Ancient Chinese History

Channel state information is crucial to achieving the capacity of multiantenna (MIMO) wireless communication systems. It requires estimating the channel matrix. This estimation task is studied, considering a sparse physical channel model, as well as a general measurement model taking into account hybrid architectures. The contribution is twofold. First, the Cramér-Rao bound in this context is derived. Second, interpretation of the Fisher Information Matrix structure allows to assess the role of system parameters, as well as to propose asymptotically optimal and computationally efficient estimation algorithms.

A primeira versão da Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC), anunciada em setembro de 2015 e publicada em 2016, objetivava padronizar o ensino no Brasil, apontando temas que deveriam corresponder a 60% da carga horária do Ensino Fundamental e Médio. Na área de História, as intepretações apresentadas geraram grande polêmica, uma vez que duas categorias importantes para o trabalho do historiador, tempo e espaço, foram insuficientemente abordadas. O texto inicial da BNCC praticamente excluiu, dentre outras áreas, a História Antiga do currículo sugerido, provocando respostas imediatas. No âmbito de tal debate, professores (as) de História Antiga manifestaram-se, sobretudo a partir de artigos científicos, redes sociais e mídia, respondendo, de certa maneira, a pergunta: História Antiga para quê? Este artigo analisa tais intervenções de modo a tentar compreender quais justificativas foram apresentadas naquela ocasião para a permanência de História Antiga em um currículo nacional.  Palavras...

摘要：本文是就《左傳》的史纂修辭展開的研究，重點在於围绕“君子曰”評論部分進行細緻分析。這些評論在《左傳》敘事所覆蓋的255年間呈現不均衡的分佈，又共享一些鮮明的特征：它們代表著《左傳》最顯要的後設文本解釋層；統計數據亦向我們揭示，它們也穿插進其他同類解釋層中，尤其與“禮也/非禮也”的指涉及大量引《詩》相關聯。通過全面回顧《左傳》“君子”評論及用《詩》的既有研究，詳細呈現不同解釋層及其相互關聯的數據統計，並對《左傳》中的故事進行一系列個案分析，本文論證表明：“君子”評論往往與《左傳》的敘事緊密交織，而非某種外部評論；甚而，在某些情況下，不是敘事觸發了“君子”評論，相反，是將君子呈現為歷史理想讀者的意圖造就了特定故事的敘事結構。最重要的是，本文將《左傳》視作一部兼具教諭性與劇場性雙重意蘊的文本：在諸多解釋層中示範“君子”的形象，並藉由君子形象示範其對歷史和歷史書寫的闡釋，這首先就體現在“君子”評論中；《左傳》所提供的並非明晰、實證的歷史記述，而是一套符號體系，其中的歷史意義起初似乎是被遮蔽或難以理解的，但隨即為“君子”所洞悉和揭呈。由此，“君子”被劇場化地展現為理想的模範，教諭性地指導著如何釋讀《左傳》的敘事及其文本解釋層。最終，通過展示“君子”高超的解釋表演，《左傳》吸引其讀者也成為熟諳有關禮製、德行、流傳下來的詩歌以及對過去的歷史書寫等諸種符號習語的“君子”。

Aquest capítol traduit aquí forma part del projecte « Mozi en català », emmarcat en la sèrie « Pensament xinès en català », que el Prof. Ferran Berenguer va poder iniciar, en el marc dels seus estudis de doctorat, amb el suport continuat del Servei Alemany d'Intercanvi Acadèmic (DAAD).

Esta obra em português de Philippe Sionneau, um dos melhores autores contemporâneos, chega até
nós em uma nova fase de crescimento e amadurecimento da acupuntura. Justamente quando vivenciamos o resgate da Medicina Clássica Chinesa e o surgimento de movimentos, projetos e grupos de estudo
envolvidos na afrmação e valorização do Saber tradicional e na exploração de metodologias pedagógicas
e de pesquisa em congruência com esta ciência médica milenar

In this paper, we propose a deep learning aided list approximate message passing (AMP) algorithm to further improve the user identification performance in massive machine type communications. A neural network is employed to identify a suspicious device which is most likely to be falsely alarmed during the first round of the AMP algorithm. The neural network returns the false alarm likelihood and it is expected to learn the unknown features of the false alarm event and the implicit correlation structure in the quantized pilot matrix. Then, via employing the idea of list decoding in the field of error control coding, we propose to enforce the suspicious device to be inactive in every iteration of the AMP algorithm in the second round. The proposed scheme can effectively combat the interference caused by the suspicious device and thus improve the user identification performance. Simulations demonstrate that the proposed algorithm improves the mean squared error performance of recovering the sparse unknown signals in comparison to the conventional AMP algorithm with the minimum mean squared error denoiser.

Abstract: The Ten Suns of Fusang is not just a beautiful mythological story. It expresses the divine right regulations and temple law of a political alliance. Each Noble family participating in the alliance believed that its ancestor was the sun. The image of the Ten Suns as ancestors of ruling families of each city-state in an alliance of city-states served to express the eternal alliance relationship. The Ten Suns allied treaty also served as temple law to underscore the equal standing of the rulers of several states. Just as the Ten Suns were on duty in the sky in turn, so did the noble clans of the Ten Suns alliance also take turns administering this great federation of city-states. However, this system of the political alliance and the related ideology came into conflict with the centralized system of patrilineal succession that had emerged in the Xia Kingdom. A new temple law then emerged of the great archer shooting down nine extra suns in an attempt to destroy the political rights of the Ten Sun nobles. However, the Ten Sun group of noble clans had managed to maintain a certain political power in the social tradition, so even the Shang Kingdom had to rely on update of this myth. When establishing the Shang Kingdom, Cheng Tang revived the old myth of the Ten Suns to gather political support from the nobles. Combining the Ten Sun myth with his own belief in the image of the Sun and the Eagle, he laid down a set of royal temple laws based on those two beliefs. This set of practices in turn influenced the depictions of the sacred tree of Sanxingdui.
在中國古傳統中，扶桑十日信仰、羿射日神話、商先王日名喪禮，以及“喪”字寫從桑樹的現象背後，其實都涉及到太陽崇拜，且彼此間似存有某種關聯，或許代表著某個上古大傳統的蛛絲馬跡。該傳統隱現大歷史脈絡的演變，且可以從中發現，太陽崇拜和祖先崇拜，政權制度和喪葬文化，皆在此大傳統中合為一體。
本文條疏各類考古、文獻和文字線索，溯源太陽農曆、紡絲紡輪、天鳳玄鳥、日鷹、夔龍、蠶蛾、祖先、日祖、十日等崇拜對像的形像特徵以及之間互補相成的意涵，探索彼此間成套的關聯性，復原十日神話產生的社會文化背景、淵源及流變。
首先，扶桑十日神話濫觴于長江中游平原地區，該地區自新石器早期以來始見太陽農曆崇拜的脈絡，逐漸形成了日鷹和日祖兩種族群信仰的體系，且都並存發展到青銅時代。其中，日祖傳統從崇拜掌握曆法的始祖英雄發展起，到了約5500年前屈家嶺國家興起時，昇華成為邦國大貴族統治者始祖為太陽的信仰。這些邦國統治者都自我認同為日的後裔，在城市祭壇上設立日祖偶像。基於這種共同的文化背景，當時同時興起的數家邦國在組織聯合城邦關係時，創造了十日廟法，通過十日神權制度，強化和堅固了當時獨立平等的十日統治者貴族輪流值日，輪流在聯盟國家做主的政治現實。並且因同時有桑蠶紡絲業的興起，而在精神文化中另外創造了扶桑形象，又將十日信仰從政權制度層面衍伸成為十日（氏）大貴族的喪葬禮儀。
到了約5000年前石家河文化時，雖然邦國之間的等級已不平等，但在統治聯盟國家的制度上，依然採取禪選制度，即大貴族選定下一位統治者，聯盟國家的統治之位不能由子孫繼承。
有過約一千年，到了夏時代，由於父子繼承的獨一王權統治制度的興起，在此背景下又創造出羿射日（射九日而獨剩下一日）的新神權廟法，試圖毀棄十日（氏）大貴族的政權，而達到王權集權的目標。
但是，由於十日貴族團體還有一定的政治勢力，而又為商王國所依靠：成湯出於政治籠絡目的，復興了十日神權，以此為基礎上建立了整套王室宗廟之法，並與其自身信仰的日鷹始祖圖騰形象相結合。湯商的宗廟禮表旨在強調，新興的商王國勢力，並不是單一族群的集權，而是繼承、結合和尊敬各族的“十日”。雖然商王室內部自我認同為起源自十日之一的“辛”族，但從成湯建立宗廟之法起，就承認自己是在作為“大家”的宗族的代表，即商王室代表了十日所有部族。
在商文化信仰中，對十日的崇拜，其實與喪禮有密切的關係，表達拜日與祖先崇拜合為一體的信仰。商王室宗廟制度表達，先王死後埋葬，如日之升天，又如新春再生，而從甲到癸十日的名號，也就成為是先王廟名。在祭祀先王的同時，也會祭祀祂所乘的日，以及與祂同日升天的一切祖先。所有在甲日升天的祖先，都與命名為甲的日輪合體。
是故，扶桑十日、羿射日等故事不只是美麗的神話，其背後反映出文明起源時期國家廟法，以及神權政治演變。

This is a separate paper which attempts to find an astronomical solution for the solar observation platform at Taosi by analysing the lengths of the days where sunrise is aligned with the slots of the observatory in 2075 BC. This will be referenced by a further paper on how the day is represented in the Yijing.

《宋史全文》《中兴两朝圣政》等书征引的《龟鉴》，与何俌《中兴龟鉴》实为两书。《龟鉴》成书于度宗咸淳二年之后、南宋亡国以前，是一部由场屋众举子编著的评议两宋史事的“讲义”。关于此书的流传过程，《中兴两朝圣政》、元刊《续资治通鉴》等书所征引《龟鉴》文本均不重叠，而明代中期以后著述所引《龟鉴》多为转引《宋史全文》，表明此书主要流行于宋元书坊。作为评议两宋史事的“诸儒讲义”之一，《宋史全文》等书注下《龟鉴》被系统性散入《永乐大典》所收《续资治通鉴长编》注下。四库馆臣辑录《续资治通鉴长编》时又系统性删去其注下《龟鉴》等“诸儒讲义”，造成了《续资治通鉴长编》通行本与《永乐大典》本的差别。

既有研究认为宋代的“金字牌”由入内内侍省颁下，其与实封章奏共同构成了中央与地方间君主专属的诏奏传递渠道。其中“金字牌”不经通进司、进奏院等官僚掌控的信息通进机构，是宋代君主独裁政治的象征。本文通过梳理制度渊源，发现“金字牌”是挂缀在邮筒之外，便于传递机构分检邮件的标志物。所谓传递诏奏的过程，应当分解为封装递筒、发递、传递递筒、开拆递筒等多个环节。根据宋代制度的规定，“金字牌”及实封章奏应由入内内侍省于禁中开拆、封装，参与传递递筒的通进司等机构不应与闻筒中文书内容。这才是宋代君主维持专属诏奏传递渠道机密性的关键。而在实践中，宋朝皇帝授权部分地方官员留用“金字牌”发布命令，允许官僚参与拟定用“金字牌”颁出的“御前文字”，甚至授权使用“金字牌”传递朝廷文书。官僚得以参与拟定和传递本应体现君主个人专断的“御前文字”，可见宋代皇帝专属诏奏传递渠道所支撑的独裁皇权，不是排他性的个人控制权。此种独裁皇权的行使，是透过皇帝主导，内侍、外廷官员共同搭建的制度路径。“金字牌”正是凝聚着宋代独裁皇权权威之“物”。
Extensive research has shown that the Golden Brands, kind of tool using in mail delivery sent by the Inner Palace Eunuch Attendance, was a symbol of autocratic emperor power in Song Dynasty. And the emperor's channel of communication for memorials between the central and local authorities was consist of both the Golden Brands and the Sealed Reports. This study set out to inspect the original of the Golden Brands, which reveals the Golden Brands were markers appending outside the packets for classification. The so-called "sending memorials" should be divided into serial segments: Sealing and Packing, sending and delivering packets, unpacking,and etc. According to the rules, the segment of packing and unpacking on the Golden Brands were generally issued by the Inner Palace Eunuch Attendance, which is key point securing the emperor's communication channel. Nevertheless,Some official serving in local governments were authorized to reserve some Golden Brands to delivery their orders in practice. Some officials in court were allowed to drifting the documents sent by the Golden Brands. And Some court documents were delivered by the Golden Brands indeed. It is indicated by The flexible usage of the Golden Brands that the autocratic emperor power,not the same as exclusive personal authority, manifested through a institutional path underpinning by both eunuchs and officials. The golden Brands was a symbol visualized the Autocratic Emperor Power.

北宋徽宗朝官修史書集中編纂於南宋高、孝兩朝，分“紹興舊史”和“淳熙新史”兩個文獻系統：“紹興舊史”以紹興二十八年成書的《徽宗實録》爲中心，包括乾道二年成書的徽宗國史《紀草》、淳熙十三年成書的《四朝國史·徽宗帝紀》及《宋史·徽宗本紀》；“淳熙新史”以淳熙四年成書的《徽宗實録》爲核心，包括《四朝國史》與《宋史》兩書的徽宗朝諸臣列傳。李燾是主持重修《徽録》的關鍵人物。《續資治通鑑長編》注文引述了紹興《徽録》、徽宗國史《紀草》等“紹興舊史”，而李燾的修正意見爲《宋史》徽宗朝諸臣列傳等“淳熙新史”採納。故《長編》注文是分辨兩種徽宗朝官修史書文獻系統的關鍵。通過分析《長編》注文，本文判定杜大珪《名臣碑傳琬琰集》中徽宗朝《實録》附傳實爲紹興《徽録》附傳，證明《宋史·徽宗本紀》與徽宗朝諸臣列傳分屬“紹興舊史”和“淳熙新史”兩個文獻系統。李燾修正“紹興舊史”旨在樹立元祐黨人的正面形象，扭轉北宋後期新黨的歷史書寫傾向。
The compilation of official history of the Emperor Huizong Reign, the end of Northern Song Dynasty, was held during the Emperor Gaozong and Emperor Xiaozong Reigns in Southern Song Dynasty. All of official historical documents could be classified into two systems, the “Old History of Shaoxing” and the “New History of Chunxi”. The former one includes “Veritable Record of Huizong Edited in Shaoxing”(1158), “Draft Chronicle about Huizong History”(1166), chronicle sections of the formal Huizong History edited in Song and Yuan(Sichao Guoshi and Song Shi). The Later one consists of “Veritable Record of Huizong Edited in Chuixi”(1177) and biography section of Huizong History edited in Song and Yuan. The outstanding historian Li Tao, Xu Zizhi Tongjian Changbian’s author, is the one promoting and directing the process of recompiling “Veritable Record of Huizong” during Xiaozong Reign. So his comments on “Veritable Record of Huizong Edited in Shaoxing” deeply impact on historical writing trend about  “New History of Chunxi”. There are a large number of official history documents quoted by Changbian annotations, which is the key material to distinguish various types of official history documents. For instance, some document about “Old History of Shaoxing” could be extracted from the annotations, and rectifications from Li Tao about the “Veritable Record of Huizong Edited in Shaoxing”(1158) were fully represent in Song Shi. Furthermore, It could be prove by Changbian annotations that some affiliated biographies from “Veritable Record of Huizong” in “Collection of Famous Officials Steles and Biographies” should be part of “Veritable Record of Huizong Edited in Shaoxing” and the chronicle section and biography section of Song Shi belong to the two document system separately. The rectification from Li Tao toward “Old History of Shaoxing” is aiming to alter the history writing shaped by the supporters of New Policy in Late Northern Song, and trying to establish positive group image of Yuanyou Faction.

This paper examines the earliest textual layers of the ancient Chinese Classics Shujing 書經. Analyzing the form and content of its chapters we determine their functions in the context of socio-political communication between different groups of ancient Chinese society and political class. While studying the formal properties of the shu, we come to reconstruct different types of its basic elements. This formal heterogeneity of early shu differentiates them greatly from the poetic hymns of Shijing 詩經, thus contradicting the well-spread hypothesis of the texts liturgical nature and functions. Exploring the main elements of narrative reveals the main recipient of its message, that being not the relatives of the royal lineage, but the servants, stewards and wardens of Luoyang, which is the spatial and chronological centre of narration. Thus we can reconstruct the main function of the texts, and that is to legitimize the communication and interaction between such groups of Zhou society and...

This is a partial compilation of references of Duke Xian of Jin, the ruler of Jin from 676-651 BC found in extant Chinese texts from the Han and pre-Qin periods. This listing is not exhaustive, and I will update this report as I enter more references.

Esse artigo é um estudo sobre o conceito de Coração XĪN 心 no livro de medicina chinesa HUÁNG DÌ NÈI JĪNG LÍNG SHŪ黃帝內經靈樞 que tem apresentado um importante papel na história da medicina chinesa há mais de dois mil anos até os dias de hoje. Evidências disponíveis sugerem que as bases do LÍNG SHŪ 靈樞 são um conjunto de textos escritos durante o final do período dos Estados Combatentes (475-221 AEC), passando pela dinastia Qin (221-206 AEC) e o começo da dinastia Han do Oeste (206 AEC-9 DEC). No capítulo 8 do LÍNG SHŪ, o Coração é apresentado como Vazio XŪ 虚, Vazio semelhante ao Céu TIĀN 天 e, assim, a residência dos Espíritos SHÉN 神 e nossa conexão com a natureza. O Coração era dito Vazio por ser capaz de permanecer livre de apego ou aversão a qualquer experiência, fenômeno ou ser. A noção de Vazio do Coração XĪN XŪ 心虚 foi escrita por meio da influência de alguns textos Daoístas como LǍOZǏ 老子 e ZHŪANGZǏ 莊子 e, assim, conseguimos compreender a forte relação entre a medicina chinesa e vários...

This article offers a critical overview of the philosophical debates on ‘practical materialism’ from 1978 to the present in contemporary China after Deng Xiaoping’s policy of reformation and opening-up. For a long time in China an orthodox Marxism imported from Soviet Union and their own Maoism had functioned as a State ideology, which has been petrified as an official ideology of China like in Soviet Union. With Deng Xiaoping’s policy of reformation and opening-up and the collapse of Soviet Union, however, Marxism in China has greatly changed through the liberation movement of thoughts, which was followed by philosophical debates on ‘practical materialism’. Through the progress of these debates, the subject and focus of studies changed from official Marxism to the philosophy of Marx himself. These debates are still going on and have had significant influence upon the studies on the philosophy of Marx in the 21st century outside as well as inside China. While it could be highly evaluated as new brave attempts to reread and reinterpret Marx’s texts and reestablish Marxian philosophy, the debates on ‘practical materialism’ in contemporary China still seem to have serious philosophical problems arisen from the political and academic atmosphere of contemporary China.

※ Key Words: Karl Marx, Practical Materialism, Marxism in China, Praxis, New Materialism

Pyeongsaeng-do (平生圖), the Painting of a Person’s Life, is a series of paintings depicting the ideal life of a yangban aristocrat who enjoyed a successful career as a high official. The painting emerged in the second half of the 18th century when the expression of family awareness and ancestral worship was extraordinarily enhanced among the powerful bureaucratic clans in Hanyang. Most of the paintings are eight- or ten- panel folding screens, which depict rituals taking place throughout life such as the first birthday, marriage, and the 60th birthday, the 60th wedding anniversary as well as public life of a government official from starting for a new post to promoting to higher official positions. In addition daily life and custom of literati including studying at a village school, sitting in the civil service examination, enjoying leisurely life after retirement are often depicted. 
With the vivid illustration of the exemplary life of the upper class, various scenes delivering daily life, rituals, and festivities of yangban noblemen, Pyeongsaeng-do is considered commemorative and documentary painting as well as genre painting of scholars. The complicated nature of the painting and its socio-political significance has drawn great scholarly attention in its iconography, production, and its stylistic development. Despite its importance as the visual material to uncover the changes of the late Joseon society, little is known about the painting’s history, authorship, and iconographic origins. Previous scholarship suggests that the development of this genre was indebted to Kim Hongdo, the eminent court painter in the 18th century and Hong Isang and Hong Gyehui, the protagonists of the paintings, played a specific role in their production. But the questions remain; how the names of Hong Isang and Hong Gyehui were attached to the screens painted in the 19th century, how we can explain the discrepancies between the real life of the protagonists and the depicted scenes on the screen, what’s the role of Kim Hongdo’s style in the spread of this genre, how this genre was evolved in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and what these changes tell about the visual culture of the transitional period of Joseon dynasty.
To delve into the above questions I conduct iconographic research to identify the various scenes of surviving works and then provide an approximate date of the Painting of Modang Hong Isang’s Life through formal analysis. Painting of Modang Hong Isang’s Life is reminiscent of Kim Hongdo’s genre painting but the double outlines to applied clothes, shading to columns, roof tiles, and temporary tents reflect the style of the first half of the 19th century, By investigating the rise of powerful Pungsang Hong Family by the strong support of King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800), I find that the reverence of Hong Isang, a legendary restorer of Hong Family, lead to commemorative projects including the compilation of chronological biography, anthology, and genealogical record, along with the commission of a painting of the person’s life, Pyeongsaeng-do. A close look at the socio-political geography in the late 18th century sheds light on the understanding of the nuanced relationship between the Painting of Modang Hong Isang’s Life and Hong Isang. The final chapter is dedicated to the last stage of Pyeongsaeng-do, which takes place in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. While paintings illustrating more personalized life were produced for military officials or gentry outside the capital, a lithograph version of the Pyeongsaeng-do was circulated as a commodity in the early 20th century. The style and iconography have been transmitted over the various media for ages but their functions, symbolic meanings, and patterns of consumption have been drastically changed.

포털은 한국 언론산업에서 매우 짧은 시간에 매우 불평등하고 불공정한 언론 공론장의 병목구조로 자리잡고 있다. 이 병목구조는 기존의 언론과 공중을 하나의 체계로 묶으면서 뉴스산업복합체라는 병목구조를 완성하고 있는데, 이 병목구조에 들어오는 – 포털 시스템에 들어오는 뉴스 생산자와 이용자 모두는 – 다양한 공론장의 공유지에서 황폐화되고 독점적인 파퓰리스트적 공론장에 갇히게 되는 효과를 낳는다. 샹탈 무페는 포퓰리즘을 대체하기 위해서 필요한 것은 급진적 커뮤니케이션 구조를 만드는 것과 다르지 않다고 주장한다. 그녀에 의하면 포퓰리즘은 민주주의를 급진화하는 것인데 이는 “해결방안은 대표성을 제거하는 데 있는 것이 아니라, 우리 제도를 더욱 대표적으로 만드는 것이다. 이것이 진정 좌파 포퓰리즘 전략의 목표인 것이다”. 이 에세이를 통해 포털이라고 하는 뉴스산업복합체라는 병목구조의 성격과 문제들을 다시 점검하면서 어떠한 사회적 개입을 통해 평등하고 공정한 언론 공유지를 만들 수 있는 구조화를 실현시킬 수 있을지 고민해 볼 수 있으면 한다.

As in many other pre-modern civilisations, inscriptions in ancient China did not generally contain any sentential or phrasal punctuation. This was in stark contrast to manuscripts of the same period which often display a variety of punctuation practices. However, an ancient bronze scoop measure unearthed in 1982 in Liquan County, Shaanxi Province, China, bears a short but thoroughly punctuated inscription on its underside. Who made the unusual decision to punctuate this inscription, and why?

This is a manuscript with added footnotes and Chinese characters of an entry published online at https://www.csmc.uni-hamburg.de/publications/aom/007-en.html. Please refer to the online version for high resolution zoomable images.

The Shanghai Museum’s collection of Warring States bamboo slips contains a manuscript on pyromantic divination, which is named as Bushu. The hermeneutic of the text is complicated not only because it is a paleographic material, but due also to the esoteric, metaphoric terminology it contains. Previous scholarship has attempted to interpret the text in association with related textual sources, but its comparison with related material sources is still underdeveloped. The present article pioneered a comparative approach of juxtaposing the Bushu and the unearthed relics of Shang oracle bones-and-plastrons, which preserve the cracks produced as results of Shang divinatory activities. It is suggested that the comparison between the two kinds of materials is actually a comparison between early Chinese divinatory theories and practices. Though examinations of four groups of terminology in the Bushu against bone-and-plastron materials, the article sheds new light upon the hermeneutic problem of the terminology of “body metaphor” and others, and alerts us to the discrepancy between the Shang and Warring States arts of divination on some particular respects, which shall encourage further diachronic studies of mantic art in early China.

Since its discovery in 2010, the Eastern Han wooden- and bamboo-slip documents excavated from storage Pit no. 1 in Wuyi Square in the city of Changsha have attracted wide attention among scholars. Until now, about 1,700 of slips or fragments were made public, which accounts for a quarter of the total amount. Current studies mainly focuses on the wooden slips that could be recovered as multi-slip documents. Unlike such attempts, this paper concentrates on 22 registers written on thin bamboo slips. In doing so, the author hopes to address the questions that have been neglected in current studies. This paper, firstly, examines the distribution of wooden and bamboo slips in Pit no. 1. The result shows that over 90 percent of slips are from the third level of Pit no. 1 and a significant amount of these slips are made in bamboo which appears to exceed scholars’ expectation. Secondly, this paper provides a new transcription of the term huozhu (Owners of Goods). Based on this, the author argues that these 22 bamboo slips were the registers of merchants who travelled from other commanderies and sold silk products in Linxiang county of Changsha commandery. Judging from the written content and material features of these bamboo slips, the author argues that they were part of a bamboo scroll stored in the office of Linxiang county. The storing of these bamboo-registers in the office of Linxing county, on the one hand, demonstrates the government control over commercial activities, on the other hand, shows the flourishing of commercial activities in Linxing which appeared to have deviated from the ruler’s ideal agricultural-based society.

Abstract: This article analyzes the remains of the Qujialing era at The Dengjiawan Altar the explore pits T11-T10, and concludes that smelting was carried out here in middle to late fourth millennium BC, and the smelting activities at that time were related to social ritual activities. The relics of the smelting that occurred here at different periods, early to late, can be divided into three different stages. The absolute age range is around 3600-3100 BC. The scale of the smelting site also increased with the passage of time. We can observe how the predecessors of the Qujialing period explored the copper smelting technology, tried different methods, and finally invented smelting vat (vat furnace). This technological breakthrough can be regarded as marking the beginning of Shijiahe culture. Qujialing culture is the era of rapid accumulation of knowledge about smelting and of the outset of numerous inventions. The predecessors of Shijiahe culture autonomously created the Bronze Age civilization on the base [of Qujialing culture]. The author suggests that the construction of the large city at Shijiahe and the invention of vat furnace technology should be viewed as key signs of the transition from Qujialing culture to Shijiahe culture.
Keywords: Yangtze River middle reaches, Qujialing Culture, Archaeometallurgy, Early Bronze Age of China, Shijiahe site, Dengjiawan
摘要：本文分析邓家湾T11-10屈家岭时代的遗迹，推论公元前第四千纪中晚期在此处进行冶炼，且当时该场所的冶炼活动与社会祭礼活动有关。早晚不同时期发生于此处的冶炼遗迹可分为三个不同的阶段，绝对年代范围约为公元前3600─3100年间。该场所的冶炼规模也随着时代推移而增加，且可以观察到屈家岭时期先民如何摸索炼铜技术，尝试不同的方法，最终发明了炼缸，这种技术突破足可以被视为石家河文化开始的标志。屈家岭文化是冶炼知识迅速累积与众多发明开端的时代。在此基础上，石家河文化的先民自行创造了青铜时代文明。笔者建议，将建筑石家河大城以及发明炼缸技术，作为从屈家岭文化变换到石家河文化的关键标志。
关键词：长江中游、屈家文化、石家河文化、冶金考古、青铜时代、邓家湾

In this essay, we will find out what kind of information do the remains of human sacrifices, ritual bronze vessels and oracle bones provide us about the religion of the Shang Dynasty. At the same time, various theories and debates will also be discussed. Research question: What kind of information about the Shang Dynasty religion can be inferred from the remains of human sacrifices, ritual bronze vessels and oracle bones?

Abstract

The Origin of Hospital(byung-won) in East Asia

Lee Hyun-sook*

This paper aims to research for the origin of byung-won(病院, Ch. bìngyuàn) in East Asia. Hospital or Infirmary used to be a place of curing sick people in medieval Europe. From the 16th century it was introduced and translated to bingyuan in China and byo-in Japan by Jesuit missionary. In 16th and 17th century Jesuit missionaries translated European hospital into Chinese bingyuan, because it seems that they found similar one in Buddhist temple.
Actually the Binyuan was originated from ancient Indian temples. In 667
Daoxuan(596-667) introduced the ancient Indian temple India and he
translated the healing space for sick monks in temple as ‘bingyuan(病院)’ or ‘bingfangyuan(病坊院)’. According to Daoxuan, the bingyuan, which was used to provide the treatment to sick monk, was set up along with restaurant, bathroom, and restroom in western part of temple. The ideal temple including binyuan that Daoxuan introduced was also found in the architecture of the temple in Song China.
In Buddhist scriptures, it used to emphasize the salvation of the poor and the sick. Since Faxian(法顯, 337-422) had introduced a kind of charity hospital, fude- yiyaoshe (福德醫藥舍) in The Journey of Faxian to India, there were many anecdotes to rescuing the poor and the sick under the name of beitian(悲田) in ancient China. In Tang China, beitian-yangbingfang(悲田養病坊) was established in temples and Buddhist monks used to take care of the poor and the sick, paid for the expenses by the government. Korean and Japan adopted this salvation system. Dongseo Daebiwon(東西大悲院, Great Mercy Hospital in West and East)
in Goryeo Dynasty was originated from Tang’s beitian-yangbingfang.
Now Korea use the term ‘byung-won(病院)’ as hospital while China calls it yiyuan(醫院). The Governmental medical institution used be called ‘yiwon(醫院, Ch. yiyuan)’ in medieval Chian and Korea. However modern Japan preferred the term byo-in(病院) as the translated word for  hospital, influenced by Jesuit missionary. According to Korean medical law, the hospital which has more than 20 inpatients is translated into byungwon and the clinic which has less than 20 inpatients into yi-won(醫院), because Korean medical law was greatly influenced by Japan.

Key Words : hospital, infirmary, Buddhist Temple, salvation of the poor,
bi-jeon-won, yang-byung-won, Dong-Seo Dae-bi-won(charity
hospital in East and West), Ancient East Asia, byoin, bingyuan,
yiyuan(醫院)

北魏《真人代歌》内容并不限于鲜卑拓跋一部，甚至不局限于鲜卑一族，而兼有当时其他北方游牧民族事迹。其中《企喻》一章系鲜卑语，历来无题解，根据蒙古语可考知其为“军歌”“战歌”“武歌”之义。联类考察，可知梁横吹曲《慕容家自鲁企由谷》亦杂汉文、鲜卑语成题，涉及慕容鲜卑起源地问题。《真人代歌》中尚保存有与佛教信仰密切相关的作品，其宗教色彩不可忽视。此外，《旧唐书》《新唐书》对《真人代歌》记载的分歧与错舛，有助于确定《真人代歌》湮没的下限年代，亦可资管窥《新唐书》的史料来源与编撰情况，并供《新唐书》重新标点整理工作参考。

The earliest record about the Songs of Dai of Zhenren collection (approx. 100 pieces) is included into the Book of Northern Wei. Even though these song were used as state ritual and ceremonial songs of the Northern Wei court, the problem is, that all of them are lost by now. In the present paper I discuss 1) nature of the songs according to their titles, reconstructed materials from the dynastic histories, Tongdian encyclopedia, etc; 2) historical and religious characteristics of the songs; 3) the time of its oblivion.
The content of Songs of Dai of Zhenren 真人代歌 is not limited to the information concerning the Xianbei-Tabgach 鲜卑-拓跋 tribe, even not limited concerning to the Xianbei clan itself, but also contains the narrative about the deeds of other northern nomads of that time. Among them, the Songs of Qi Yu企喻歌 chapter's title is actually given in the xianbei language written in Chinese characters, meaning of which had not been decoded so far. Analyzing linguistic comparisons with the Mongolian language, I argue that its meaning should be understood and explained as "military song"/"combat song" or "song of war".
Several pieces included into the Songs of Dai of Zhenren collection also were believed to be closely related to Taoism, but through the comprehensive analysis I am showing that it is connected to the Buddhist belief and this religious background should not be ignored.
In addition, the differences and mistakes in the records between the Old Book of Tang旧唐书 and the New Book of Tang新唐书 on the Songs of Dai of Zhenren are important in helping to determine the latest timeline of the Songs of Dai of Zhenren annihilation, and could also be used to provide evidences on the historical sources and the compilation process of the New Book of Tang, as well as references for the job of the New Book of Tang's reduction.

Abstract: In the orthodox history of China, the legend of Great Yu’s reigning in of the waters is shown as the background for the establishment of the first imperial dynasty of China (Xia). Therefore, in the later legends, the identity of Yu was deified and became the model of the god of controlling the water. For example, in the records of folk beliefs and legends after the Han Empire, the god of Yu was often connected when mentioning controlling the water. This phenomenon may cause modern scholars to generally regard the story of Great Yu's reigning in the waters as the only legend of the Great Flood in the Chinese tradition, and discuss it together with pattern stories of the destruction and regeneration after floods around the world.
However, the author believes that this "god hypothesis" ignores many key differences between the legend of Great Yu and myths of the Great Flood. Based on literature comparison, this article concludes that the story of Great Yu’s controlling the flood does not conform to the model of flood myths seen everywhere. It can be proven that this is a historical legend based on historical facts. However, within the tradition of the Ancient Civilization of Chu, there is actually the myth of the mother goddess Nüwa repairing the Pillar of Heaven. Although only fragments of the myth can be found today, based on what we can still understand from it, this story is in line with the mythical pattern of destruction and regeneration after a flood. The corresponding era that the myth tells about is much earlier than Xia Kingdom.

Keywords: Flood myths, Great Yu controls the Water; Xia Kingdom, The Mother Goddess Nüwa; Zhuanxu Emperor, Count of Gun
摘要：在中国正统历史中，大禹治水传说表现为天下建立第一王朝的伟大背景。因此在后期传说中，禹的身份被加以神化，成为治水神的范型，如在汉代以后的民间信仰和传说纪录中，提及治水之事时，经常会联系到禹神。这一现象或许导致现代学界通常将大禹治水故事视为中国传统中唯一的大洪水传说，并将其与世界各地洪水灭世和再生的范型故事放在一起讨论。
但笔者认为，这种“神论”忽略了大禹治水传说与洪水范型神话之间的很多关键差异。本文经过文献对照推论，大禹治水故事并不符合各地所见洪水神话范型，并可以证明这是有史实素地的历史传说。但是，在楚古文明的传统中，实际上还有女娲补天神话，虽然今日只能看到该神话的零星碎片，但仍可从中了解，该故事才是符合洪水灭世和再生的范型神话，其在神话中相对应的时代远早于夏王国。
关键词：洪水神话、大禹治水、夏、女娲、颛顼、鲧

Hoy, aunque las inscripciones de plastrones y huesos fueron descubiertas hace 120 años, todavía hay muchas palabras que no están descifradas debido a la falta de recursos, incluida la palabra “” que, en este texto, trataremos de descifrar. Este sinograma aparece en la placa H.J. 13399. Dicha pieza posee un contenido sobre la lluvia durante una ceremonia de alcohol, y en la que se ha registrado todo el proceso, lo que nos ofrece algunas pistas para descifrar el significado de ese carácter.
Today, although the inscriptions of plastrons and bones have been discovered 120 years ago, there are still many words that are not deciphered due to lack of resources, including the word “” that, in this text, we wanted to try to decipher. This sinogram appears on the H.J. 13399. This piece is a content of rain during an alcohol ceremony, has recorded the entire process, which gives us some clues to decipher the meaning of that character.

This article investigates the process of the Chinese character fan 反being differentiated from fan 返in their bronze and oracle inscription forms. It also examines other Chinese characters related to these two characters. This sort of study is necessary in better understanding the creation, transmission, and even semantic changes of Chinese characters over their long period of transmission.

Error in the editors' note:

The editors' statement "Upon his request, Tay Jeong was given an opportunity to contribute to the forum" is a misrepresentation. Rather, I [Tay Jeong] was invited to contribute an article without ever having requested it first. This is not an important problem, but I'm mentioning it here for the record. The following is an excerpt from an email I received from Dr. Schaab-Hanke who is one of the editors.

"As you will see, Prof. Mittag and I have decided to open a forum for the issue Andrew Logie is rising, namely when does historical research tend to become a kind of pseudohistory, it it a very sensitive but also highly actual topic. Of course you are invited to send a response to Andrew Logie's indeed rather critical stance, and please feel free to defend your own position so that we may publish this in one of our upcoming issues."

Este trabalho tem por objetivo problematizar o debate acerca do ensino de História Antiga na Educação Básica, seja nas tentativas de reduzi-lo, seja em sua defesa, na medida em que se faz necessária uma busca por um denominador comum entre a democratização do conhecimento e a dimensão ideológica que um conteúdo contém. O objetivo central é o de permitir ao aluno uma melhor compreensão do mundo, a partir de uma educação com pluralidade de conhecimentos, mas evitando a noção de conteúdos “universalmente indispensáveis” em detrimento de uma análise verdadeiramente profunda sobre os usos feitos do passado e, no caso do ensino de História Antiga, os usos feitos do passado no próprio passado.