Demonstrations

In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) protest campaign mobilized 6000 protest events in 185 countries and brought 7.6 million participants out onto the streets. This report analyses survey data about participants from 19 cities around the world and compares it to data from an international survey conducted in 13 European cities in March 2019. Both surveys collected data following the well-established “Caught in the Act of Protest” survey methodology in order to generate representative samples. What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – alm...

När de politiska partierna tappar medlemmar tycks medborgarna söka andra vägar för att uttrycka sitt politiska engagemang. Medan sociala medier och internet erbjuder kanaler för politisk påverkan och opinionsbildning som inte fanns innan den digitala informationstekniken, har demonstrationer använts som ett sätt att uttrycka sitt missnöje eller påverka politiken i mer än två hundra år. Det som är relativt nytt med demonstrationsdeltagandet är att dess former, betydelse och omfattning har förändrats under senare årtionden. Medan en del varit positiva till dessa förändringar har det samtidigt funnits de som menat att de nya formerna av engagemang främst mobiliserar grupper som redan har tillgång till samhällsdebatten och att befintliga klyftor därmed förstärks. Andra har menat att partisystemet fortfarande är bättre på att representera folket i sin helhet och ge röst åt flertalet, än de alternativa formerna av politisk påverkan är.
I denna artikel undersöks vilka uttryck det politiska engagemanget tar sig i dagens Skåne, utifrån enkätdata från en undersökning genomförd av SOM-institutet. I vilken utsträckning ägnar sig skåningarna åt alternativa sätt att påverka politiken, som att demonstrera och skriva politiska inlägg på internet, och hur stor andel är i dag medlemmar i politiska partier? Vilka grupper är det i dag som främst försöker påverka samhällsdebatten? Och är det medborgarnas politiska värderingar eller deras sociala bakgrund som främst påverkar deras benägenhet att demonstrera, bedriva politik på internet eller vara partimedlemmar?

What are the core issues behind the recent protests? How are Algeria's complex political dynamics playing out with regards to the ongoing protests? What is the significance of Algeria to the wider region? What role do regional and international players have in the most recent developments? What are the possible outcomes of the political situation leading up to and after the April presidential elections?

Worldwide, the use of digital communication networks has been a key strategy in activist events involving demonstrations. Its use was evident in the media’s repeated publication of pictures taken on demonstrators’ mobile phones during actions
that have overthrown heads of state during the Arab Spring in 2011. In countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, social network websites and mobile communication devices (phones and notebooks) were used widely for organizing participants and for recording events.
This work intends to analyze not only how communication technologies have contributed to the emergence of such events but also how image production can be interpreted in such environments. Since the use of social media in protests
caught the attention of broadcasting media in 2009 during demonstrations in Iran, a strong connection can be noticed between the content circulating through digital
communication technologies and the body. For images produced during the Arab Spring, the same is observed with a series of strategies connecting body image and social mobilization.
Our intention is to contribute to the debate of political images, considering the way they have been produced in contemporary society, which deals with a complex environment composed of communication technologies, social organization, and the body itself.

Η βία στις ελληνικές διαδηλώσεις 2008-2012: μια σχεσιακή προσέγγιση Δημήτρης Παπανικολόπουλος Θα προσπαθήσω να δώσω μια ερμηνεία της συλλογικής βίας που εμφανίζεται στις ελληνικές διαδηλώσεις των τελευταίων ετών (2010-2012) συνομιλώντας, γόνιμα ελπίζω, με τη γνωστή θεωρία του που ανέπτυξε ο Charles Tilly στο The politics of collective violence (2003), στο οποίο και θα αναφερθώ διεξοδικά στη συνέχεια. Ο Tilly διακρίνει 3 κατηγορίες εξηγήσεων της συλλογικής βίας (σ.5-6).

This article examines the reaction by the Australian Federal Government to the protest movements of the 1960s–1970s and their attempts to use public order legislation to thwart radical discontent in Australia. It argues that the Public Order (Protection of Persons and Property) Act 1971 was aimed at the threat of “violent” protests, particularly the tactic of the “sit-in”, and that to this end, the legislation was an overreaction to the actual threat posed by the protest movements at the time. It also shows that after a long gestation period, the Act was ill-equipped to deal with the changing nature of demonstrations in the 1970s, such as the problems caused by the erection of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy. Thus, after an initial flurry of use in mid-1971, the law has been seldom used since.

First days of a logic course
This short paper sketches one logician’s opinion of some basic ideas that should be presented on the first days of any logic course. It treats the nature and goals of logic. It discusses what a student can hope to achieve through study of logic. And it warns of problems and obstacles a student will have to overcome or learn to live with. It introduces several key terms that a student will encounter in logic.

Les affrontements entre la police et les manifestants se sont multipliés en l’espace de quelques années. Avec pour bilan un nombre effarant de blessés, mais aussi des décès. Comment en sommes-nous arrivés là ? Après Mai 68, la pacification du maintien de l’ordre avait fait la fierté des gouvernements français successifs. Mais, dans un contexte de tensions sociales accrues, de violences urbaines et de terrorisme, le maintien de l’ordre s'est militarisé et finalement brutalisé. La manifestation de rue se voit de moins en moins reconnue comme une expression légitime de la contestation. La violence de la répression, la simple vue de l’armement des forces de l’ordre exercent désormais, à elles seules, de puissants effets de dissuasion.
Grâce à des enquêtes menées depuis plus de vingt ans, Olivier Fillieule et Fabien Jobard établissent le constat implacable de ces régressions successives et les analysent. Les nouvelles « politiques du désordre » qu’ils décrivent mettent au défi notre démocratie.

1. Phương pháp tiếp cận khi xây dựng Luật Biểu tình Đối với dự án Luật Biểu tình, hiện đang có một số phương pháp tiếp cận làm nền tảng cho việc xây dựng. Ban soạn thảo đang phải cân nhắc lựa chọn phương án hợp lý nhất. Qua phân tích, đánh giá các luồng quan điểm và ý kiến khác nhau liên quan đến quyền biểu tình, chúng tôi khái quát lại có ba cách tiếp cận đang rất phổ biến: (i) Phương pháp tiếp cận theo hướng tăng cường QLNN Theo truyền thống lập pháp ở nước ta, mỗi dự án luật ra đời đều nhằm đến mục đích tăng cường pháp chế XHCN, củng cố hiệu lực và hiệu quả của QLNN trong lĩnh vực tương ứng. Cách tiếp cận này nhìn biểu tình và hội họp là những hoạt động quan trọng của đời sống xã hội cần được quản lý, bởi những hoạt động này có tác động trực tiếp đến an ninh, ổn định và ảnh hưởng đến sự phát triển chung của đất nước. Không có pháp luật về biểu tình để điều chỉnh trực tiếp là một lỗ hổng trong QLNN. Luật Biểu tình cần phải là công cụ quản lý sắc bén của Nhà nước để xử lý những vướng mắc phát sinh trên thực tế, tạo lập khuôn khổ và chuẩn mực để nhân dân thực hiện quyền biểu tình. Sau khi Hiến pháp năm 2013 được ban hành, hàng loạt dự án luật liên quan đến các quyền dân sự và chính trị đã được Quốc hội đưa vào chương trình làm luật theo tinh thần mới của Hiến pháp. Luật hoá những quyền này, trong đó, có nhu cầu luật hoá quyền biểu tình-hội họp, là để đáp ứng những nhu cầu bức thiết của đời sống xã hội, của người dân. Bài viết phân tích những phương pháp tiếp cận khi điều chỉnh quyền biểu tình bằng luật, trong đó chỉ ra ba cách tiếp cận phổ biến hiện nay là cách tiếp cận dựa trên nền tảng quản lý nhà nước (QLNN), cách tiếp cận dựa trên nền tảng quyền con người và cách tiếp cận dựa trên nền tảng kiểm soát quyền lực. Từ đó, bài viết chỉ ra một số vướng mắc về nội dung khi xây dựng dự án Luật Biểu tình. * TS. Viện Nghiên cứu Lập pháp.

In the context of this paper, it is less crucial to discuss the importance or insignificance of the Stonewall riots in the Gay liberation narrative, but rather to understand its immediate consequences. First, is the practice that was chosen to commemorate the riots – a Parade. Second, within the practice of the parade, the intensification of Pride sentiment, and its circulation in the public sphere.

Two quasi-experimental and longitudinal studies examined positive effects of participation in positively valence collective
religious and secular activities. Collective emotional gatherings strengthen social cohesion, enhance personal and collective
self-esteem, positive affect, and positive shared beliefs among participants, through processes of emotional synchrony.
Furthermore, perceived emotional synchrony is associated with experiencing qualitatively different self-transcendent and enjoyment
emotions. In Study 1 we compared the effects of participating in Sunday Mass and other secular Sunday activities on
enhancement of transcendence beliefs and collective self-esteem and tested the mediational role of perceived emotional synchrony
and self-transcendent and enjoyment emotions. In Study 2 serial mediational analyses supported a model in which
perceived emotional synchrony increases self-transcendent and enjoyment emotions, which subsequently foster enhancement
of positive outcomes (controlling for the baseline) of participation in ritualized folkloric event. The results are discussed from the
perspective of neo-Durkheimian model of ritual, emphasizing the role of perceived emotional synchrony over self-trascendent
emotions, and from a socio-cultural approach to well-being.

Se puede consultar a partir de la página 589, del tomo en PDF: http://www.cebusal.es/download/publicaciones/libro-cihalcep-web.pdf
Esta ponencia interpretará "El puente" (Bardem, 1977) desde la óptica literaria, explicitando la influencia del "Quijote"; además de detallar la huella de la estética felliniana; y reclamar su valía en la trayectoria del director.

Demographic changes associated with the transformation from traditional to advanced economies are the basis for many of today's theories of violent and non-violent protest formation. Both levels of urbanization and the size of the "youth bulge" have shown to be reliable measures for predicting protest events in a country. As these two processes result from modernization, it seems logical to hypothesize that the combined effect of the rise in urbanization and the increase in the youth population, urban youth bulge, would be a more relevant predictor for protests. Our tests on cross-national timeseries data from 1950 to 2010 for 98 countries reveal that the combined effect of the two forces is an important predictor of anti-government protests. It may seem that the role of the urban youth bulge would appear to be an issue of the past as in more recent decades the proportion of the urban youth tends to decline in most countries of the world. However, this factor tends to be very relevant for many developing countries where both youth bulges have been growing for several decades and the general urban population is on the rise.

During First World War protests, involving especially women, were occurring in many countries. They were initially started from the simple need to provide basic supplies, but later, by demanding peace or the improvement of women's broader social situation, they started to gain broader political implication. They were given a big boost especially after the October revolution in 1917, when the initiative for their organization was being increasingly taken over by Social Democratic Parties. In this article, we will try to establish if similar wartime demonstrations were traced in Carniola and the Austrian Littoral, two very different regions of the Austro Hungarian Empire as well and we will comparatively examine them. Especially, we will try to identify how the frequency and  structure of these demonstration (in terms of  causes, goals, targets of anger, protagonists/participants)variated/changed/developed in relation to:
• geographic location (for example Trieste vs. Ljubljana, centres vs. their pheriphery etc.)
• major war events

The aim of this research is to unravel and interrogate critically the recent histories of the production and reproduction of Castlefield, Manchester. This unravelling is accomplished theoretically through the historicised application of Lefebvre‘s spatial triad. Production of space histories and Castlefield‘s ‗regeneration‘ are revisited principally through archival and interview evacuations of the neglected years of the 1970s. Urban public space is seen as the key city synecdoche. The thesis argues against what is called the ‗dominant academic narrative‘: challenging the narrative where it ignores or downplays the role of counter-representations and counter-projects in the production of urban public space. The empirical research is based mainly on archival data and complimentary interview and visual data; the analyses are qualitative. Visual representations of space largely neglected in the literature are foregrounded throughout the empirical research. Spaces of representation and spatial practice are interrogated from the perspective of public space analysis which emphasises the importance of the contested nature of representations of space within the public sector and the vulnerable and unstable character of some official representations of space. The thesis therefore does not seek to reproduce what might be called a ‗traditional‘ Lefebvrian analysis which counter-poses repressive official representations of space against quotidian heroic, poetic spaces of representation. The research challenges oversimplified characterisations of Castlefield as a space simply of heritage, leisure and exclusive residential enclaves. A dynamic, complex spatial portrait is revealed whereby ludic, ‗natural‘ and abstract space rise and fall though intricate spatial layering as time unfolds. Urban differential space and ludic space are found to emerge through the interstices of abstract space as key outcomes of the contestation of space. The thesis concludes that the potential for differential urban public space exists through the production of new spaces and their diverse politicised appropriation.

The study compared the performance of students in Chemistry when taught with guided discovery and demonstration teaching techniques in senior secondary schools. It determined the effectiveness of guided discovery and demonstration teaching techniques in enhancing male and female students’ performance in Chemistry. The study adopted a non-equivalent pre-test, posttest control group research design. The population for the study consisted of Chemistry students in senior secondary schools in Ile–Ife. The sample consisted of Eighty four (84) students from three schools in Ife Central Local Government Area of Osun State which were selected using simple random sampling technique. One intact class each was used. The schools were randomly assigned to three groups (Guided Discovery, Demonstration and Teacher Expository) using simple random sampling technique. Two instruments were utilized for the study. They were Chemistry Achievement Test (CAT) and Questionnaire on Attitudes of Students towards Chemistry (QASTC). Data collected were analyzed using Analysis of Covariance (ANCOVA) and Analysis of Variance (ANOVA).The results showed that, there was a significant difference in the performance of students exposed to guided discovery, demonstration teaching technique and those exposed to teacher expository teaching technique (F= 123.972 ; p< 0.05). The findings also showed that, there was a significant difference in the performance of male and female Chemistry students exposed to guided discovery and demonstration teaching techniques (F= 12.04; p< 0.05). This showed that male and female students performed better when exposed to guide discovery teaching techniques. The post-hoc analysis revealed that, Guided Discovery Teaching Technique (GDTT) had a better significant effect on student academic performance than Demonstration Teaching Technique (DTT) and Teacher Expository Teaching Technique (TETT). The post - hoc analysis revealed that, male and female students exposed to GDTT performed better than those exposed to DTT and that, those exposed to GDTT had the best retention ability of the concept taught. The study concluded that, guided discovery teaching technique is a better teaching technique on students’ performance in Chemistry than demonstration teaching technique and the teacher expository method respectively.

The Candlelight Movement of 2016 and
2017 that successfully called for president
Park Geun-hye to step down is among the
largest social movements in South Korean
history. This movement attracted millions
of participants over a sustained period of
time, while maintaining strikingly peaceful
demonstrations that ultimately achieved their
goal. This essay looks at the role of the Internet
and new media in fostering a new generation
of activists and laying the foundation for a
successful social mobilisation

Perkembangan dan pesatnya kemajuan teknologi digital memberi respon pada perubahan terkait praktik advokasi dan aktivisme pengorganisiran masyarakat. Keindahan jaringan menghadirkan konektivitas untuk proses distribusi politik. Jaringan tidak menghubungkan pengguna hanya dengan pusat produksi informasi atau isu, mereka menghubungkan masyarakat satu sama lain juga.

OUP webpage: http://bit.ly/1PpNXq0
Amazon webpage: http://amzn.to/1LJF8rz
2017 John Whitney Hall Book Prize, Association for Asian Studies
Honorable Mention, 2016 Alan Merriam Prize, Society for Ethnomusicology

Despite widespread apprehension of nuclear power following the Fukushima disaster, Japan remains a difficult place to express antinuclear views: the media largely avoids presenting antinuclear positions, and the culture discourages people from voicing controversial opinions. In such an environment, music emerged quickly as a mode of oppositional expression, encapsulating the people’s anxieties.

Drawing from the author’s ethnography of the movement since 2011, musical analysis, and concepts from the social sciences, this book examines the ways in which music of social movements is shaped by the stature of the musician and the performance space. In contrast to American or British musicians who typically attract attention to causes, Japanese musicians are highly discouraged from engaging in politics, particularly the antinuclear movement. They adjust their political behavior depending on their position in the music industry, the space in which they are playing, and political conditions at the time. According to these parameters, they change the type of audience participation, political frame of the message, and technique of communicating the message.

Extending Lefebvre’s conception of space as perceived, conceived, and lived in, the book analyzes the interactions of music and musicians with citizens under the constraints and opportunities of the four spaces of political music performance—cyberspace, demonstrations, festivals, and recordings. Anonymity in cyberspace—more prevalent in Japan than many other countries—initially helped citizens to overcome fear and participate in the movement. The “sound demonstration,” featuring musicians on top of trucks rolling along ahead of protesters, has evolved in intent and in performance style according to political circumstances. Rappers changed from performing prepared songs to improvising calls and responses with protesters as the movement shifted from raising awareness to mobilizing citizens. The urban landscape and soundscape change the performance and reception of protests; activists plan, and musicians perform, accordingly. Political music festivals range between two types of communication approaches: informational, where arguments are presented, or experiential, where an immersive environment opens one’s mind to different points of view. On commercial recordings, which are industry-censored, major-label musicians rely on allegories, metaphors (both textual and musical), and metonyms; they purposefully mis-set and mispronounce words to express their antinuclear sentiments. These patterns of protest have been retained in subsequent movements in Japan, such as the movement against the Secrecy Law and Prime Minister Abe’s reinterpretation of the Peace Constitution.

Demographic changes associated with the transformation from traditional to advanced economies are the basis for many of today's theories of violent and non-violent protest formation. Both levels of urbanization and the size of the "youth bulge" have shown to be reliable measures for predicting protest events in a country. As these two processes result from modernization, it seems logical to hypothesize that the combined effect of the rise in urbanization and the increase in the youth population, urban youth bulge, would be a more relevant predictor for protests. Our tests on cross-national timeseries data from 1950 to 2010 for 98 countries reveal that the combined effect of the two forces is an important predictor of anti-government protests. It may seem that the role of the urban youth bulge would appear to be an issue of the past as in more recent decades the proportion of the urban youth tends to decline in most countries of the world. However, this factor tends to be very relevant for many developing countries where both youth bulges have been growing for several decades and the general urban population is on the rise.

There are grounds to conclude that in 2011–2012 the World System experienced to some extent a phase transition to a qualitatively new state of global protest activity. This phase transition is shown to bear some resemblance to the one which the World System experienced in the early 1960s. The first (after 1919) phase transition of this sort occurred in the early 1960s and was related to the growth of global informational connec-tivity after World War II, as well as the improvement of the means of protest self-organization due to the spread of television, portable radio receivers, portable electric loudspeakers and other technologies of the Fourth Kondratieff Cycle. The phase transition of the early 2010s was prepared by a new wave of growth of global infor-mational connectivity, as well as the improvement of the means of protest self-organization due to the spread of various technologies of the Fifth Kondratieff cycle (the Internet, satellite television, Twitter and other social networks , mobile telephony etc.). Similarly to what was observed during the Fourth Kondratieff Wave, during the Fifth Cycle while the spread of these technologies was going on for many years before 2011, their internal colossal potential for generating and spreading protest activity was realized in one leap, as a phase transition.

Our research suggests that the relation between GDP per capita and sociopolitical destabilization is not characterized by a straightforward negative correlation; it rather has an inverted U-shape. The highest risks are typical for the countries with intermediate values of GDP per capita, not the highest or lowest values. Thus, until a certain value of GDP per capita is reached, economic growth predicts an increase in the risks of sociopolitical destabilization. This positive correlation is particularly strong (r = .94, R 2 = .88) and significant for the intensity of antigovernment demonstrations. This correlation can be observed in a very wide interval (up to 20,000 of international 2014 dollars at purchasing power parities [PPPs]). We suggest that it is partially accounted for by the following regularities: (a) GDP growth in authoritarian regimes strengthens the pro-democracy movements, and, consequently, intensifies antigovernment demonstrations; (b) in the GDP per capita interval from the minimum to $20,000, the growth of GDP per capita correlates quite strongly with a declining proportion of authoritarian regimes and a growing proportion of intermediate and democratic regimes; and, finally, (c) GDP growth in the given diapason increases the level of education of the population, which, in turn, leads to a higher intensity of antigovernment demonstrations.

This paper aims to address the possible effects on Angola, known as the Arab Spring revolution (the Arab revolution that brought down the pedestal several despots autocrats in Arab North Africa). As we will see in the text such effects, while revolutionary crisis, hardly been felt, although in 2012 and for a few times already this year, 2013, are felt the presence of some social features and expressions of proto-policies..
Keywords: Angola, Arab Spring, North Africa, Demonstrations, Social Policies.
Pages 183 - 191

After the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2011, explosive global growth was observed for the majority of indicators of sociopolitical destabilization in all parts of the World System. In order to identify the structure of this destabilization wave, we apply a series of statistical techniques such as trend analysis and t-tests to study the degrees of intensification of various instability indicators (as recorded by the Cross National Time Series database). We reveal explosive global growth in antigovernment
demonstrations, riots, general strikes, terrorist attacks/guerrilla warfare, and purges, as well as in the global integral index of sociopolitical destabilization. On the other hand, no statistically significant growth has been detected for assassinations and major government crises, whereas for such an important indicator of global sociopolitical destabilization, as the global number of coups and coup attempts, we find a statistically significant decrease.

This paper suggests that reference to phenomenal qualities is best understood as involving iconicity, that is, a passage from sign-vehicle to object that exploits a similarity between the two. This contrasts with a version of the ‘phenomenal concept strategy’ that takes indexicality to be central. However, since it is doubtful that phenomenal qualities are capable of causally interacting with anything, indexical reference seems inappropriate. While a theorist like David Papineau is independently coming to something akin to iconicity, I think some of the awkwardness that plagues his account would be remedied by transitioning to a more inclusive philosophy of signs.

Why should a progressive planner pay attention to the Spanish 15-M movement? One of its most complex and interesting aspects is its spatiality. Today, just a few months after the hatching of the #spanishrevolution—a hashtag used by Twitterers to inform about the movement—the movement’s political content continues to be vague. The agenda fluctuates between a program that partially repeats old proposals put forward by the left-wing parties across the parliamentary spectrum in Spain and the ambitious but minority calls for self-government propounded by more radical groups. Perhaps the movement’s political positions will mature slowly in the future, however, the spatial practices of its camps and committees have proven to be a solid achievement, one of its more successful facets in promoting the spreading and organization of the protest. Combining social networks with temporary encampments, the 15-M movement demonstrates that activists can devise new uses of public space and new virtual political spaces through a collective, practice-oriented production of place.

This work rests on a socially vitalized form of privacy to justify the political right to participate “without a face.” Social protests take place in the public sphere, a place states watch 24/7. Surveillance, however, meets with obfuscation: the “creat[ion of] many plausible, ambiguous, and misleading signals within which the information we want to conceal can be lost” (Brunton & Nissenbaum, 2015, p. 7). The image of protesters covering their faces— whether with a hood, a scarf, a balaclava, or with Guy Fawkes masks like those the “Occupy” movement popularized—is common in protests, even in jurisdictions where this practice has been criminalized.
The use of masks has been justified on various grounds including, but not limited to, freedom of expression. This work insists on a different, yet complementary justification: the protection of privacy.
As I will argue here, the right to participate without a face mask requires us to go a step further by considering the social and political dimension of informational privacy. In other words, we need to move on from considering privacy, along with its implications, as an individual right and begin to view it as a societal value.

Stejně jako po roce 1918 vznikal oficiální československý státní narativ a s ním související komemorační rámce, vytvářely si skupiny, které odmítaly na státním tělese a tudíž i na jeho svátcích participovat, alternativní festivitní kalendář. Výjimkou nebyla ani skupina nejpočetnější -čeští Němci. Ti si přinášeli korpus svých vlastních pamětních dnů a svátků již z období monarchie. A právě proto nemohl tento zastaralý a nepružný soubor svátků a pamětních dnů v radikálně změněné politické realitě československého státu tváří v tvář tlaku oficiálních festivit uspět. Ve své době vlivným narozeninám Johanna Wolfganga Goetha (dne 28. srpna), starogermánsky interpretovaným svátkům letního slunovratu a odeznívajícímu, politicky zcela nevhodnému 27. lednu, představujícímu narozeniny německého císaře Viléma II., chyběl aktuální politický smysl, díky němuž by tyto svátky mohly tvořit skutečnou a zejména živou alternativu. Jedním z pokusů českých Němců o podporu kolektivní identity pomocí nového místa v kalendáři byl 11. srpen, tzv. Den ústavy, státní svátek v sousední Výmarské republice. Ten měl ovšem dva zásadní neduhy: nebyl specificky "českoněmecký" a byl naplněn obsahy spíše politické korektnosti, než aby umožňoval vymezení se vůči nově vzniklému státu "nenáviděných" Čechů. Tuto podmínku splnil až 4. březen -den, který nabídl tápajícím a v nových podmínkách těžko se orientujícím německým nacionalistům hned

The paper will be dealt with Albania's stance on the demonstrations held in Kosovo in 1981, largely based on archival documents state that the Albanian Government, documents from the Archives of Kosovo, etc. There are archive documents in the archives of this site as valuable sources of historical handwriting, which help to make scientific analyzes and conclusions more reliable and more durable in the face of time and true historiographical criticism. From these documents seen numerous segments of the research of the general circumstances of the study in 1981. Based on the documents of these funds, the Republic of Albania have followed with great attention, all developments in Kosovo, and had obtained confidential data from all possible sources...! Therefore, we conclude that such a work of untreated until now (on the basis of the aforementioned documents), will be contributing part of historiography.