Amphiaraos

Healing centres (asklepieia) in ancient Greece (ca. 500-200 BC) were mainly located well outside densely populated areas such as urban centres and major sanctuaries. The question is why this should be the case. Another research question is whether people travelled to these centres because they specialised in healing particular ailments. From the analysis of votive inscriptions and anatomical votive reliefs it may be concluded that Epidaurus specialised in treating blindness and mental problems, drawing patients from all over Greece; Corinth specialised in curing limbs (mainly hands) female breasts and male genitals; and Athens specialised in curing disorders affecting the torso, eyes and legs. Hence, it is seems that people indeed travelled to specific healing centres in hopes of more effective healing, selecting a healing centre specialised in treating the relevant part of the anatomy.

This paper offers a fresh discussion of Hecataeus of Miletus’ fr. 33 EGM, usually dismissed for its opaqueness. The reference to the seer Amphiaraus, who, according to Aelian, slept away his watch and nearly suffered the consequence of his negligence, is obscure, but has sometimes been interpreted as being a lost piece of the Theban saga. This reconstruction, however, is not the only one possible: as the story of the seer Evenius in Herodotus shows, this fragment might come from an account about Amphiaraus’ initiation to the prophetic art.

The article examines the monuments of Thebes mentioned by Pausanias and related to the story of Seven against Thebes. It is claimed that these monuments were a part of the local educational practice, which reflected the Theban mythical history and fostered patriotism. Most of the monuments were located near the gates of the Kadmeia (at a distance of up to 260 m) and formed a close circle of monuments. In some cases, the monuments formed a far circle (at a distance of 300 to 500–960 m from the gates). The first of the monuments considered is the monument associated with Amphiaraos. Regarding the place where the earth swallowed Amphiaraos, there exist two traditions, namely the “Theban” and the “Tanagrian” ones. It is hypothesized that the “Tanagrian” tradition was adapted by the residents of Oropos and, thus, reflected in Euripides’ tragedy The Phoenician Women. The educational topography of Pausanias shows that the “Theban” version is consistent with the text of Aischylos’ tragedy Seven against Thebes, while the “Tanagrian” version is consistent with the text of The Phoenician Women by Euripides. The location of the tombs of Melanippos and Tydeus near the Proitides gates also corresponds to the tradition captured by Aischylos, which presumably reflects the local, or “Theban”, version of the myth. Through Pausanias’ educational topography, the connection of the figure of Kapaneus with the Elektrai Gates and the walls of Thebes is
emphasized, which is confirmed by the evidence of material culture. As a possible grave of Oidipous’ children, the largest of the chamber tombs on the hill of Megalo Kastelli is considered. A large number of monuments associated with the story of Seven against Thebes symbolized military valour and glorified Thebes in their victory over the
Argives. Some of the monuments possess ambiguous symbolism, among which are the tomb of Menoikeus and the place of the duel between the sons of Oidipous. The article is equipped with a map reconstructing the probable location of the monuments, including various versions of their localization, as well as illustrations with the images on the objects of material culture associated with the War of the Seven.

Edizioni Ca'Foscari Edizioni Ca'Foscari Riassunto Lastra in marmo pentelico rinvenuta nel santuario di Anfiarao a Oropo nel corso degli scavi di Leonardos con breve iscrizione dedicatoria di un paziente, Archino, guarito dal dio. La lastra, lavorata a rilievo a rappresentare un ambiente dell'enkoimeterion, mostra tre momenti significativi del soggiorno del postulante nel santuario di guarigione. La narrazione degli eventi inizia a sinistra, dove è rappresentato Anfiarao (a grandezza maggiore del paziente), appoggiato a un bastone intento a intervenire con uno strumento sulla spalla destra di Archino. Segue una scena di enkoimeterion, dove il malato, disteso su una kline, viene sovrastato dal serpente sacro e toccato sulla spalla destra. La terza immagine, all'estremità destra del pinax, mostra Archino indicare, con la mano destra, la tabella votiva posta su una stele: si tratta dell'offerta a ringraziamento dell'avvenuta guarigione. Abstract Pentelic marble table with a brief dedicatory inscription of a patient, Archi-nos, found in the Amphiaraos sanctuary in Oropos during the excavations of Leonardos. The pinax, in relief, shows three significant moments of the postulant's stay in the shrine. The narration begins on the left, where Amphiaraos is represented (with greater size if compared to the patient) intent to intervene with an instrument on Archinos' right shoulder. Below is a scene of enkoimeterion, where Archinos, lying on a kline, is overhung by the sacred snake and touched on the right shoulder. The third image of the patient represents him at the right end of the pinax and seems to be looking and pointing at the votive table on the stele with his right hand: it is an offer as a sign of gratitude to the god. Parole chiave Anfiarao. Oropo. Leonardos. Archino. Enkoimeterion. Dedica votiva di Archino nel santuario di Oropo [ 126 ]

Classicus Gil Renberg publiceerde in 2017 zijn tweedelige serie Where Dreams May Come. Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, waarin hij naar tempelslaap kijkt vanuit het Nabije Oosten (Soemerië, Babylonië, Hittitische Rijk) tot aan de Merovingische wereld, waarin "christelijke tempelslaap" voorkomt. Dit boek komt toevalligerwijs tot stand door zijn bewerking van zijn dissertatie Commanded by the Gods: An Epigraphical Study of Dreams uit 2003. Renberg is kritisch naar bestaande studies over tempelslaap, die naar eigen zeggen gebaseerd zijn op oude en achterhaalde literatuur, wat diens conclusies ondermijnt. Meer specifiek verwijt hij wetenschappers geen gebruik te maken van belangrijke studies over dromen. Zijn doel is om met deze studie dit probleem te verhelpen, zodat wetenschappers een up-to-date naslagwerk hebben om aan te refereren. Verder kijkt hij waar tempelslaap (wellicht) voorkwam met de daarbij behorende rituelen en bronnen die hierover verhalen. 1 Echter zal ook dit werk waarschijnlijk ooit achterhaald zijn, wanneer wetenschappers andere nieuwe methoden zullen gebruiken. Renberg's methode is om elke geciteerde bron voor tempelslaap te analyseren qua betrouwbaarheid en bruikbaarheid. 2 In Volume I is deel 1 introducerend van aard en bespreekt terminologie, vorig onderzoek alsook de vroege ontwikkeling van tempelslaap (hoofdstuk 1-2). Deel 2 handelt over Griekse culten (hoofdstuk 3-5) in relatie tot tempelslaap, zoals de cultus van Asklepios in de Griekse wereld, de culten van Amphiaraos en Hemithea en 'Divinatory Incubation' in de Griekse wereld. Deel 3 (hoofdstuk 6-9) kijkt naar tempelslaap in de Romeins-Egyptische periode en concentreert zich op de culten van Sarapis en Isis en andere figuren en locaties. Volume II beslaat zeven hoofdstukken waarin diverse thematische studies en een catalogus worden aangeboden.

In this blog-post, written for The Votives Project, I focus on how anatomical votive reliefs can be interpreted as 'valued things' (through time and space), rather than 'objects without value'.

https://thevotivesproject.org/2017/01/05/things-that-matter-ed-a-biography-of-anatomical-votive-reliefs/

Guerreiro, adivinho e herói oracular, a multifacetada personagem de Anfiarau figura em diversas narrativas, dentre as quais a tragédia "Sete contra Tebas", de Ésquilo, na qual desempenha um importante papel, ainda que poucos versos lhe sejam de fato consagrados. Este artigo pretende, pois, observar a importância da personagem de Anfiarau na construção dessa tragédia de Ésquilo, ao atuar como o porta-voz dos desígnios divinos, explicitando e desvelando, dessa forma, as complexas relações entre as dimensões divina e humana.

Résumé : Le choix d’étudier conjointement Amphiaraos et Asclépios procède d’abord de la volonté d’honorer la mémoire de Pierre Sineux qui leur a, tout au long de sa carrière, porté une attention toute particulière. Il a su mettre en évidence les analogies et les différences qui existent au niveau des pratiques cultuelles et de la place occupée par le rite de l’incubation. Nous souhaitons ici prolonger ses réflexions en abordant, dans une perspective comparatiste, la double identité, héroïque et divine, d’Amphiaraos et d’Asclépios aux époques archaïque et classique. Les questions du cheminement mythique des deux personnages et de l’implantation et de la diffusion des deux cultes seront successivement abordées, à la fois pour faire ressortir les similitudes et les spécificités propres à chacun et pour montrer dans quel contexte s’est opérée à chaque fois leur actualisation.

Abstract : The choice to study Amphiaraeus and Asclepius arises primarily from the desire to honor the memory of Pierre Sineux who has during the whole of his career paid great attention to them. He was  able to find out the analogies and differences which exist in terms of  cult pratices and the place occupied by the rite of incubation. We would like here to develop his reflexions by approaching, in comparative perspective, the double identity, heroic and divine, of Amphiaraeus and Asclepius of the Archaic and Classical periods. The unfolding mythical questions of the both characters and the implementation and spreading of both cults will be adressed successively, in order to highlight the similarities and specificities on their own and to show in which context this update has been carried out each time.

The article examines the didactical component of Pindar’s Pythian 8, which includes the Theban mythohistorical line — the plot of “Seven against Thebes” and the Epigoni’s march on Thebes. In this ode, Pindar instructs Aeginet Aristomenes, the winner of the Pythian Games, through Amphiaraus’ prophecy. Glorifying Aristomenes, Pindar instructs him not to become proud beyond measure, not to overstep the bounds, because Hesychia can destroy anyone who lets “merciless malice” into his heart, as it happened with Adrastus and his son. At the same time, Pindar compares Aristomenes with the hero Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, emphasizing that the glorious blood of their fathers flows in the veins of both. This interpretation of the fragment from Pind. Pyth. 8.56-60 differs from the traditional one since here Pindar meets not Alcmaeon, but Amphiaraus, receiving a prophecy from the latter. It is Amphiaraus who is called Pindar’s "neighbor" and the “guardian” of the Thebans’ possessions. In our opinion, Amphiaraus appears to Pindar in Delphi or on the way to Delphi. This interpretation is based on a comparison of Pindar’s text with a fragment from Herodotus (Hdt. 8.134.1-2), as well as on paleotopographic, archaeological and epigraphic studies. Considering that there is no information about the cult of Alcmaeon in Thebes and in Aegina at the moment, it seems likely that Pindar implies his meeting with Amphiaraus, whose sanctuary was located, according to a number
of scholars, including the author of the article, near Thebes. However, according to Herodotus who stated that the Thebans could not inquire the oracle of Amphiaraus in this sanctuary, and also on the basis of the possible location of this sanctuary off the road to Delphi, it is suggested that Amphiaraus appeared to Pindar not at Amphiareum.

L'Incubation dans les pratiques thérapeutiques en Grèce ancienne L'immensité du sujet et la multiplicité des documents tant épigraphiques, iconographiques que littéraires nous ont éveillé sur l'importance du travail qu'il convenait pour nous de réaliser. Ainsi nous avons établi un corpus qui répertorie les diverses inscriptions votives et les annexes iconographiques dont l'état de conservation et les contenus textuels permettent de rendre compte des questions relatives à la pratique de l'incubation. La plupart des reliefs et stèles votives couvrent une période allant du début de l'époque classique (Ve siècle av. J.-C.) jusqu'à la fin du IIIe siècle de notre ère : un grand nombre en provenance des Asklépieia et d'autres sanctuaires médicaux (l'Amphiaraion d'Oropos, le Trophonion de Lébadée, etc.), témoignant du rayonnement des cultes de guérison dans des sanctuaires reconnus en qualité de centres thérapeutiques dans le monde gréco-romain, du moins de la Sicile à l'Asie Mineure.

The peoples of Apulia, by the ancients called Iapygia, were certainly interested in Greek culture and myth, something which is confirmed by the representations on Apulian red -figure pottery found in great numbers in indigenous tombs and apparently made for funerary purposes. Such vases could, perhaps, be regarded as parallel to Attic white-ground lekythoi: both were produced for funerary purposes, appeared in one region, contain funerary decoration, and their occurrence was limited to a short period. It is still a matter of discussion, though, how far the representations on Apulian vases reflected Greek myths or culture and to what extent indigenous people adapted them, transforming them into something new which was uniquely their own.

Discussions of funerary imagery depicted on Apulian vases often start with the assumption that in one way or the other it reflects ‘Orphic beliefs’ in the afterlife, and indeed, much has been written about Apulian red-figure pottery and the supposed Orphic influences which affected the representations on the vases. Since such ‘beliefs’ were never depicted on Greek (Attic) pottery, in the case of Apulian vases this imagery is treated as a distinctively Southern Italian element. Nevertheless, scholarly discussions tend to focus only on the scenes representing Orpheus and Dionysos before the palace of the Underworld rulers, and such a selective approach leads to a distorted understanding, because these scenes in fact correspond to other similar representations involving different figures in similar settings, which are in turn neglected in scholarly accounts.

In this paper I am going to present the Underworld scenes involving Orpheus and Dionysos as a variant, belonging to a wider group of representations within which they should be located. I will also argue that in fact the imagery on Apulian pottery does not seem to reflect any specific ‘beliefs’, but that it shows rather a conception of the Underworld as conveyed by Greek myths. I argue further, drawing on current scholarly discussion, that these myths might have been transmitted by particular Greek tragedies.

Diese Arbeit beweist, daß die in der Vita Homeri Pseudoherodotea erwähnte Amphiaraos-Ausfahrt identisch mit der homerischen Thebais ist. Der Autor erklärt auch, warum die Thebais unter diesem Titel (Amphiaraos-Ausfahrt) in der pseudoherodotischen Vita erwähnt wird.