Asclepius

'The most famous of sanctuaries of Asclepius had their origin from Epidaurus’, Pausanias writes in his Hellados Periegesis (‘Description of Greece’). All across the Aegean and beyond, word of the salutary reputation of Epidaurian divinity had spread. And as tales of Epidaurus’ sanctuary of Asclepius travelled the lands and crossed the seas, so did the urge to ensure that the Epidaurian success formula was, as we say, coming soon to a place near you. So we know Epidaurus had managed to make a name for itself: all the way from the Argolid Peninsula to Asia Minor and the shores of Northern Africa. But what exactly had led to its rise in prominence? What about Epidaurus allowed for it to transcend its local cult-status? And how did its celebrated reputation and meaning change across places and time? What, in other words, is the story of what is often simply referred to as the sanctuary of Asclepius at Epidaurus?

RESUMEN: Se estudia aquí un iama o sanatio transmitida por un tratado médico del siglo IV d.C. (Oribasio, Coll. Med. XLV, 30.10-14), que lo toma de una obra perdida del médico Rufo de Éfeso, del siglo II d.C. Esta curación, ocurrida en Pérgamo, narra un caso de epilepsia. Su comparación con los iamata epigráficos, así como el análisis interno, permiten afirmar que hubo un avance sustancial en las terapéuticas, tanto en la llamada medicina sagrada o milagrosa, como en los diagnósticos de los médicos eruditos.

SUMMARY: I studied an iama or sanatio transmitted by a medical book of the IVth century A.D. (Oribasius, Coll. Med. XLV, 30.10 14), that takes it of a lost work of Rufus de Ephesus, another medicus, of IInd century A.D. This sanatio happened in Pergamum treats a case of epilepsy. The comparison with the epigraphical iamata, as well as the internal analysis, they allow to affirm that there was a substantial advance in the therapeutic ones in the so called sacred or miraculous medicine, and also in the diagnoses of the most erudite doctors.

Ancient Greek healing cults can be studied in the context of "personal piety." This article emphasizes personal aspects of the Greek religion. It shows that the concept of "polis religion" does not embrace major aspects of ancient Greek piety. I analyze the direct and personal relation of worshippers in healing cults, especially that of Apollo, with the deity. By doing so, I put forward a new reading of Greek religion in the context of the concept of "personal piety" developed in Egyptology. The well-known "embeddedness" of religion in the structures of the Ancient Greek city-state led to a one-sided view of ancient Greek religion, as well as to aspects of ritual and "cult" predominating in research. Simultaneously, aspects of "belief " are often labelled as inadequate in describing Greek (and Roman) religion. Religion as ritual and cult is simply one side of the coin. Personal aspects of religion, and direct contact with the deity, based on "belief," are thus the other side of the coin. It follows that they are also the fundament of ritual. It is necessary to combine "polis religion" with "personal piety" to display a complete picture of Greek religion. The Isyllos inscription from Epidaurus is presented here as a final and striking example for this view. It reports the foundation of a cult of the polis on behalf of a personal religious experience.

È conservata nel Museo Archeologico di Ruvo di Puglia una singolare lekythos a rilievo 1 , che per le sue peculiarità formali -originalità del testo figurativo e dei materiali impiegati -induce a porci il problema, sinora scarsamente indagato, del rapporto fra ceramica figurata e rilievi votivi 2 .

The present paper aims to investigate the role of anthropology in the development of Ritual Studies as an interdisciplinary platform, with a focus on ritual dynamics by using a historiographic description, focusing on the transition of Greco-Roman to Christian culture. This study attempts to shed light not only on the contribution of anthropology to Ritual Studies and how rituals are constantly changing, but it also underpins exploratory analysis on how religion and rituals have been researched by the first generation of scholars, like Edward Burnett Tylor, William Robertson Smith, James Frazer and Jane Ellen Harrison to scholars like Victor Turner, Ronald Grimes and more recent authors like Gil Renberg, Hedvig von Ehrenheim, Risto Uro and Richard DeMaris. Further, the goal is to clarify how anthropologists examined Christianity in Late Antiquity, thematized by the healing ritual temple sleep and stipulated by the examples used, to conclude how anthropological theories, like the liminality model of Arnold van Gennep, are applied to ritual healing. This study is innovative and challenging through the application of Ritual Studies to the transition from Greco-Roman culture to Christian culture, with emphasis on ritual and change.

Readers have long wondered what is the meaning of the dog that briefly appears in the Jewish fairy tale known as the Book of Tobit. This article considers common answers such as influence from Ahikar, the Odyssey, influence of Persian culture and influence of folktale and goes into depth of the dog's significance in human culture, especially in connection with healing and defeating dragons and evil spirits and raises questions about the dog's possible connection to the archangel Raphael.

Ab ca. 300 v. Chr. entstehen im Mittelmeerraum Heiligtümer, die – mittels
aufragender Terrassen auf Fernsicht konzipiert – als ansteigende Sakralräume inszeniert sind. Trotz des großen Effektes auf die Architekturgeschichte bleibt die Genese dieses Bautyps im Unklaren. Dies verwundert, wenn man auf ein berühmtes ägyptisches Bauwerk blickt, das in eben dem Moment zu neuer Bedeutung kam, als in der Ägäis die ersten Terrassenheiligtümer entstanden.

SOMMARIO

† Federico Halbherr

F. Franco, Le asimmetrie della Pinacoteca dei Propilei sull'Acropoli d'Atene (tav. I-IX)

M. Segre, Iscrizioni dell'Aclepieo di Atene

S. Ferri, Nuova testa di Alessandro

D. Levi, I bronzi di Axòs (tav. X-XV)

E. Stefani, La grande tomba a tholos di Hagia Triada

L. Banti, La grande tomba a tholos di Hagia Triada (tav. XVI-XIX)

G. Jacopi, Nuovi scavi nella Necropoli micenea di Jaliso (tav. XX-XXV)

G. Gerola, Le fortificazioni di Napoli di Romanìa

D. Levi, Abitazioni preistoriche sulle pendici meridionali dell'Acropoli (tav. XXVI-XXVII)

R. Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene: Atti della Scuola (1930-1931)

Elenco delle tavole - delle figure nel testo
Indice delle materie

Tavole

C’est sans doute dès l’institution du culte hellénisé de Sarapis à Canope, Memphis et sans doute Alexandrie que celui-ci fut considéré comme un dieu oraculaire et guérisseur. Longtemps cantonnée à l’Égypte, cette fonction semble avoir enrichi la personnalité du dieu hors d’Égypte à partir du moment où il se rapprocha d’Asclépios, en tant que dieu libérateur et salvateur, à la fin de l’époque hellénistique. Ces attributions acquirent en puissance lorsque la Méditerranée fut devenue romaine, et l’épisode alexandrin de la geste flavienne pourrait ne pas y avoir été étranger. En tous cas, à l’époque impériale, Sarapis et Isis sont devenus, eux aussi, des dieux guérisseurs de tout premier plan. Ils le restèrent longtemps, et même bien après l’édit de Théodose puisque, au Ve siècle encore, le patriarche Cyrille d’Alexandrie tenta de christianiser le culte d’Isis guérisseuse en transportant à Ménouthis les restes des saints Cyr et Jean.

This study looks at the ways that the healing inscriptions at the Epidauran Asklepieion transfer the private experience of a supplicant into the public realm of the life of the sanctuary.  This process imbues the individual dream with a potential for influence that can honor the god in unforeseen ways well into the future.  The study then examines the role of one god, Mnēmosyne, in the afterlife of the dream in order to gain an appreciation of the overall ritual system at the Asklepieion.  It will be argued that Mnēmosyne plays a key role ritually not just in preserving the memory of the dream for the individual, but also in intellectually ordering the mind for the dreamer to articulate the dream to the sanctuary officials, in enabling the construction and inscription of the account for public display, and in creating opportunities for others to honor Asklepios well into the future and well beyond Epidaurus.  Mnēmosyne’s involvement at the Epidauran Asklepieion attests to a complex ritual system of human action within a perceived divine group-effort to benefit the divine and human worlds.

İnsanlık tarihi karşımıza; birçok insani ve ruhani erdeme sahip olabilme ayrıcalığını göstermiş, kişisel hırslardan arınmış, yıllarca süren içsel yolculuğuyla mutlak iyilik duygusunu, huzuru ve barışçıl bir düşünce yapısını yakalamış ve tüm bunları hatta daha fazlasını hiçbir karşılık beklemeden çevresine yayma misyonu yüklenerek geniş halk kitlelerine ulaşan, öğretileriyle onlara ruhsal/tinsel önderlik yapan kutsal ve saygın kişileri çıkardığı kadar; yüzlerine taktıkları bir guru maskesiyle manevi yönden açlık yaşayan ya da ruhsal doyum noktasında farklı arayışlarda olan, bazıları sadece çaresizlikten sığınacak liman arayan kitleleri; üstün konuşma yetenekleri, ikna kabiliyetleri, hile düşkünü kıvrak zekaları ve sahte mucizeleriyle peşlerinden sürüklemeyi başarmış, müritleri konumuna getirdikleri bu insanları duygusal, maddi ve cinsel açıdan sömüren din simsarlarını ve şarlatanları da çıkarmıştır. İşte bu son tarife uyan, yani kendini tanrı sözcüsü ilan eden düzenbaz bir adam, veba salgınlarının kasıp kavurduğu, Hellen-Roman geleneksel tanrılar dünyasına inancın azaldığı, hatta törensel boyuta indirgendiği, bir yanda yeni umut olarak Hıristiyanlık inancının yeşerdiği bir yanda da Isis-Osiris, Mithraizm, Dionysos, Kybele-Attis ve Eleusis gibi varoluş, hayatın amacı, ölüm sonrası, ruh göçü gibi konulara rasyonel açıklamalar getirebilen gizem dinlerine (mysterion'lar) ilginin ve katılımın arttığı ve Roma'nın siyasi bakımdan altın çağını (Saeculum aureum) yaşadığı ikinci yüzyıl ortalarında, Anadolu topraklarında insanlar üzerinde etkileri muazzam olan bir din yapılanmasına imzasını atmıştı.

A short paper on Ficino's relationship to the so called Hermetic Genesis. Proceedings from the 4th European Congress of the FIDEM (Palermo, june 2009).

Published also in Coexistence and cooperation in the middle ages. IV European Congress of Medieval Studies F.I.D.E.M. (Fédération Internationale des Istituts d’Études Médiévales) 23-27 june 2009, Palermo (Italy). Eds. Musco, Alessandro ‒ Musotto, Giuliana. Officina di Studi Medievali: Palermo 2014, 993‒1002.

This article suggests a bio-cultural approach to the Asclepius cult in order to explore the attractiveness and memorability of the religious ideas, myths, and narratives about the divine healer. The transformation of Asclepius from a mortal doctor to a divine physician is traced in mythical sagas developed in Greek antiquity. The interference of local religious, political and financial interests in the formation of myths are briefly presented. Then, the focus is shifted to the inner features that were embedded in the myths and attracted people’s attention. Following Guthrie’s theory (1992), it is suggested that the anthropomorphic perception of the ancient Greek gods was projected onto Asclepius. Boyer’s theory (1996, 2001) of counter-intuitive concepts of religious ideas is applied to the myths of Asclepius. It is suggested that his actions, rather than the portrayal of his figure and character, are what violated human-intuitive expectations about the world, grabbing the attention of supplicants and becoming conserved in memory. Further, the correlation of intuitive ontological expectations and mundane knowledge acquired through cultural conditioning is examined. The healing inscriptions from the asclepieia seem to support the findings of research conducted by Porubanova-Norquist and her colleagues (2013, 2014), according to which violations of cultural expectations have similar effects in attention and memory processes as the counter-intuitive concepts. It is further suggested that the activity of Asclepius violated cultural expectations shared by people of the ancient Greek world. This activity was particularly salient because it pertained to human experiences of illness and disease, and revealed Asclepius’ willingness to help the sick.

Esta sexta edición de la Revista AKROS, la publicación del Museo de Melilla, mecenas de la difusión de la Historia y la Arqueología, de la cultura en si, es una singladura por aspectos tan apasionantes como valiosos para comprender el mundo antiguo y moderno para, en definitiva, acercarnos con mayor precisión al futuro.

Asclepius was a Greek god of medicine and healing art. Temples «Asclepeions» were built everywhere Greece. In Hellenistic Egypt such sages like Imhotep and Amenhotep, were identified with Asclepius, as a God of healing. In the Greco-Roman period and before it was believed that Asclepius was an ancestor of the families of medical doctors «Asclepiads», in particular believed that his descendants are Hippocrates and Aristotle. Plato, as a physician of souls, was called the brother of Asclepius, son of Apollo. Neoplatonists’ Asclepius was a sacred, revered figure, he was often invoked, especially by Proclus Lycaeus, by means of theurgic and dreaming practices to solve practical medical and magical problems. In the hermetic tradition of late antiquity, Asclepius became the legendary disciple of Hermes Trismegistus. For us the late antique period of the existence of the image of Asclepius in Hermeticism and Neoplatonism, in which the god of medicine gets a new, but different rethinking, is special interest.

In Epidaurus, the main ancient sanctuary of Asclepius, important inscriptions from the fourth century B.C. were found. Their texts were based primarily on earlier traditions on healings. They tend to exaggerate and to promote the sanctuary. Their main feature is incubation followed by vision and healing, usually in a dream. It is assumed that there are some similarities and some differences between the healing stories from Epidaurus and from the Gospels. However, the similarity consists only in generic features: they are both healing stories and can be labeled miracle stories (but " miracle " is a notion we have constructed). Similarities in details between single stories are secondary and only few. Some health problems in the stories, as blindness, are the same, but it is rather banal, because they were both frequent and difficult to treat. Laying on hands and touching in the Gospel stories are perhaps inspired by Greek worldview, but they do not occur in Epidaurus. Other features are different. The heal-ings are named differently. Stories are build In a different manner. Epidaurus stories stem mostly from votive inscriptions and reliefs (adorned with fantasy), the Gospel stories stem from oral traditions. Epidaurus stories concentrate on the sick persons, the Gospel stories on the healer. Jesus in these stories appears as a powerful human being. Epidaurus healings result from a theophany or sometimes occur through sacred animals, serpents and dogs. Epidaurus stories are most often related to oracular dreams, what never occurs in Jesus stories. Visions from Epidaurus involve chirurgical operations and many medicaments, both absent in the Gospels. The Gospel miracles had no sacral context. Epidaurus stories were transmitted in the context of a particular sanctuary, the Gospel stories in the context of a community. These descriptions of healing miracles seem quite dissimilar. (Polish summary in the text).

The aim of this paper is to give a concise overview of the complex relations between dream world, medicine and religion in ancient Greek culture.

Il seguente saggio si propone l'intenzione di offrire una sintetica panoramica dei complessi rapporti tra il mondo onirico, la medicina e la sfera del sacro nella cultura greca.

Die Sektion der Iamatika-Epigramme umfasst sieben Epigramme (insg. 32 Verse), folgt auf die Nauagika (mit 26 Versen) und geht der letzten Sektion der Tropoi (ebenfalls insg. 32 Verse) voraus. Die Verwendung des Adjektivs ἰαματικόν (‚etwas, das mit Heilmitteln zu tun hat') 1 ist bislang zum ersten Mal im P. Mil.Vogl. 309 aus dem Sektionstitel Ἰαματικά bekannt. 2 Dieser beschreibt im wörtlichen Sinne eigentlich eine Sammlung von ‚Heilmitteln', ist mit Blick auf die verwandten inschriftlichen Ἰάματα aus Epidauros (s. u.), deren Bedeutung als ‚Heilungen' aus dem Inhalt hervorgeht, jedoch zunächst einmal auch als entsprechende ‚Sammlung von Heilungsgeschichten/Heilungswundern' zu verstehen (zu weiteren impliziten Bedeutungen s. u.). Der räumliche und soziale Kontext der Iamatika-Epigramme ist allem Anschein nach ein sakraler Bereich. Allein in 95 kommt das Delphische Apollon-Heiligtum in Frage, in den übrigen Epigrammen handelt es sich um den Temenos eines Asklepieion. Besonders berühmt waren in hellenistischer Zeit die Asklepieia in Epidauros, auf Kos sowie in Lebena auf Kreta, aber auch Athen und Korinth besaßen lorierende Heiligtümer des Asklepios. Während Apollon als ältester Heilgott bereits seit Homer bekannt ist (Il. 16.527-529; 15.239-242), 3 ist sein Sohn Asklepios zunächst nur als (sterblicher) Vater der heilkundigen Troiakämpfer Machaon und Podaleirios bekannt. Er gilt als ursprünglich thessalischer, da vor allem in Trikka, dann auch an anderen Orten verehrter Heros und wird vor allem ab dem 5. Jh. v. Chr. als Heilgott erkennbar. 4 Die Wesensverwandtschaft von Apollon und Asklepios äußert sich vielfach darin, dass in ein Asklepios-Heiligtum ein älterer Apollon-Kult eingebunden wird (z. B. Epidauros: Apollon Maleatas). 5 Asklepios ist eine Symboligur für göttliches Heilen, ebenso auch für menschliche medizinische Heilkunst: Er verbindet in seiner Gestalt göttliches und menschliches Heilungsvermögen. 6 Das Besondere und Attraktive an Asklepios ist, im Vergleich mit anderen ebenfalls heilenden und wundertätigen Göttern, dass er deutlich auf Heilung spezialisiert ist. 7 Das Faktum, dass Poseidipp in seinen Iamatika nur etablierte hellenische göttliche Instanzen wie Apollon und Asklepios berücksichtigt, während er die von den Ptolemäern propagierten Heilgötter Serapis oder Imhotep/Asklepios überhaupt nicht nennt, lässt den Schluss zu, dass es Poseidipp (hier) sehr bewusst um die Inszenierung einer rein hellenischen Sakralsphäre geht. Die Heilungen, die in den Iamatika deutlich werden, variieren hinsichtlich des Zeitpunktes, zu dem die jeweilige Heilung erfolgt. So inden sich spontane Heilungen aussichtsloser Fälle durch ärztliche Kunst im letzten Moment (95), beim Opfer für Asklepios (96), nach dem Tempelschlaf 8 (97, 98, 100) und nach dem Gebet an Asklepios (99). Die Besonderheit dieser Variationen des Heilungsmomentes wird erst vor dem Hintergrund des weitgehend konventionalisierten und in seiner Struktur ritualisierten Ablaufs von Heilungen in einem

This article examines the Greek goddess Hygieia by looking at her identity, cult status in the ancient world and subsequent scholarly reception. Should she be viewed as a goddess or a personification? By studying Hygieia primarily as a concept of health within ancient medicine, as well as a personification and a goddess, it will be argued that religious and mythological figures should be viewed as deities within ancient Greek culture, rather than personifications. The article will consider Hygieia's role in the cult of Asklepios and examine whether she is of greater importance because of her function as a goddess of healing, as well as discussing her role within emergent Christianity.

This is a final draft of the book's index locorum, generated from a Word document, and not the published version (which is available through Brill online). It is posted here both to help other researchers by informing them of the book's contents and to encourage them to do the same with their own indexes.

In 1904 an excavation in Ephesus brought to light a series of inscriptions recording the results of medical contests that took place at the city over the two days of the Great Asclepieia during the 2nd century CE. Because of the fragmentary character of the inscriptions and the lack of literary sources, origin, proceedings and purpose of these competitions were vigorously debated among both doctors and classical scholars, however, the context of these unique contests was neglected. The aim of this paper is to offer a new frame of interpretation for the medical contests by setting the epigraphic evidence in a broader context. On the basis of other Ephesian inscriptions and references in the oeuvre of Galen, it will be argued that the participants belonged to a close, intellectual circle with connections to the emperors and the elite. Thus the competition should not to be viewed as a common practice for choosing civic physicians, but as public medical lectures or presentations (epideixis), which were very popular at the time. The Great Asclepieia of Ephesus provided an excellent opportunity for this elite body of physicians to demonstrate their medical proficiency and competence to the community, and to show their talent to wealthier patients.

Discussion paper Hygieia at:  ‘Historicisation’ A summer course for PhD students arranged by the Nordic network for medical history (NordForsk) about "framing health".. The University of Bergen, 24-26 August, 2011.

Updated and corrected version: 28 juni 2021

The Roman baths of Agnano are one of the biggest archaeological complexes of Neapolis; it’s on the border between this last and Puteoli, along the road that connected the two centers. The area was intensely busy beginning from the augustean age, but the site was jus occupied in Hellenistic epoch.
The archaeological complex of Agnano’s baths is composed by four separate archaeological (complex of Hellenistic age, grotta del Cane, thermal complex of Roman age, bridge of Roman age); all these areas are inside the area currently occupied by the modern Thermal baths of Agnano. This area has never reentered to full in the affairs of the researchers and it has remained for long periods to the borders
of the archaeological search.
To the area of the thermal baths of Roman age they are tightly connected the structures of the socalled Grotta del Cane, currently inaccessible for the elevated temperature and the presence of poisonous
gas, as well as the complex of Hellenistic age. This last is constituted by a mighty terrace-wall in blocks of tufo, on which some structures of Roman age have been founded. The wall, partially covered by the water of a source of mineral water, was also in ancient time connected to a source, as it testifies a channel, always in blocks of tufo, that cross it.
The presence of a fragment of black glaze ware with the inscribed name Igea, recovered in the layers of foundation of the channel, give us the possibility to hypothesize the pertinence of the structures to a
sanctuary devoted to Asclepio and Igea. The complex of Roman age is distant from the Greek structures and, at the moment, there is no trace of a direct relationship among the two buildings.

This paper asserts that the 1499 Hypnerotomachia Poliphili deserves to be classed among the texts of Renaissance Hermeticism. In particular, it examines evidence that the anonymous author of the Hypnerotomachia drew on the Hermetic Asclepius for many of his ideas regarding pagan religion. The demonstrable debt of the Hypnerotomachia to the Metamorphoses of Apuleius, who was supposed by Renaissance readers to have translated the Asclepius, provides a reading bridge between the Hypnerotomachia and the Hermetica, as well as a context for many of the individual themes and ideas which correspond between the two texts.

One point of comparison is the nature of the polytheism of the Hypnerotomachia, along with its references to individual gods. Another is the extent to which the Hypnerotomachia reflects the Egyptianism of the Asclepius and the Hermetica generally. Special attention is given to the idolatrous “magical statues” described in the Asclepius, and their presence in the Hypnerotomachia. The paper inquires into the Hypnerotomachia’s expression of antique philosophical themes of necessity, fate, and order, along with Hermetic ideas of the metaphysical Henad. Finally, there is a discussion of the patent ideology of erotic supremacy in the Hypnerotomachia, and how that position relates to the Hermetic discourse of the Asclepius.

Based on these thematic analyses, the the paper concludes that even if the Hypnerotomachia author had no contact with the Hermetic texts recovered and popularized through the efforts of Marsilio Ficino, strong Hermetic elements are still evident in the text. These elements can be found in the Asclepius, which had long been available in its own right outside of Ficino’s work.

Estudio del simbolismo de la serpiente en cinco mitos griegos que presentan un mismo leit-motiv: el combate que un dios o un hombre excepcional mantienen contra un monstruo de clara filiación terrestre. No obstante, en cada uno de los casos, cada mito supone un avance gradual, que va un paso más allá que el anterior y nos proporciona nuevas e interesantes lecturas de estos enfrentamientos permitiéndonos profundizar en el complejo simbolismo de la serpiente en el arte y la literatura griega.

Il dialogo ermetico Asclepius, composto da un anonimo madrelingua greco in uno dei primi secoli dell'era cristiana, è un'opera latina che condivide la stessa tradizione testuale degli opuscoli fi losofi ci di Apuleio (De deo Socratis, De Platone et eius dogmate, De mundo). Essa costituisce, insieme alla silloge del Corpus Hermeticum greco, la più ampia esposizione della teosofi a ermetica in nostro possesso. Nel corso dell'opera, Ermete Trismegisto rivela ad Asclepio alcuni capisaldi della dottrina ermetica come il dualismo ontologico e cosmologico che separa dio e le realtà eterne (come gli astri, i dèmoni e l'intelletto umano) dalla materia e dalle realtà transeunti (come il corpo), e lo statuto mediano dell'essere umano, sospeso tra i due poli, con il duplice compito di custodire il mondo e impegnarsi nel percorso che conduce alla contemplazione intuitiva della divinità. Questa nuova edizione critica dell'opera si basa sulla ricognizione di tutti i testimoni manoscritti oggi noti anteriori al XV sec. Di ciascuno si discute dettagliatamente la collocazione stemmatica e si offre un'ampia messe di dati di collazione, utili a costituire il testo critico qui pubblicato.

Este artigo tenta trazer algumas contribuições para o estudo do corpus de inscrições de cura do santuário do deus Asclépio em Epidauro, na segunda metade do século IV a.C. Essas inscrições compuseram um tipo específico de literatura, trazendo nomes de devotos, tipos de doenças, descrição do espaço onírico e formas milagrosas de cura, que se destinavam à leitura de um público cada vez mais crescente que visitava o santuário. Possivelmente, para dinamizar a leitura, seu estilo de escrita mistura diversos recursos narrativos. Por meio de três relatos, analisamos como são usados os conteúdos de teor didático, cômico e erótico, além de seus possíveis significados religiosos.

HEALING AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DREAMS AND EGO
by John C. Radecki (aka Woodcock)
M. A.: Education, Educational Psychology, Counseling, and Guidance
PURPOSE:
1. To undertake an historical and a theoretical exploration of healing involving three steps:
a. To show that, historically, healing has been viewed as a series·of stages in a process;
b. To show how those historical views of healing may be interpreted in terms of modern psychological theory.
c. To prepare a model of the healing process in terms of a series of ego-Unconscious relationships.
A second major purpose was to review the literature and to present a theoretical discussion concerning the nature of the relationship between dreams and ego.
A third major purpose was to show whether the relationship between dreams and ego expresses a healing purpose.

It is worth noting that the topic of the early days of the Asklepios cult at Pergamon is also addressed in the following work, which only became available after changes could no longer be made to my article:  Milena Melfi, "The Archaeology of the Asclepieum of Pergamon," in D.A. Russell, M. Trapp & H.-G. Nesselrath (eds.), In Praise of Asclepius: Aelius Aristides, Selected Prose Hymns (Tübingen, 2016), 89-113.

Medicine and Philosophy, in classical antiquity mainly, coexisted and joined hands as activities of the human intellect, with one exerting fruitful influence on the other in the course of time. The influence of philosophy on ancient medicine is generally accepted, as the theories of pre-Socratic philosophers from the 6th century BC for the interpretation of the world and human nature were the main inspiration for the formulation of the first medical texts. Natural philosophers from Ionia, such as Thales of Miletus, Anaximander, Anaximenes and Heraclitus, through their theories, laid the foundations towards future medical advances. Hippocrates of Kos, with his medical treatises in " Corpus Hippocraticum " was greatly influenced by the philosophical thought. Hippocrates is considered the " father of medicine " because he broadened the medical knowledge of his time and laid the foundations of medicine as science, releasing it from magic and superstitions. Plato and Aristotle refer to Hippocrates in their works and speak with respect about him acknowledging his enormous contribution to the healing of serious diseases. In the ancient world, Asclepius, who was considered a great healer of many serious diseases, was worshiped as the patron god of medicine. In his honor temples were erected and next to them great therapeutic centers, the well known " Asclepieia " , scattered in many cities of Ancient Greece and Asia Minor. In the 5th, 4th and 3rd century BC there are great medical schools that operate, founded by famous medico-philosophers of the time, such as the

Dit is de eerste Nederlandstalige studie over Hygieia. Het boek handelt over de vraag of Hygieia als godin of personificatie gezien moet worden. Het beslaat Griekse godsdienst en mythologie, oude geschiedenis, archeologie en kunst en taalkunde.