Pindar and Bacchylides

I was impressed with Briand's perceptiveness in this edition. For example, he observes that odes need not be performed either wholly by a chorus or wholly by a soloist, as discussed below. Similarly, he notes that the crowning of the altar at the end of Olympian 9 need not have anything to do with a literal crown (p.138). And he introduces fundamental concepts well. The translations are generally correct, as are the commentaries. Furthermore, I like that Briand has constructed his commentaries in paragraphs rather than in lemmata. This makes the commentaries more readable, particularly for Briand's intended audience of non-specialists. Overall, the book is a success.

This essay focuses on the two Bacchylides’ poems (ep. 3 e 4) translated by Paolo Volponi in 1990. The research adopts two main perspectives. The first aims to investigate the translational aspects of Volponi’s work, this is to say, the modus operandi of the translator through the technical features of his work. The second is intended to analyse the stylistic aspects of the Italian versions, with a special attention to the intertextual elements, such as quotations, allusions and rewritings of other texts from Volponi’s own work and from other works of the Italian tradition. The combination of the above-mentioned perspectives provides a convincing overview of the way in which Volponi interpreted the two bacchylidean poems.

SAGGIO LUNGO IN RIVISTA. ANGELA IDA VILLA, Sul Pascoli cripto-interprete di Leopardi. La memoria del mazzo floreale del Polifemo dell’“Idillio XI” di Teocrito nelle notazioni reticenti, dissimulatrici e depistanti circa l’abbinamento “sbagliato” delle «viole di marzo» con le «rose di maggio» nel «mazzolin» del “Sabato del villaggio”, “Otto/Novecento”, n. 3, 2014, pp. 5-62 [= 58]


MONOGRAFIA. ANGELA IDA VILLA, La modernità dell’antico. La divina ispirazione del poeta moderno alla maniera di quelli antichi e il ritorno di Dioniso, di Pan e del gladiatore Spartaco nelle poesie giovanili di Giovanni Pascoli, Milano, EDUCatt, 2012, pp. 316


SAGGIO IN RIVISTA. ANGELA IDA VILLA, Pascoli spiegato da Pascoli. “Dalle tombe egizie” (1897-98) e dalla “Lyra romana” (1895) le tessere per approssimarsi alla soluzione del giallo del finale della “Digitale purpurea” (1898) circonfuso dall’«odor di rose e di viole a ciocche» dionisiache, “Otto/Novecento”, n. 2, 2012, pp. 69-102 [= 34]


SAGGIO LUNGO IN RIVISTA. ANGELA IDA VILLA, Dalla “vecchierella” dionisiaca di Ovidio delle feste primaverili dei “Liberalia” alla «vecchierella» del “Sabato del villaggio” di Leopardi (con una considerazione sulle rose e viole dell’“Orfeo” di Poliziano e sul «pipistrello» di Pompei, presso il tempio di Iside, della “Ginestra” e con un’appendice sulla concezione leopardiana dell’“entusiasmo” divino del poeta “oltrafilosofo”), “Otto/Novecento”, n. 2, 2011, pp. 27-135 [= 109] (in particolare § III.1, pp. 62-76: Il «pipistrello» di Pompei presso il tempio di Iside della “Ginestra” e l’«ibis»-«nottola» di “Isaia” 34, 11 e sul Pascoli interprete della “ginestra dei carbonai”, il simbolico fiore dell’“ekpyrosis”)


INTRODUZIONE A MISCELLANEA IN ONORE DI. ANGELA IDA VILLA, Giuseppe Farinelli e i «farinelli» di Pascoli, in AA.VV., Studi di storia e critica della letteratura italiana dell’Ottocento e del Novecento in onore di Giuseppe Farinelli, a c. di ANGELA IDA VILLA, Introduzioni di ERMANNO PACCAGNINI e di ANGELA IDA VILLA, Milano, Edizioni Otto/Novecento, 2011, pp. 19-30 [= 12]

Collected and translated from Ancient Greek into Turkish with an introduction, notes, glossary, and indices, an anthology of Archaic Greek Poetry to exemplify the archaic aesthetic, including Homeric Hymns, Archilochus, Callinus, Semonides, Tyrtaeus, Hipponax, Mimnermus, Solon, Theognis, Alcman, Stesichorus, Ibycus, Sappho, Alcaeus, Sappho or Alcaeus, Anacreon, Simonides, Korinna, Praxilla, Carmina Popularia, Carmina Convivalia, Bacchylides, and Pindar.

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Bu kitap bir şiir antolojisidir, sözcüğün Yunancadaki anlamıyla şiirin bir “çiçek-dermesi”dir. Homerosçu İlahiler’in huşu veren buhuru, Arkhilokhos, Semonides ve Hipponaks’ın taşlamalarının keskin aromasıyla karışır; Kallinos ve Tyrtaios’un askeri teşviklerinden heyecanlanan okur, Solon’un yahut Ksenophanes’in bilge dizelerinin ferahlatıcı deminde soluklanır. Theognis’in kadim sofralarında, aşk hasretiyle kavrulan Mimnermos, Sappho, Alkaios ve Anakreon’un rayihaları yarışır. Bu bir demet çiçeğe kulak verenler Alkman, Stesikhoros ve Ibykos’un anlattığı mitlerin kokusundan sarhoş olur. Simonides yeğeni Bakkhylides’le birlikte Keos’un ıtırlarını sunarken, Pindaros Thebai’ın geniş düzlüklerinin eşsiz goncalarıyla rakip olur onlara. Korinna ve Praksilla’nın tenlerinde kadınca sedalar tüter ve daha nice isimsiz şair kendi kokularıyla temsil edilirler. 2750 yıl önceden 300 yılı aşkın süre boyunca kokularla Yunan dünyasında bir seyahattir Arkaik Yunan Şiiri!

Ebat: 13.5 x 21 cm
Sayfa Sayısı: 592
ISBN: 978-975-08-4132-3
Fiyatı: 42 TL
Kâzım Taşkent Klasik Yapıtlar Serisi 98

“Bakkhylides” İskenderiye Kütüphanesi’nin âlimleri tarafından antik Yunan lirik şiirinin dokuz büyük isminden biri kabul edilmiştir. Bu dokuz büyük şairin arasında yer alan Simonides’in yeğeni, Pindaros’unsa çağdaşıdır. “Epinikion” (atletik müsabakaların galiplerini övmek amacıyla yazılan “zafer şarkıları”) yazımındaki rakibi ve çağının en ünlü şairi Pindaros’un gösterişli üslubunun aksine, Bakkhylides’in şiirlerinin ayırt edici özelliği dilinin sadeliği ve akıcılığıdır. Elinizdeki kitap, Bakkhylides’in bütün “epinikion”larının ve “dithyrambos”larının (bağbozumu şenliklerinde okunan Dionysos ilahileri) yanı sıra diğer türlerdeki şiirlerini ve fragmanlarını bir araya getiriyor.

Ebat: 13.5 x 21 cm
Sayfa Sayısı: 216
ISBN: 978-975-08-3901-6
Fiyatı: 21 TL
Kâzım Taşkent Klasik Yapıtlar Serisi 95

SOMMARIO VII R. Pretagostini, Premessa L'opera letteraria 1 A. Casanova, Il comico nella Samia di Menandro 19 G. MassiMilla, Il leone nemeo nella Victoria Berenices di Callimaco 33 E. Dettori, Appunti sul "Banchetto di Pollis" (Call. fr. 178 Pf.) 65 L. FloriDi, Mendacità del mito e strategie encomiastiche nell'Inno a Zeus di Callimaco 77 L. CaDili, La reggia del cielo: Virgilio, Georg. 1. 503-504 e Callimaco, Inno a Zeus 60 81 L. sbarDella, Ci' o" aj oidov ": l'Omero di Teocrito 95 C. PaCe, Il tizzone sotto la cenere: Apoll. Rh. 3. 275 ss. e l'Inno omerico a Hermes 113 M. Di MarCo, Asclepiade 15 G.-P. (= A. P. 12. 46): una reinterpretazione 121 V. CasaDio, Suggestioni saffiche in Posidipp. Epigr. 55 A.-B. 127 M. noussia, parw/ div a e filosofia in Cratete Tebano 137 S. barbantani, Osservazioni sull'inno ad Afrodite-Arsinoe dell'antologia PGoodspeed 101 155 E. Magnelli, Omero ironico, satirico, parodico: dal teatro attico alla poesia ellenistica 169 F. MiChelazzo, Un modulo espressivo nel dialogo comico 187 R. niColai, Isocrate e le nuove strategie della comunicazione letteraria: l'Antidosi come "antologia d'autore" 199 M. tulli, Dal Fedone all'Assioco: note sull'Accademia di età ellenistica 213 R. M. luCiFora, Il racconto della metamorfosi dall'epica (di Ovidio) al romanzo (di Apuleio) L'esegesi antica 231 M. vallozza, Isocrate nel Peripato 245 M. T. luzzatto, Ermagora di Temno e la "tesi"

In this paper, I investigate the repetition of Homeric hapax legomena in archaic and classical Greek poetry. Scholars frequently assume that fine-grained engagement with Homeric rarities is a distinctive feature of the Hellenistic period, but I reveal the significant precedent for this phenomenon in earlier poetry. Proceeding through comedy, tragedy and lyric, I explore a range of case studies which demonstrate the extremely sophisticated appropriation of Homeric unica in the pre-Hellenistic world. I argue that this evidence requires us to reconsider the extent of allusion in archaic and classical Greece and to rewrite traditional narratives of literary history.

Athletic beauty is the focus of my discussion, which necessarily expanded into many contingent issues of ancient Greek athletics. I discuss the enduring importance of good physical condition as well as the enduring admiration of champion athletes – that is, those who did not merely exercise in the gymnasia and palaestrae but trained systematically to achieve distinction and excellence. From Homer to Aristotle and from the schematic representations on Geometric pottery to the impressive bronze statues of victors of the fourth century BC, I discuss many young as well as more mature athletes and champions – among them some females – described or depicted with a different degree of realism, different bodily proportions, and with mediocre, lovely, or very beautiful faces. I also comment on the differences between the abundant and narrative but two-dimensional and very small-scale athletics images on pottery, on the one hand, and the numerically far fewer but far more impressive monumental sculptures, on the other. Thus, we have ascertained that only if we look at and collate the texts, the objects and the images of all kinds can we come closer to the beauty and the diachronic allure of athletes and athletics… as well as the diachronic (and harsh) criticism exercised, particularly by some representatives of the “intellectual world”, as we would say today.

La thèse est structurée comme une édition critique des fragments 94 a et 94 b M.,  transmis par P. Oxy. IV 659 et attribués à l’unanimité à Pindare. Il s’agit très probablement de deux parthénées, écris pour des commanditaires thébaines, la famille d’Aeolada, vers 440 a. C. Le premier approche aux textes a été une lecture des fragments lisible du papyrus, dont on avait des photographie, mais la thèse présente au meme temp une rétrospective sur le contexte festif, la daphnéphorie thébaine, et sur le genre parthéneé et daphnéphorique. Les deux textes présentent des nombreux problèmes en ce qui concerne l’interprétation des rôles des différents personnages mentionnés, et la reconstruction du rite et de la fête. Parmi les questions plus importants on a l’interprétation des certaines termes, comme ἱεραπόλος au vers 6 du fr. 94 a M., ou les problèmes de poétique concernants le « je » mélique. La conclusion de la thèse coïncide avec la fin du commentaire aux vers lisibles, suivie par une analyse rapide de la dernière colonne du papyrus, dont nous n'avons que de mots fragmentaires.

Scholars have often tried to trace precise parallels between myth and encomium in Bacchylides’ Ode 3, as the stories of pious Croesus seems to provide a mythic ἀνάλογον for pious Hiero. As a consequence, the divine rescue of Croesus is interpreted as an almost explicit promise of immortality to Hiero: the gods will save him too. However, the relationship between Croesus’ myth and Hiero’s life is far less mechanical: the myth is no doubt designed to highlight the virtue of piety, but the exceptional and ultimately super-human emphasis on the figure of Croesus ultimately suggests that his miraculous salvation cannot be taken as a paradigm for ordinary human beings - Croesus’ complaint against Apollo’s apparent ingratitude is in fact modelled on a specific type of ‘protest’ prayer that calls to mind Homer’s heroes. The following section of the song (gnome and myth of Admetus) function as a reminder: Hiero is a human being, and is not supposed to seek immortality. Rather, he can enjoy his piety and the everyday happiness it entails. The second myth, therefore, somehow corrects the first one, in that it promotes everyday piety as against (unattainable) immortality. Even this second option, however, proves misleading. Both the first and the second option, i.e. immortality and everyday piety, resurface in the arduous priamel that closes the song. The priamel, in fact, works as a praeteritio: neither immortality (the ‘gold’) nor the enjoyment of everyday piety (the euphrosyne) is a viable solution for human beings who, like Hiero, are confronted with the miseries of old age. The only available solution is to pursue glory, which consists in memorable deeds as sung in poetry. All in all, Bacchylides points to two options as a possible consolation for old Hiero, only to discard them in favour of (his own) poetry. Finally, Bacchylides presents his poetry as a form of ΧΑΡΙΣ that, reflects accurately the magnificence of Hiero’s deeds (ΚΑΛΩΝ is arguably the right reading at l. 96), thus fulfilling a sophisticated strategy designed to extol the art of the “Cean nightingale”.

Discusses the Athenian treasury at Delphi in the context of contemporary Athenian politics, with special reference to sculptural iconography, the meaning of materials (Parian marble) and the relation of the building to architectural imagery in Pindar's 6th Pythian ode, for Megakles of Athens.

"According to this paper, the Athenian Neoplatonic idea that there was a deep accordance between Orpheus, Pythagoras and Plato about the method and the definition of soul salvation (see Syrianus) is not fully erroneous. It just has to be put in a dynamic perspective instead of a static one. Authentic Orphism may indeed be defined as the cultural process — neither a fixed doctrine nor an organized church —  that leads from the positive valuation of an external memory concerning epic or theogonic old paterns, working as a condition of the kleos aphthiton for heroes and poets, toward the positive valuation of the internal memory which is conceived off as bringing the philosopher’s soul in touch with eternal realities. Orphism does not deny the authority of Homeric or Hesiodic tradition, which makes immortal the names of heroes, but Orphism gradually transfers it inside the soul and thus discovers a new level of immortality, which concerns the ego and is independent from the surviving part of human society, just like the common immortality of soul demonstrated by Plato in the Phaedo does paradoxically not prevent certain souls being more subject to death than other ones (see for example the end of the Timaeus, 90c)! In certain “Orphic” gold tablets, Mnemosyne is not invocated in order to keep alive an oral tradition through succesive generations but for an individual soul to re-assume its own divine origin. This soteriological interpretation of the role payed by memory is confirmed by the cyclical sequence bios thanatos bios found in the Olbia bones fragments (OF 463.1 Bernabé). Such a mental power makes the soul able to escape an ever-lasting re-birth and re-death cycle, just like the anamnèsis in Plato does, athough the divine part of soul is identified only with rationality in Plato, and no longer with any vitalizing spirit correlated with body. The life of soul, according to Plato, is overall an adequate relationship to itself, which is called intellection (nous; Sophist, 249a; Laws X). But Orphism has already overcome the idea that the sole material ritual could work as a sufficient means for salvation. Moreover, there is no historical family tradition in Orphism unlike in the Homeric tradition. There are no Orphēidai like the Homēridai of Chios. Lineage in the Orphic tradition is only ritual and is only a matter of initiation. One self’s connection with Orpheus depends on will and on undertaking of a re-birth ritual, not on blood. The whole humanity is potentially in connection with Orpheus just like the Orphic Zeus contains everything and is contained by everything. For example, Pythagoras was re-enacting Orpheus although he was not Orpheus’ natural son (see Gregory Nagy’s Homer the Preclassic, E§116). In the same way, Plato asserts that every human being has seen the Ideas and can remember them by practicing dialectics. Finally, in Orphism, the self-identification of the rhapsode with the mythical proto-poet occurs during the whole life, and not only during the oral performance. This is why there is a real Orphic “way of life” (vegetarian food, non-violence, saying truth; see Plato, Leges, 782 c-d), and not only an Orphic way of singing. Moreover, since the Orphic poems were written quite early and thus became protected against oral variations, the initiate could not identify himself with Orpheus as a creative poet. The very process of improvisation during an oral performance was forbidden to him. Therefore the ritual and ethic behavior, or the rationalizing interpretation of Orphic poems just like in the Derveni Papyrus, became the only way of re-enacting Orpheus. On one hand Orpheus’ powerful living voice was admitted as definitely remoted in the past, but on the other hand the inner and spiritual life became the most important factor of continuity in the Orphic tradition.
So Orphism might be the analogy-generating tradition in which Plato found the first connection between different kinds of memory and different levels of immortality (see especially Diotima’s speech during the Symposium, 208c-d, 212a). Such a connection was the condition for dialectics, so that it could not be the result a dialectics. Of course, following Plato himself, modern scholars have accepted this hierarchy as a distinctive feature through which one could isolate Plato from other salvation traditions in Greek culture, as if to conceive off the genuine immortality as an instantaneous return to our metaphysical origin were the special innovation of philosophy. But, as we said, Plato might have just continued the process inaugurated by Orphism, and this process might also be not later than the Homeric poetry. Indeed, on the basis of many data excerpted from comparative poetics dealing with Indian and Iranian sacred poetry, we may assume that such a growing complexity of immortality and memory was a permanent trend in some ancient cultures, synchronically organized rather than diachronically, just like the Neoplaonic thinkers believed.
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1. "Dov'è la cári$ degli dèi?". La domanda si innalza come un urlo, lancinante e accusatorio, dalla pira che Creso si è fatto costruire, per concludervi la sua vita insieme alla moglie e alle figlie, in una Sardi ormai saldamente in mano a Ciro 1 , a poco meno di metà (v. 38 = 25 Ir. 2 ) dell'epinicio che Bacchilide (3), poeta nel fiore degli anni 3 , compose nel 468 per il più grande successo sportivo 4 -la vittoria olimpi-* Queste note rappresentano l'ossatura di un più ampio lavoro sulla cári$ degli dèi nel dibattito teologico e filosofico del V secolo, che ho da troppo tempo in preparazione (anche la bibliografia, lungi dall'aspirare a completezza, è solo indicativa). Ringrazio G. G. Biondi che, con l'invito a partecipare a questo volume in memoria di G. Scarpat, mi ha dato la possibilità di anticipare queste considerazioni preliminari. Preziosi suggerimenti mi sono venuti da Valentina Garulli, M. Magnani, E. Medda, R. Tosi. 1 Sull'evento cfr. Hdt. I 46-56, 71-91, Ctes. FGrHist 688 F 9, Ephor. FGrHist 70 F 58, Nic. Dam. FGrHist 90 F 68, Polyaen. VII 6, Iust. I 7, Eus. Chron. (ex vers. Arm.) Ol. 58,3, nonché Bengtson 1990, I 206. 2 Per comodità, i versi verranno d'ora in poi citati secondo la numerazione tradizionale, che in realtà conteggia i cola, e non secondo quella pur motivatamente suggerita da ultimo da IRI-GOIN 1993 (il cui testo pare tuttavia meno affidabile per quanto riguarda la descrizione dettagliata dei dati del papiro London, BL 733 = P. Lit. Lond. 46: cfr. MALTOMINI 1993, 21-23.). 3 Cfr. testt. 4 s. Campb.: ma sull'incertissima cronologia bacchilidea si vedano MICHELANGELI 1897-1898; JEBB 1905, 1-4; MAEHLER 1982, I 6-9; DUCHEMIN-BARDOLLET 1993, X-XVI (per una cronologia più alta di quella suggerita dal Chronicon eusebiano, cfr. SEVERYNS 1933, 15-30).

It is argued that Latin prōsāpia ‘lineage, stock’ together with sōpiō, -ōnis ‘penis’ goes back to the verbal root found in Vedic sāpáyati ‘to strike’, Ossetic safyn (I.), isafun (D.) ‘to destroy’, Hittite šap(p)- ‘to hit’ and Greek ἰάπτειν ‘to hurt’. The root can be reconstructed as *seh₂p- (aor. *seh₂p- > Hittite šapp-, pres. *si-s(e)h₂p- > Greek ἰάπτω). This root with the basic meaning ‘to hit, to strike’ was also employed metaphorically in the meaning ‘to have sexual intercourse’ which survives in Latin and Iranian (e.g. Balochi šāpag ‘to mount ewe’).

This article aims at exploring the traces of the choral lyric genres in tragic choruses, with special regard to the allusive presence of the paian, the epinikion, the partheneion, the hymenaios, and the threnos. The retracing in a dramatic context of elements belonging to these traditional genres and to their correspondent ritual occurrences brings about an intriguing web of correspondences in which these lyric patterns are developed, combined or even radically refashioned depending on the peculiarities of the single tragic plots. The investigation of the choral-lyrical passages is conducted by means of a close reading of the interactions between the pragmatic dimension of what we may define as 'lyric paradigms' that underlie ritual performances and the individual choral songs in order to show how the tragic choruses may mirror and possibly perpetuate pre-existent lyric genres.

The golden tripods, which the tyrants of Syracuse Gelon and Hieron, sons of Deinomenes, dedicated to the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi, are wellknown because of literary and archaeological evidence. These offerings celebrated the successful deeds of the tyrants, which included victories in battle and those at the Panhellenic games. In a wider perspective, they were laid out to elude the absence of an official definition of the political power of the tyrants and had the function of propaganda, which took advantage of the aristocratic connotations traditionally attributed to gold.

The article investigates the uses to which the figures of the Muse(s) are put in the poetics of Pindar and Bacchylides, considered against the background of their earlier employments in elegiac and melic poetry. Based on a thorough examination of the evidence, it argues that the two poets pursue different strategies: whereas Bacchylides develops a poetic mythology of named Muses (particularly, Ourania), Pindar redeploys the single unnamed Muse of the earlier hexameter and choral traditions, envisioning her as the poet’s collaborator. Pindar may thus be seen to originate the notion of the Muse as a deity associated with poetic composition, as contrasted with her mnemonic-epistemic role in hexameter verse.

[Please message me if you would like to request a full digital copy of this publication.]

In this paper, I explore Brauron’s material and spatial remains from the perspective of embodied ritual practice, especially the central choral performance associated with ‘playing the bear’ (arktos) for Artemis. While there are many uncertainties and gaps in our evidence, it is clear that young Athenian girls regularly attended the rural site to perform and thus serve as a kind of propitiatory offering on behalf of the city. The distinctive painted vases found in high concentration throughout the sanctuary show girls and women moving corporately within the sacred space, at times naked and in the presence of a bear. Where previous studies have treated these as docu- mentary images to be connected with references to the cult’s activities, I read them as part of a rich cultural imaginary that is integral to Artemis’ cult identity. Despite a lack of supporting evidence to fully situate the imagery in relation to the actual choreographies Athenian girls performed for Artemis, these prominent, ritually marked vessels convey something of the most ephemeral aspects of their performance in an embodiment of the relationship between the goddess, the dancing girls, and by proxy, the community of Athens.

After a brief survey of the textual sources for Brauron’s ritual activity, I turn to consider the iconography of the distinctive ritual vessels. With reference to the most substantial cult foundation myth for Artemis to survive in Bacchylides’ eleventh ode, I consider Brauron’s iconography through cultural ideas about ritual wildness and domestication that are integral to the goddess’ Arcadian cult identity. With this parallel in view, I interpret performance at Brauron as a process of ‘ritualization’: choruses of girls activate and maintain Artemis’ cult status by imbuing her sacred landscape with ritual kinesis – privileged forms of movement that rehearse and reaffirm the goddesses’ connection to the girls and thus to the city. Finally, I consider how the site’s architecture itself develops over time to formalize the performance of this ritual practice and better facilitate spectatorship. As a performance space, Brauron’s marked natural site becomes ritualized and monumentalized for Artemis through its containment of the dedicated bodies of her worshippers as they celebrate her cult identity.

c o p i a a u t o r e kaiv pokav toi dwv sw triv podo~ kuv tow { / k j e[ ni <-++-> †le † aj geiv rh/: 3 Sulla consapevolezza maturata dal poeta corale in relazione alla sua arte vd. Maehler 1963. c o p i a a u t o r e 43 Elementi popolari nella poesia corale. Il modo narrativo nel Ditirambo XVII di Bacchilide aj ll j e[ ti nu' n g j a[ puro~, tav ca de; plev oẽ [ tneo~, oi| on oJ pamfav go~ ∆Alkmav n hj rav sqh cliaro; n peda; ta; tropaṽ: ou[ ti ga; r hj u; tetugmev non e[ sqei, aj lla; ta; koina; gav r, w{ per oJ da' mo~, zateuv ei e io ti darò il bacile di un tripode nel quale ... tu potrai raccogliere.

Panhellenism has increasingly become a topic of scholarly interest in contemporary studies of archaic and classical Greek culture. Broadly understood, Panhellenism refers to a sense of shared cultural identity between Greeks who live in geographically separated locales. In general, Hellenists working on Panhellenic identity formation have asserted several different causes for the phenomenon. If not explicitly in discourse, in terms of a joint Greek campaign against the Trojans, Panhellenism can already be found in Homer's Iliad. Scholars have argued, furthermore, that, through trade and colonization (in the late 'Dark Age' and early Archaic period), the Greeks' engagement with others gave them an increasing awareness of themselves. The Persian wars, similarly, have often been cited as an important factor in the development of Panhellenism. After the Greeks defeated the Persians, they developed a more polarized view of themselves in relation to others. A further reason for Panhellenic identity formation was the increasing importance of the Panhellenic sanctuaries and festivals, oracles such as Delphi, and the dispersion of Homeric texts. 1 While all of these phenomena, and others, were significant factors in the origin and development of Panhellenism, the last factor, particularly how Panhellenic sanctuaries aided in Greek identity formation, is integral to my current concerns. 2 *) For helpful comments and criticism on an earlier version of this paper I would like to thank the editor of this journal, Bernd Manuwald, as well as Michael Haslam, Lauren Grace Kilroy, Kathryn Morgan, Seth Schein, and Bernd Vine.

The Greek lyric dialects can be classified in a number of ways, but perhaps the most important division to be made is between those lyric poets who used a fairly homogeneous dialect that had a more or less direct equivalent in the historical dialects of Greek. and the others. The building blocks of the lyric language are Doric, East Aeolic, and (epic) Ionic, dialects that were synchronically bound to different geographic regions and their inhabitants. This chapter focuses on the poets whose language is most homogeneous: Laconian Alcman and Lesbian Alcaeus and Sappho. The lyric koinē survives the canon of nine lyric poets, but what little we can discern of late-Classical and Hellenistic lyric suggests a further simplification of the dialect. Although little other lyric poetry can be securely dated to the Imperial period, one recently published fragment illustrates the continuity of the lyric koinē.

Pindar's Olympian Ode 2 is one of two odes, the other one being Olympian Ode 3, that celebrates Theron's victory at the chariot race in Olympia. Time and its connection to justice, pleasure and pain are the dominant theme of Olympian 2. Pindar most succinctly expresses this notion in another composition, fragment 167: ἀνδρῶν δικαίων Χρόνος σωτὴρ ἄριστος, "time is the best savior of just men." One's ethical choices in the present, that is to say whether one chooses to live in accordance with justice or not, will affect one's time in the future, in this life or the next. At the same time, Pindar implies that one's choices and what happens are predetermined. The notions of reward and punishment themselves imply a rationalization of pleasure and pain: a life of pleasure, a world of pleasure may await him who suffers justly in the present: gratification may be postponed and is subject to spatialization and stabilization into a mythical realm where the ordinary intrusion of pain has no place.

Since the time that there have been athletic contests in Western culture, where the participants compete for victory not only out of personal ambition but also for the fame of their family, their home town or their nation, the victories in these contests must be celebrated through some medium or other. The news of the victory must be spread in order for the fame to come into being at all, for the prestige of a victory in a significant contest, since archaic times at least, can be important too as political propagandal.

This paper focuses on the use of the verb δείκνυμι in Greek choral lyric. in Alcman, Pindar, Bacchylides and Philodamus the verb is found construed with direct objects meaning ‘song’, ‘hymn’ or ‘poetry’ (ὕμνος, γάρυμα, μέλος, ἀρετά (= ἀρετᾶς κλέος), δῶρον Μωσᾶν, μουσικά). It is argued that in these instances δείκνυμι should be translated not as ‘display’ or ‘reveal’, but simply as ‘sing’: this usage finds an exact parallel in Vedic Sanskrit where the cognate root diś- is likewise used with ‘song of praise’ as its object (stóma-, námaükti-, gír-) and the subject is likewise a poet. It is through the lens of this comparison that the Greek contexts can be understood: δεῖξαι ὕμνον, μέλος, etc. is an archaism of the melic poetry that goes back to the Indo-European poetic language where the precursor of δείκνυμι encoded the relationship between laudandus and laudator; the poet was “showing forth” a song of praise as a gift to a deity or a patron, expecting rewards in return. In view of the correspondence between Greek and Vedic, the possibility has to be considered seriously that the use of Latin dīcō in Augustan poets of reciting or performing verse (dīcere carmen) as well as of praising (dīcere laudēs) continues the same inherited phraseology. This paper further argues that a Hittite cognate of the same root can be identified in tekrin tekrizzi (which denotes some kind of a speech act in a recently published text) and that the semantic development of the root *deyḱ- from “show” to “speak, sing” usually thought to have taken place independently in Italic and Germanic (Latin dīcō, etc.) happened already in the protolanguage, but this second meaning remained limited to the domain of the poetic language. Based on these results the paper offers a new interpretation of the unclear epic epithet ἀριδείκετος (ἀνδρῶν / λαῶν / ἀνάκτων #), whose traditional explanation as a metrically lengthened form of *ἀριδέκετος ‘well received’ (to δέκομαι) has always lacked conviction. Instead, this form (together with the proper name Ἀριδείκης found in epichoric prose inscriptions) can now be understood as “most famous”, “well worth praising (in song)”.

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Pindaros (MÖ 518-438), lirik şiirler arasında yapıtları en iyi şekilde korunarak günümüze kadar gelen Yunan şairdir. Bütün Zafer Şarkıları ise bu türün (epinikion) ulaşabildiğimiz en geniş külliyatını oluşturur. Thebailı soylu bir aileye mensup olan Pindaros, yaşadığı dönemde en zorlu rakipleri olan Keoslu Simeonides ve onun yeğeni Bakkhylides ile girdiği zorlu şiirsel rekabetle nam salmıştır. Şiirlerinde yoğun şekilde kullandığı dramatik öğelerin parlaklığı büyük hayranlık kazanmasına ve Horatius, Catullus gibi Latin şiirinin öncü şairleri tarafından model alınmasına yol açmıştır. Zafer şarkılarında başvurulan mitler takip edilebilecek bir niteliğe sahip olsa da kullanılan yoğun metaforik dil, şiirsel biçimi zorlayan üslup ve özdeyişlerin derinliği şarkılara nüfuz edilmesi için okuyucunun da çabasını gerektirir.

Ebat: 13.5 x 21 cm
Sayfa Sayısı: 312
ISBN: 978-975-08-3366-3
Fiyatı: 26 TL
Kâzım Taşkent Klasik Yapıtlar Serisi 92

Abstract: This introductory chapter outlines the rationale and scope of the book, whose aim is to open out appreciation of the significance of Aeginetan poetry, culture, and society as widely as possible, both within the immediate contexts and concerns of Aeginetan aristocrats, and through the history of fifth-century Greece. Main subjects for discussion are poetic articulations of local myth, economics, politics and administration, ritual and cult, art, and historiography. A detailed discussion of methodology and approaches is presented together with an overview of subsequent chapters.

Bacchylides’ persona is rarely visible within his poetry, and it is unsurprising that this seeming absence has been seen as a deficiency. This paper explores the absence of the poetic persona from Bacchylides’ poetry as part of a communicative strategy and examines the alternative means used by Bacchylides not only to locate himself within a tradition but also to create authority, to secure effective communication with the audience, and to ensure favourable reception by the community. One such feature is his exploitation of detailed descriptions of the victorious athletic event as a way of bridging large gaps in time and space and uniting diverse audiences. Emphasis is given to the potential significance of the backgrounding of the poet for the performance of the victory odes. Lack of a visible persona in the victory odes can serve to further both the objectification of the process of praise and alignment of speaker and spoken word not only with the Homeric kleos aphthiton but also with the normative force of the civic voice. What Bacchylides does is evidently a strategic ploy that does not imply inability to do better.

The cultural and intellectual heritage of Western Greece-the coastal areas of Southern Italy and Sicily settled by Hellenes in the 8 th and 7 th centuries BCE-is sometimes overlooked in academic studies. Yet evidence suggests that poets, playwrights, philosophers, and other maverick intellectuals found fertile ground here for the growth of their ideas and the harvesting of their work. The goal of this series is to explore the distinctive heritage of Western Greece from a variety of disciplinary perspectives including art history, archaeology, classical literature, drama, epigraphy, history, philosophy, and religion.