, University of Colorado Boulder
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‘Lorenzo Kamel is a dedicated and meticulous scholar, extremely experienced and internationally recognized for his research methodology. His extensive archival work, which forms the basis of many of his most important publications, is impressive by any academic standard. His archival research, informed by exemplary linguistic skills, has, without question, created new understandings of the complex dynamics shaping our inquiry into modern European empires, and the history of the Middle East in the 19th and 20th centuries. The Middle East from Empire to Sealed Identities will continue this outstanding trend.’
SARA ROY
Senior Research Scholar, Harvard University’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies (CMES)

What does the development of a truly robust contemporary theory of domination require? Ashley J. Bohrer argues that it is only by considering all of the dimensions of race, gender, sexuality, and ability within the structures of capitalism and imperialism that we can understand power relations as we find them nowadays. Bohrer explains how many of the purported incompatibilities between Marxism and intersectionality arise more from miscommunication rather than a fundamental conceptual antagonism. As the first monograph entirely devoted to this issue, "Marxism and Intersectionality" serves as a tool to activists and academics working against multiple systems of domination, exploitation, and oppression.

[ONLY FIRST PAGE] In the last decades, new attention has been given to colonialism as a concept that can also be applied to non-Western empires. In particular, colonialism has been used to describe the diverse systems of conquest rule applied by the Manchu Qing dynasty (1636/1644-1912) in Inner Asia and South China. This essay provides a conceptual history of how colonialism has been applied in the historiography of non-Western empires, using the Qing empire as a case study. Scholarly works in which Qing rule is conceptualized as colonial are read critically, in tandem with current under-standings of global and Qing history as well as of colonial and postcolonial theory and empire studies. Finally, this essay discusses whether the concept of colonialism can be used meaningfully to analyze Qing rule and puts this discussion in relation to a general debate on the spatiality and temporality of colonialism studies and postcolonial theory.

Invited guest paper to international conference in Delhi, ‘Imperialism: Old and New’, sponsored by Indian Council of Social Science Research, 9-10 February 2015.

Marx’s Capital is a prime source of wisdom about capitalism’s contradictions, yet this towering work does not contain ready-made formulae which can be directly applied to the contemporary reality. Marx’s subject was capitalism in general, whereas our object of analysis is its modern, fully-evolved imperialist stage of development. In Capital Marx analysed in detail two ways in which capitalists can increase the rate of exploitation: by lengthening the working day or by reducing necessary labour time through introducing labour-saving machinery (he called these absolute surplus value and relative surplus value respectively). He makes several fleeting references to a third, e.g. describing the “reduction of wages below their value” as “one of the most important factors in stemming the tendency for the rate of profit to fall.” Yet he excluded this from his theory, because “it has nothing to do with the general analysis of capital.”  Expanded super-exploitation of southern low-wage labour cannot be reduced to either of the two ways to increase surplus value analysed in Capital, and instead corresponds to the third form of surplus value increase which Marx mentioned but excluded from his theory of value. As a result of these two abstractions, the theory of value in Capital no longer immediately connects with the capitalism of today.
Part 1 presents the results of empirical analysis of neo-liberal globalisation’s key transformation, namely the global shift of production to low-wage nations, and identifies its key feature: imperialist super-exploitation; Part 2 seeks a theoretical definition of this, looking first to the debate in the 1960s and 70s between exponents of dependency theory and their ‘orthodox’ Marxist critics, then to Lenin’s theory of imperialism, and then uses the result of this review to inform a critical re-reading of Marx’s Capital. In so doing it lays the foundations for comprehension of the nature, dynamics and possible trajectories of the global economic crisis.

"Guavas for Dummies, American Jíbaras, & Postnational Autonomy: When I Was Puerto Rican in the Hemispheric Turn" (2019) re-engages this text after I taught it in Puerto Rico four years. In this 2009 essay, Santiago’s memoir is said to bridge U.S. and Caribbean lit. WIWPR begins with a remembered Puerto Rico, and ends in the author’s adulthood in the USA. Studying Santiago’s text within a trajectory of immigrant narratives familiarizes the text to readers who are often processing their own entries into the US / its cultural orbit. This essay examines Santiago’s representation of jibaros, a subculture whose place in in Puerto Rico parallels the conflicted relationship many Jamaicans have with Rastafarians. Also, the theme of “Translating and Resisting Imperialism” is developed through a close reading of the chapter “The American Invasion of MacÚn.” Santiago’s treatment of gender roles in her family is also explored.

For Puerto Ricans, World War I provided the opportunity to test and challenge the linkages between military service, manhood, citizenship and decolonization.  During the war Puerto Rican political leaders, elected officials, and opinion makers sought to advance the socio-economic and political standing of their communities by demanding access to, and encouraging participation in the U.S. military.  In particular, Puerto Rican elites were interested in mobilizing the Puerto Rican peasantry thinking that training would transform them into modern men worthy of self-determination in the eyes of the metropolis.

This book traces the history of Portugal and its overseas dominions from approximately 1770 until just before 1850. Historians generally refer to this period as the "Age of Revolution (s)," when the imperial institutions, non-state networks, and commercial circuits knitting the early modern Atlantic World together became unraveled and new polities and connections, formal and informal, emerged from the ruins. In its Luso-Atlantic variant, the principal thrust of scholarly research has concerned the processes -long-term preconditions, medium-term precipitants, and short-term triggers -which culminated in Brazil's formal, political independence in the early 1820s. Historians have noted and analyzed how the timing, nature, and extent of Brazil's separation from Portugal differed from the processes by which British North America, French Saint-Domingue, and Spanish America wrested sovereignty from their respective metropoles. Yet there have been surprisingly few attempts to de-center the process of imperial breakdown, challenge its inevitability and completeness, explore the repercussions of decolonization in Portugal, trace empire's lingering political impact in Brazil, or challenge the appropriateness of the "Age of Revolution (s)" as an interpretive framework. These gaps, and the historiographical silence concerning these absences, are curious and provocative. After all, Brazil's independence was a rather anti-climactic coda to a sixty-year, strenuous, Crown-directed effort to reform, revive, and reconfi gure the Portuguese empire, a non sequitur after approximately three hundred years of unceasing interaction -bonds forged in the crucible of maritime discovery, conquest, settlement, slavery, war, and commercebetween Portugal and the continents bordering and archipelagos dotting the Atlantic Ocean. It would be astounding if a political edifi ce buttressed by culture, religion, coercive power, capital, and personnel collapsed vertiginously, its debris vanished without leaving a trace, and its centuries-old connections were eviscerated, all by the time formal declarations of independence were made, recognized, and enshrined in international law. But that impression is precisely the one that a reader 9781107018975int_p1-16.indd 1 9781107018975int_p1-16.indd 1

Recent critics have declaimed against John Stuart Mill's liberalism, arguing that his conception of civilization is inexorably bound to a hierarchal conception of social progress justifying Europeans' moral right to 'civilize' barbarian peoples. Without exonerating him from his undoubtedly problematic views regarding non-European cultures, I would like to argue that Mill in fact has a much subtler view of historical development and of civilization than such critics attribute to him. Central to these critics' charges is an 'aggregative' view of Mill's conceptualization of historical development -suggesting that Mill understood societies to move through discrete stages of social development, characterized by internally-correlated stages of economic, political, cultural and moral development -which fails to be borne out under close examination. I argue that Mill's view of historical development and his liberalism more generally are in fact significantly more capacious than is often recognized and are not inextricably bound to the project of imperialism.

A full ten years  after its publication, here is the PDF of this book, drawn from a course held in Paris at the Ecole pratique des hautes etudes - Section de sciences religieuses, by the kind invitation of Prof. M.G. Masetti.

REVIEWS: Dominique Charpin, Revue d'Assyriologie 103 (2009), 190; JoAnn Scurlock, JAOS 132 (2012), 313-315; Brigitte Lion, Revue des Etudes anciennes 115 (2013) , n° 1.

Se per molti secoli la presenza francescana a Costantinopoli aveva costituito un solido punto di riferimento per la vasta comunità levantina, nell’età dell’imperialismo essa finì sempre più per assumere un marcato valore nazionalistico. In questo senso, la ricostruzione da me condotta della vicenda personale dell’allora Ministro della Provincia d’Oriente dell’Ordine dei Frati Minori Conventuali, Pio Leonardo Navarra (in seguito vescovo di Gubbio e poi di Terracina, nell’Agro Pontino «redento»), si presta a cogliere sotto un’ottica senz’altro particolare la complessa linea evolutiva che avrebbe contraddistinto il progressivo definirsi dei rapporti tra il mondo cattolico italiano e la realtà politico-sociale dall’età giolittiana all’affermazione del «centrismo».
In circostanze quali il conflitto italo-turco e poi la Grande guerra, così come nell’opera di assistenza materiale e spirituale verso i tanti nostri connazionali che vivevano in un Impero ottomano ormai inarrestabilmente avviato verso la definitiva disgregazione o, ancora, nelle schermaglie diplomatiche che portarono alla costruzione della «chiesa nazionale italiana» di S. Antonio a Costantinopoli (1906-1913), attraverso l’azione di Navarra è quindi possibile ripercorrere le tappe di un percorso che condusse tanta parte del clero dall’intransigentismo leonino all’accoglimento di quelle istanze patriottico-nazionaliste che prefigurarono il successivo incontro con il regime fascista negli anni del pontificato di Pio XI.
Il saggio si avvale di un’ampia e del tutto inedita documentazione archivistica proveniente dall’Archivio Centrale dello Stato e, soprattutto, dagli ancora largamente inesplorati fondi conservati nell’Archivio generale dell’Ordine dei Frati Minori Conventuali.

This thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach combining research methods in history and political science to propose that the fundamental cause of Rome’s entry into and later domination of the Greek world was its reaction to a series of geopolitical developments in the Mediterranean region around the years 219 – 188 BCE. The thesis contends that the dominant paradigm in current scholarship on Roman imperialism assigns too much value to the internal structures of Roman society and consequently overlooks the importance of developments in the interstate system, in which the Roman state was a participant.

Following Alexander’s unexpected death in 323, his subordinates waged constant warfare for the next four decades to divide the spoils of his vast empire. By the 280s, these wars subsided, and an unstable balance of power emerged in the east Mediterranean, between the Antigonid, Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties.

This balance of power shattered seventy years later due to a sudden decline in Ptolemaic power, caused by a massive native uprising in Egypt, chronic domestic maladministration and a series of unfortunate coincidences. Ptolemaic collapse triggered what political scientists term a power-transition crisis, as it motivated the Antigonid and Seleucid rulers to launch aggressive wars with the aim of capturing Ptolemaic territory. Their aggression threatened the independence of minor Greek states, which attempted to recreate a tripolar balance of power in the region by appealing to Rome for intervention in the crisis.

With the Roman defeat of the two great dynasties and the collapse of the third, a new interstate system emerged in the Mediterranean: hegemony under the government of the Romans.

I tried to put US and associated world history into 150 pages.  I try to focus on the US history that I assume may be unknown or not taught in a big way in our schools or broadcast on TV or is being censored.  I have been adding to this book over the years that I have been researching for  my other seven or eight US history books by this title.  Those other books are divided based on who was President of the United States starting with FDR and so far I am now working on the President Ford years, but have not finished it yet.

The story of the modern feminist and humanitarian is a relatively short one, at least according to popular knowledge. The timeline tends to begin in 1948, with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Then come moments in the 1960s and 1970s, like the adoption of CEDAW in 1979. From more recent years, we cite the UN Sustainable Development Goals of 2015, or #MeToo’s viral moment in 2017.

My research expands this narrative by tracing the history of the “modern feminist humanitarian” to the late nineteenth century. I question the idea that feminism and humanitarianism were modern inventions of the post-World War Two era by turning to an exceptional historical case study: policy, research, and advocacy on female prostitution in Cambodia during the period of the French protectorate (1863-1954). I pose the following questions about past history and present practice: first, how do ideas about oppressed/emancipated female gender and sexuality shape the humanitarian mandates of states and institutions? And second, how can women’s, gender, and sexuality studies, framed by histories of imperial and colonial processes, move scholarship and activism to think about the ethics of being a feminist humanitarian?

As historians of gender and empire have demonstrated, the lives of women can often be traced by following what were the protectionist enterprises of imperial and colonial processes, and such projects often had nebulous or dangerous consequences for women. My research on projects that the French implemented in Cambodia corroborates this. This notion echoes scholarship pointing out that humanitarianism and human rights are not mutually dependent, leaving us with an unsettling thought: humanitarian interventions, even those designed to be gender-responsive, can be disempowering in its attempt to empower. Awareness of a historical tradition of gender-based interventions should alert development scholars and practitioners to critical examination of their own feminist research and gender mainstreaming programs. By interrogating the modern feminist and humanitarian claims made in the context of protecting women in colonial Cambodia, I challenge present policymakers and activists who claim to practice gender-sensitive and human-centered approaches in humanitarian and development programs across the Global South.

At the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was publicly excluded from the European ‘civilizing mission’. The victorious Allies stripped Germany of its overseas empire. The German colonies were awarded to other imperial powers as mandates under the League of Nations. This action was justified by citing colonial atrocities, such as the German campaign against the Herero, which were used to label Germans as ‘exceptionally
cruel colonial masters’ and ‘unfit imperialists’. Yet, during the tenure of the League’s mandate system, several former German colonial officials rose to prominence in the League of Nations as ‘imperial experts’.
The involvement of German colonial officials in League agencies and events suggests that, although no longer part of an imperial power and officially ostracized from the ‘work of civilization’, Germans remained
adaptive contributors to international discourses on empire. In order to determine how individual Germans and lobbying interests were able to make use of the spirit of internationalism to minimize their association
with ‘unfit imperialists’ and re-establish themselves as ‘fellow civilizers’, this paper focuses on the interwar careers and interactions of two colonial officials: Dr Ludwig Kastl and Dr Julius Ruppel—former bureaucrats who had served in the African colonies, each of whom became German members on the PMC.

The Philippine-American War (c.1899 – 1913), which led to the colonial subjugation of the Philippines by the United States for over forty years and the suppression of the first independent republic in South-East Asia, is one of America’s forgotten wars. The historical amnesia surrounding this conflict is no accident. It is an enduring legacy of US government and military propaganda, widely disseminated by a largely supportive corporate press, which contributed in no small way to the American victory both at home and abroad. Propaganda is understood here as the deliberate falsification, distortion or tendentious portrayal of events to justify a political cause to the wider public. What I want to argue about this case, is that successful propaganda does not occur in the context of an otherwise rational and empirically verifiable public discourse. Successful war propaganda has to be reconciled with the self-respecting, symbolic self-interpretations of a national community. In the case of the United States, founded in part on a revolutionary republican imaginary but also a racialised and expansionist missionary vision of “Manifest Destiny”, this was not a simple or uncontested matter back in 1899.

This article provides a brief account of the American conquest of the Philippines and the attendant atrocities that accompanied the invasion. It will also explain how these brutal events were justified to the American public as hard but necessary acts of “Benevolent Assimilation”, for the benign tutelage of the Filipino. In particular, attention is paid to how propaganda was used to justify a colonial war, dehumanize the Filipino “other”, rationalize atrocities and erase alternative interpretations of events from the official record.

Given that this article has been withdrawn by Taylor and Francis and the Editor of Third World Quarterly, I have preserved it here for reference.

I am not the author of this publication, nor do I endorse its content.

This publication is shared for educational purposes only.

In this article, an effort has been made to elaborate further on the nature and causes of this combined state terrorism of US and NATO forces, covered up under the more general word “war”, which is more acceptable to the general publics and invokes conditioned conventional patriotic feelings, primarily in the mass unconscious, which then are manifested in the mass consciousness, in various forms; as well as the nature and causes of the success of the Afghan national liberation forces, and of the defeat of imperialist forces, in spite of their incomparable military, technological, and economic superiority.  Such developments involve the dialectical interaction of various contradictions, including those of guerilla and conventional warfares, their development and resolutions. Therefore, some analysis of these has also been included in this article.

There are various types of wars.  On the most basic level, these can be divided into just and unjust wars.  Imperialist, colonial, and neocolonial wars are always unjust wars, while national liberation wars against these are always just wars, Afghanistan national liberation war being one of these.  US and NATO imperialisms were responsible for two unjust wars in that country, that is, the proxy war from 1979 to 1996, which resulted in the rule of Taliban from 1996 to 2001, and then direct invasion and war against that country from 2001 to 2021.  Both these wars were in fact massive imperialist state terrorisms, which caused great devastations in an already impoverished country, killing hundreds of thousands, wounding and maiming millions, causing countless millions to become internally displaced and refugees in other countries, destroying their infrastructures and means of living, and installing subservient puppet governments.

This essay represents a somewhat belated attempt to extend my previous work on curiosity by providing a programmatic overview of some of the roles that curiosity played in various European imperial projects.  Here, I begin to think how curiosity operates in some of the spaces defined by European colonialism.  I am interested in two features of curiosity’s operation within these imperial spaces. First, I am interested in the fate of curiosity in imperialism: Broadly speaking, we might say that curiosity came to be understood as a virtue during the early modern period because it was constitutive of both scientific and colonial reason.  These forms of rationality must be thought together, in terms of their efforts to classify and fix the nature of their objects (natural objects in the case of biological taxonomy and colonial subjects in the case of colonial reason).  The sciences and the arts of colonial governance become professionalized and bureaucratized during the late nineteenth century and into the twentieth, following a general trend that saw the systematization of disciplines in the modern research university and the bureaucratization of government institutions.  With this professionalization and bureaucratization, curiosity increasingly comes to be seen as a liability.  Objectivity becomes the defining trait of both scientific and colonial reason, while curiosity comes to be seen as simultaneously both too passionate and too idiosyncratic once methods of objective control come to define both scientific reason and colonial reason.  This means that the burden of curiosity gradually shifts from those who claim control to those who are claimed by this control within these imperial spaces.  In the bland face of the colonial bureaucrat appealing to rules, it is the colonial subject who must be curious about these rules and seek to know everything about them that she can.  The first section traces the effacement of curiosity in colonial reason, while the second section looks at how curiosity becomes a burden for those who are governed by colonial and post-colonial regimes.  Furthermore, it is this burden of curiosity that might eventually light the spark of resistance. My focus in the second section is on the French imperial context, but I hope eventually to more comprehensively trace how this burdensome curiosity can ignite resistance to imperial domination in various cultural contexts.

Интернационализация является одним из наиболее актуальных трендов в современном высшем образовании, который все еще требует философского осмысления. Появление интернационализации в высшем обра-зовании связывается с постепенным отказом от задач международного влияния, на смену которому приходит по-вестка межнациональной интеграции. Интеграция реализуется за счет сближения качества высшего образования, что обеспечивает выгоду от международного участия для многочисленных заинтересованных сторон, действующих в различных режимах функционирования высшего образования. Ускоряющиеся процессы интеграции обуславлива-ют неравномерность развития интеграционных процессов: появляются как лидеры интернационализации, так и те страны, где эта сфера не получает должного развития. Благодаря новой политике добрососедства и приграничному сотрудничеству хорошие результаты достигнуты на общеевропейском пространстве высшего образования. Развива-ющиеся страны менее успешны в этих процессах, а потому возникает опасность усугубления дисбалансов развития между разными регионами мира. Будущее интернационализации во многом связано с тем, как высшее образование будет адаптироваться к этой проблеме. Ключевые слова: интернационализация высшего образования, философия образования, международная инте-грация, интеграция высшей школы Для цитирования: Смоляков, Д. А. Интернационализация высшего образования: социально-философский аспект / Д. А. Смоляков // Докл. Нац. акад. наук Беларуси. Abstract. Internationalization is one of the most important trends in modern higher education which requires philosophical reflection. The emergence of internationalization is associated with replacing the international influence by international integration. Integration is realized through the convergence of the quality of higher education, which provides the benefits of international participation for different stakeholders operating in various modes of higher education. Accelerating integration processes internationalization is determined by the development of integration processes: there are leaders and outsiders of internationalization. The future of internationalization largely depends on the adaptation of higher education to global development disbalances.

Videol-Link:
https://lisa.gerda-henkel-stiftung.de/naturgemaelde_kulturforschung_kolonialprogramm_die_reisen_der_brueder_schlagintweit_in_indien_und_dem_himalaya?nav_id=8409

Die Forschungsreisen der drei Gebrüder Schlagintweit nach Indien und Hochasien während der 1850er Jahre im Dienste des preußischen Königs und der britischen Ostindienkompanie gehören zu den wichtigsten und zugleich kontroversesten Explorationsvorhaben in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Ihre Expedition führte zu einer einzigartigen Sammlung von Aufzeichnungen und Artefakten aus Süd-und Zentralasien-insgesamt über 40.000 Objekte der Natur-und Kulturgeschichte aus den bereisten Gebieten. Die Brüder gründeten mit den Sammlungen ein heutzutage vergessenes "Indisches Museum" im Schloss Monbijou in Berlin, das nach ihrer Rückkehr 1857 für einige Jahre fortbestand. In seinem Buch über die Reisen der Brüder Schlagintweit behandelt Moritz von Brescius neben der Rolle deutscher Forscher im kolonialen Indien insbesondere das soziale und wissenschaftliche ‚Innenleben' der heterogenen Expeditionsgruppe und arbeitet die eminente Bedeutung indischer Partner, Wegführer und Übersetzer für die Realisierung der Mission heraus. Sein Vortrag schließt mit Reflexionen über das enge Verhältnis der Schlagintweits zu Alexander von Humboldt, ihrem wichtigsten Förderer, und zum Konzept des Humboldt Forums.

Presented at the 2008 AEJMC Midwinter Conference -- In this ever changing, increasingly international world, researchers have attempted to grasp economic, cultural, political, and other such processes through the development of the concept of globalization. There is indeed an abundance of literature that is either about or that uses the concept. However, in the use of the concept, not many scholars have set about to more clearly define it. Some may argue that globalization is not something that can be precisely defined. However, in looking at the ways in which scholars try to understand the world through globalization, perhaps it would be necessary to have a further developed definition than what is currently understood. This paper attempts to do just that through a concept explication of globalization based on the method of Steven H. Chaffee, and using examples from such scholars as Spiro Kiousis. This paper included ideas from such thinkers as Marshall McLuhan, James Carey, Samuel Huntington, Arjun Appadurai, Herbert Schiller, and others. A unified definition of globalization was reached – how electronic communications, travel, and international policy facilitate: the compression of space and time; the speed of the flow of information and cultural goods across borders; financial transactions; the extension of awareness of world events; interconnections between governments, societies, groups, and individuals; open borders; economic integration.