The Laches of Plato

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THE LACHES OF PLATO .
Classical Series
THE
LACHES OF PLATO
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
M. T. TATHAM, M.A.
OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD .
London :
MACMILLAN AND CO .
AND NEW YORK
1891
First Edition , 1888.
Reprinted , 1891.
gift
Neiros
W.H. ce ait
1.13.41
2-39.41
VA
PREFACE .
The text of Plato followed in this book is that of the

Zurich edition of 1851. The points in which I have
departed from it are not numerous, and are chiefly
ones of punctuation and spelling. I have however
added the references to the sections of Stephanus
( which are not given in the Zurich text) , and have
verified from Stephanus' edition the references both
to sections and pages. In quoting from or referring
to other dialogues I have always used Stallbaum's
text of 1850.
An essay on the text of the Laches by Dr. Michael
Gitlbauer, * Professor at Vienna, suggested some dis
quieting ideas as to the genuineness of a considerable
portion of the text. But I did not think it suitable
to the character of my book to depart from my inten
tion of abstaining as far as possible from textual
criticism ; and those who have read the Professor's
treatise will, I think, allow that his suggestions,
ingenious as they all are, and plausible as many of
them seem, are at least not such as to be adopted in a
school edition .
* In his Philologische Streifzüge ( Freiburg, 1886).

V
vi . PREFACE.
In writing the Introduction and Notes I have con

sulted chiefly the Introductions of Jowett and Grote,
the Notes of Stallbaum, and Riddell’s ‘ Digest of
Idioms ' in his edition of Plato's Apology. In the
first part of the note on the 'modes of Greek music
I have followed Gevaert (Histoire et Théorie de la
Musique de l'Antiquité ).
It is hoped that the book may be useful as an
introduction to the study of Plato ; but it is not
meant for the lower forms of a public school, or for
those who have not already some acquaintance with
other Greek authors.
NORTHCOURT HOUSE ,
ABINGDON , April, 1888.
)
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction , ix
Note on the Language of the Dialogue, xxii
Text , 1
Notes, 41
Appendix, . 90
Indices to the Notes, 95

1
1
1
INTRODUCTION.
PLATO , the son of Ariston and Perictione, was born

about B.C. 429. * His father is said to have traced
his descent from Codrus, his mother was the great
grand -daughter of Dropides, brother of Solon. Plato
was of an healthy and athletic frame, and gained some
skill in the art of wrestling under an Argive trainer
named Ariston. He was taught to read and write at
the school of a Dionysius, and his education was con
tinued by the lessons of Draco, a teacher of literature
and music. The boy learnt readily, and is said to
have developed a taste for writing poetry. We have a
few epigrams ascribed to him, but it is not probable
that any of them are genuine. There is a story that
on hearing Socrates discourse, Plato burnt a tragedy
that he had intended for the stage, exclaiming, pre
sumably in self-derision
"Ήφαιστε πρόμολ' ώδε, Πλάτων νυ τι σείο χατίζει.
' Hephaestus, come. Plato hath need of thee.'
Our
* This seems, on the whole, the most probable date.
authorities do not enable us to fix the date of Plato's life with
any certainty , and consequently the dates here given for his
travels must be taken as being no better than approximations.
ix
X INTRODUCTION.
Plato's intimacy with Socrates dates from his

twenty-first year, but his philosophical studies had
begun before this, as he had already made acquaint
ance with the Heraclitean system under the guidance
of Cratylus. But from the first year of his friend
ship with Socrates, to the day of his master's death,
we may be sure that the two were as constantly
together as the duties and dangers of those troubled
times would allow. Plato indeed seems to have kept
aloof from active political life at Athens, partly, it may
be supposed, because he could not persuade himself to
work under aa democratical system which he disliked,
partly because he had a weak voice, which must in
great measure have disqualified him for public speak
ing in the Pnyx.
He was present at the trial of Socrates, and did all
that he could in support of his friend, but was pre
vented by illness from being with him in the prison
when he drank the hemlock .
After the death of Socrates, Plato withdrew to
Megara, where he stayed with Euclides his fellow
disciple, and became acquainted with the Megaric
system, which was a combination of Socratic philo
sophy with the doctrines known as Eleatic. From
Megara he went to Cyrene, a Greek colony in Africa,
and from Cyrene he may have visited Egypt. He
then - possibly after returning to Athens — travelled
in Italy, where he made the acquaintance of the
Pythagorean philosophers of Locri and Tarentum , and
Sicily, where he became intimate with Dion, brother-in
law of the elder Dionysius. The elder Dionysius was
INTRODUCTION . xi
then on the throne (B.C. 388) ; he is said to have

quarrelled with Plato, to have dismssed him in anger,
and even to have contrived that he should be sold as
a slave by Pollis the Spartan in whose ship he was
returning to Greece. The story goes that he was
ransomed by Anniceris of Cyrene.
However this may be, Plato twice again visited
Sicily, once in B.C. 366 at the request of Dion,
to guide the younger Dionysius, who had succeeded
his father, in the government of Syracuse. Though
Plato obtained some influence over the prince, the
result was not satisfactory ; his friend Dion was
banished, and Plato returned to Greece shortly after
wards. Once more he went to the island (B.C. 363),
this time at the request of Dionysius, but failing in
his endeavours to procure Dion's recall, and having
lost the favour of the tyrant, he gave up all idea of
influencing him for good, and returned to Athens,
where he lived until the time of his death (B.C. 347).
It was about the year B.C. 387, after his first visit
to Sicily, that Plato began to teach philosophy at
Athens. He discoursed and lectured first in the grove
and gymnasium of Academus on the north -west of
Athens, and afterwards in his own house and garden
between that place and Colonus. The nature of his
teaching can be in some measure inferred from his
dialogues, and many of his distinctions and definitions
have been preserved by Diógenes Laertius, who wrote
lives of the philosophers about the end of the second
century A.D. Aristotle (Metaph. i. 6) gives an account
and criticism of Plato's philosophy, which is of great
xii INTRODUCTION .
value, but treats of questions beyond the scope of this

6
book. For the Laches is one of the ' Socratic ' dialogues,
and Socrates considered questions of moral philosophy
without ever attempting to construct a system deal
ing with nature as a whole (Σωκράτους ... περί μεν τα
ηθικά πραγματευομένου, περί δε της όλης φύσεως ουδέν .
Aristotle loc. cit. ).
We have the following anecdote on Aristotle's
authority. Once Aristippus, when Plato as he thought
had spoken with too much assurance, rebuked him by
saying, “ Our friend” (meaning Socrates) “ never talked
like that” ( Rhet. .
ii. 23, 12). It is also said that his
lectures were at times above the comprehension of
most of his audience. He must however have made
his teaching intelligible to his more select pupils.
Many eminent men of the time came to learn from
Plato, but by far the most famous of his pupils are
Aristotle and Demosthenes. The latter, Cicero tells
us, was a diligent reader of Plato's works, as well
as a hearer of his lectures, and he considers that
Demosthenes by this means obtained much of the
impressiveness of his style. Aristotle's debt to his
master was of a different nature. The style of his
extant works is as different as possible from that
of the dialogues of Plato, but his great system
of philosophy could never have attained half its
development without Plato's teaching.
Plato was not popular at Athens. We have seen
that on the death of Socrates he found it advisable to
withdraw from his country, and we are told that on
one occasion, when Chabrias the general was on
INTRODUCTION . xiii
trial for his life, and Plato was going up with him to
the Acropolis to plead for him, Crobylus, the informer,
who met them, said to the philosopher, “Have you
come as another's advocate, when you know that the
hemlock of Socrates is awaiting you ?” Part of this
unpopularity no doubt attached to these two men from
their being at times confused with the Sophists, and
something will be said on this subject in the notes to
the Dialogue ; but the restored democracy of Athens
disliked everything not democratic, and neither
Socrates nor Plato, though good citizens, approved of
the Athenian democracy i; and further, Socrates had
taught Alcibiades, Critias, and Charmides, and the
two latter were kinsmen of Plato. If we remember
the deserved hatred in which those names were held,
as well as the dislike so easily earned by clever
men who taught sons to be wiser than their fathers,
we shall not think it strange that Socrates—who
besides made many men his enemies by exposing
their ignorance - should have been accused upon a
capital charge, or that Plato may have been in danger
of the same fate. The condemnation of Socrates, it
should be observed, was the direct result of his un
bending and almost defiant attitude toward his judges,
and this is distinctly insisted upon by Xenophon.
Anything like an account of Socrates, in spite of
the deeply interesting nature of the subject, would be
out of place here. In Xenophon's Memorabilia , an
easy and fascinating book , the reader will find nearly
all that is known about his life, and for his death he
should read the end of Plato's Phaedo. The account
xiv INTRODUCTION.
there given is no doubt authentic, and there are

besides several pieces of information about the events
in Socrates' life scattered through Plato's works. But
that is all we can say. For though Socrates is the
principal speaker in nearly all these dialogues, the
thoughts are those of Plato, not those of Socrates.
The Socratic manner is, however, more or less faith
fully reproduced, and in some of the earlier dialogues,
such as the Charmides, Laches, and Lysis, there is
probably but little departure from Socrates' real
teaching In fact we possibly have here a side of
Socrates, which Xenophon has merely hinted at. The
Socrates of the earlier Platonic dialogues, if suggestive,
is yet mainly critical, destructive, and negative. The
Socrates of the Memorabilia is critical, but he is con
structive and eminently practical. He would prove
to mankind that there can be such a thing as moral
and political science, and consequently an art of
living and of ruling. Nobody, he said, dreamt of
making a shoe or playing a harp without first learning
how to do it ; and it was absurd that any young
gentleman of good birth and manners should con
sider himself - without any training - fit to guide the
counsels of his country or command her armies.
With an air of gentle deference to their superior
wisdom he would put to such aspirants a few
apparently innocent questions, their answers to
which soon proved to them that they knew nothing
of the subjects on which they thought themselves so
well qualified to guide others. Many who had been
thus exposed left Socrates in disgust and became his
INTRODUCTION. - XV
bitter enemies, but the better sort would come back

to him, and then he was most ready to help them
with sound practical advice. Xenophon by no means
ignores the fact that Socrates discussed the nature of
the moral virtues, but he gives much greater pro
minence to the practical part of his teaching. *
Before passing to the Laches in particular, a few
words should be said about Plato's dialogues in
general. It is not unlikely that the earliest of
them were published not long after Socrates' death ;
but it is not at all probable that any of them were
composed, far less published, in his life-time. There
is indeed a story told by Diogenes Laertius that Plato
not only composed his Lysis while Socrates was
living, but actually read it to him, when Socrates
remarked, “ Good heavens, what aa number of lies that
young man has been telling about me.” ( Hpák leis,
ως πολλά μου κατεψεύδεθ' ο νεανίσκος. Life of Plato,
$ 35). But the story is too improbable to be accepted
on such authority. There seems, however, to be
reason for supposing the Lysis to be the earliest
of the dialogues.
In these works Plato treats of various subjects, but
chiefly of those belonging to the sphere of moral, polit
ical, and mental philosophy. The Charmides seeks
for a definition of temperance, the Lysis asks, “What
is friendship ? ” the Laches, “What is courage ?” the
Republic discusses the nature of justice and the per
fection of the individual in society, the Phaedo treats
* For the account given of courage — the subject of Plato's
Laches - by Socrates in the Memorabilia see Appendix.
xvi INTRODUCTION .
of the immortality of the soul, the Theaetetus of the

nature of knowledge, the Meno of virtue, the Sympo
sium of love, the Philebus of pleasure. These are but
a few of Plato's dialogues, but they are some of the
best known, and for the most part are concerned with
a definite subject. Some of the others could not be
so shortly described .
The style of Plato has been described by Aristotle
as “midway between poetry and prose ." This need
not refer merely to the language, but probably alludes,
in part at least, to the nature of the dialogues them
selves, many of which for their dramatic force may
well rank as excellent works of fiction ; and Aristotle
would have called fiction poetry.
The language itself is often poetical, but not more
so than we consider allowable for prose. As Greek it
is of course beyond praise, though a beginner might
sometimes wish the sentences to be a little less long,
and the constructions a little more free from collo
quial irregularities.
The Laches is one of the earlier or Socratic dia
logues of Plato ; it is very dramatic. The characters of
the dialogue are Lysimachus, son of Aristides the Just,
and Melesias, son of Pericles' rival Thucydides ; their
two friends Nicias and Laches, Socrates (who is ap
parently represented as being quite a young man ), and
two boys, the sons of Lysimachus and Melesias, named
respectively Aristides and Thucydides after their
grandfathers.
The scene is a palaestra. Nicias and Laches have
6
been with the two fathers to see a ' master of arms,'
INTRODUCTION . xvii
named Stesilaus, fighting in heavy armour, and

are
to give their opinion on the performance.
Lysimachus and Melesias want to know whether this
exercise would be a suitable accomplishment for their
sons, whom they wish to educate as well as possible.
Nicias professes his readiness to give advice,but Laches
suggests that the opinion of Socrates should be asked,
as he is a man who is constantly considering the ques
tion of the education of the young. This makes Lysi
machus think that this Socrates, the son of his old
friend Sophroniscus, may be the man whom he has
often heard the boys praising. One of them tells
him that he is right in his conjecture, and, after a
testimony from Laches to Socrates ' good conduct in
the retreat from Delium, Lysimachus presses Socrates
for his opinion on the subject of " fighting in armour.
Socrates modestly says that Nicias and Laches ought
to speak first, and accordingly they give their opinions,
Nicias in favour of the exercise as an useful addition
to the art of warfare, Laches against it as an unprofit
able innovation. Lysimachus is sorry to find that
they differ, and an appeal is made to Socrates to settle
the question by his casting vote. This Socrates will
not do, "“ for, " he says, " the question is not what do
the majority think, but is there any among us who
really knows about the matter we are considering, and
if so, what is his opinion ? The matter we are really
considering is what are the requirements of the soul;
and if any of us has scientific knowledge of the treat
ment proper for the soul, his opinion will be valuable ;
but to have it he must have studied the subject under
A
xviii INTRODUCTION .
good masters ; if not, it is very unlikely that he will

have any skill in the matter, and we shall not believe
him, if he says that he has such skill, unless he can
show us some practical results of it in the shape of the
improvement of his fellow -men . I could not afford
masters, and I have not been able to acquire the skill.
But let us inquire if Nicias and Laches have it."
Nicias and Laches agree, but the question is not
pursued any further in this form , Socrates suggesting
that they shall substitute for the inquiry, “ Do we
know how to improve the soul ? " the inquiry, " Do
we know the nature of that which is best for the soul,
namely, virtue ?" And he further suggests that it
will be enough for the present purpose to take one
part of virtue, namely, courage, and see if they know
what that is.
Laches thinks the question an easy one, and defines
courage thus : “ A man who was ready to keep his
place in the rank and resist the enemy, and not run
away, would be courageous " (190 E).
Socrates objects that this is at best only a definition
of a hoplite's courage, and he explains that he wants
a definition of courage in a much wider sense. Ac
cordingly Laches now explains it as “an endurance
(or resistance) of the soul. ” Socrates suggests that
such endurance or resistance will be noble only when
combined with prudence or wisdom ; otherwise it
will be harmful ; and that as courage is noble, it will
be only sensible endurance that can be called courage.
66
Laches agrees (192 D) . “ Yet,” says Socrates, а
man who is resolute in spending sensibly, or resolute

INTRODUCTION. xix
in refusing unsuitable food to an invalid, is not there

fore called brave, nor is a man who resists in war
thought more brave when all the advantage is on his
side, and he knows it. Nay, when the advantage is
on his opponent's side, and he knows it, then is he
rather called brave for resisting. And in many like
instances we find the greatest courage is the resistance
which is combined with a want of prudence. Here,
then, we have a contradiction, but we must not give
up because of the check. So we will ask Nicias to
»
help in the chase .”
Nicias ( 194 C-D) says that åvopeia had better be de
fined as a sort of wisdom, and suggests that this will
be in accordance with Socrates' usual teaching. " What
wisdom ?” he is asked. He answers, “ The wisdom to
understand things to be dreaded and things not to be
dreaded, both in war and in all other circumstances .”
Laches objects that we do not call husbandmen
brave for knowing about things to be dreaded in
agriculture, or doctors brave for knowing about things
to be dreaded in disease.
Nicias answers that doctors, as such , know only
about health and disease. They may know whether
their patient will recover or not, but their profes
sional knowledge does not tell them which is most
terrible to him, recovery or death.
66
Oh ,” says Laches, " then yourbrave man is simply
a prophet ? ”
66
No,” Nicias replies. “ A prophet knows merely
what will happen, not whether the future will be ter
rible or not.”
XX INTRODUCTION .
Laches calls this shuffling, but Socrates is inclined to

think there may be something in what Nicias says,
and so proceeds to question him. 6. You think that
no one can be brave without this knowledge ? ”
Nicias assents, and says that beasts and children
may be fearless (äpoßa) , but cannot be brave (åvopeia).
Laches calls this sophistry ; but Socrates still keeps
up bis judicial attitude. He proceeds :
Soc. Nicias, you call " courage ' a part of virtue, I
suppose ?
Nic. Yes.
Soc. What then are things to be dreaded, and the
reverse ? future evils and goods ?
NIC. Yes.
Soc. Courage, then, is the knowledge or science of
good and evil in the future. But can any science be
of the future only ? Must it not be just as much
concerned with the present and the past ?
Nic . It must.
Soc. Then courage will be the science of good and
evil whether past, present, or future, and will there
fore be the whole of virtue, and not a part only. So
our definition was wrong after all, and we must go to
school with the boys to learn.
Thus we have no definite answer given to the ques
tion, “ What is courage ? ” Yet an answer is sug
gested in the conversation, which contains besides
many points of interest and instruction. Attention
will be called to these in the Notes ; and the reader is
referred to the Appendix for further remarks on the
subject of the dialogue.
INTRODUCTION . xxi
The date at which the conversation is supposed to

take place must be between the autumn of B.C. 424,
when the battle of Delium was fought, and the sum
mer of B.C. 418, when Laches fell in the battle of
Mantineia. Socrates was more than seventy ( Apology
17 D) at the time of his trial (B.C. 399), so that he
must have been at least forty -five in B.C. 424. There
fore he could hardly have been a young man at any
time when the dialogue could have occurred. Plato,
however, aims at plausibility rather than possibility
in points of chronology.
THE LANGUAGE OF THE DIALOGUE.
SPECIAL difficulties occur in the interpretation of every
author ; those in Plato are due chiefly to his endeavour to
represent in his dialogues the characteristics of actual con
versation i; yet from the frequency with which irregularities
that we should call colloquial occur in all Greek literature,
and from the fact that there was no sharp distinction in Attic
Greek between the language of careless talk and that of liter
ary prose, it is impossible to say with certainty that any
given peculiarity in Plato is the result of a studied negligence.
For an exhaustive treatise on these peculiarities the reader is
referred to the ‘ Digest of Idioms' in Riddell's edition of Plato's
Apology ; here it wiil be sufficient to give a short account of
some typical points of interest or difficulty in the language of
the Laches.
I. AS TO THE USE OF WORDS.
The following words are used in a somewhat unusual
sense :
Tollákis, ' perhaps, ' 179 B and 194 A.

6
xwpis, different from ,' 195 A.
6
aútika, ' for instance ,' 195 B.
ÉTTLELKWS, ' sufficiently,' 200 B.
II . AS TO THE ORDER OF WORDS .
Hyperbaton , the figure by which a word is for the sake of

emphasis put out of its proper place in a sentence, is found in
the following passages :
(α ) ώσπερ έτι του διακρινούντος δοκεί μοι δείν ημίν η βουλή , 184 c,
where čtı belongs to delv .
(β) ουκ εντετυχηκώς το ανδρί δηλος έτι ει, 187 Ε, where έτι
belongs to ουκ εντετυχηκώς.
(γ) προς τί τούτ' ειπεςβλέψας ;; 195 A, for προς τί βλέψας τούτ'
είπες :and perhaps in
(δ) ειδότα μεν ότι βοηθήσουσιν άλλοι αυτώ, προς ελάττους δε και
φαυλοτέρους μαχείται, 193 A , where if μέν is to corre
spond to δε it should follow βοηθήσουσιν .
xxii
THE LANGUAGE OF THE DIALOGUE. xxiii
III . AS TO COMBINATIONS OF WORDS .
A remarkable combination of particles is that of νύν δε ...

yáp used to introduce a clause contradicting a foregoing hypo
thesis that was contrary to fact. See note on 184 D , where
the expression occurs, and compare 200 Ε.
Notice also the combination ει άρα πολλάκις, 179 Β (where
see note ) and 194 A.
IV . AS TO IRREGULARITIES OF SYNTAX .
These result in general either (a) from a wish on the part

of the speaker (or writer) to put before the mind of his hearers
(or readers) more than the logic of grammar will allow ; or
(b) froin the fact of his thoughts being so concentrated on a
particular clause that he forgets its precise relation with the
rest of the period.
The former tendency is shown in (i. ) Irregular Anticipa
tion , (ii. ) Confusion of Clauses, (iii.) Irregular Recapitulation;
the latter in ( iv. ) Irregular Apodosis, ( v .) Anacoluthon.
Instances of these irregularities will now be given in detail :
( i. ) Irregular Anticipation.
εισηγήσατο ούν τις ημίν και τούτο το μάθημα, ότι καλόν είη
το νέο μαθείν εν όπλοις μάχεσθαι, 179 D.
Here kal TOÛTO TÒ Máonua anticipates the őtl clause. This con
struction is, however, little more than an extension of the
common figure by which the subject of a dependent sentence
is taken out of it and made the subject or object of the
principal sentence. (See note on το δε σοφισμα ... οιον απέβη,
183 D. )
οις ουδέν άλλο μέλει εν τω βίω ή τούτο ζητείν και επιτη
δεύειν , και τι αν μαθόντες και επιτηδεύσαντες πλεονεκτoιεν
των άλλων, κ.τ.λ. , 182Ε.
Here και επιτηδεύειν anticipates the relative clause and spoils
the grammar of the sentence.
(ii. ) Confusion of Clauses.
τίνος όντος τούτου ου ζητούμεν τους διδασκάλους ; 185 Β,
which is a combination of τίνος ζητούμεν τους διδασκάλους και
and τι εστι τούτο ου ζητούμεν τους διδασκάλους ;
( iii.) Irregular Recapitulation .
τούτο ούν σου εγώ αντιδέομαι, ώ Λυσίμαχε, καθάπερ άρτι Λάχης
μη άφίεσθαι σε εμού διεκελεύετο αλλά ερωτάν, και εγώ νύν
παρακελεύομαί σοι μή άφίεσθαι Λάχητος μηδε Νικίου αλλ'
έρωτάν , 186 D.
xxiv THE LANGUAGE OF THE DIALOGUE .
Here και εγώ νύν παρακελεύομαί σοι is inserted to resume the

idea of αντιδέομαι on account of the intervention of the clause
καθάπερ ... έρωτάν.
(iv. ) Irregular Apodosis.
εάν τις αυτούς συμβουλεύσηται, ουκ αν είπoιεν νοούσιν,
178 A. (See note on the passage .)
ει δε Νικίας ή Λάχης εύρηκεν η μεμαθηκεν , ουκ αν θαυμάσαιμι ,
186 c.
(v. ) Anacoluthon .
ειδότες ούν και υμίν υιείς όντας ήγησάμεθα μεμεληκέναι περί
αυτών ει δ' άρα πολλάκις μη προσεσχήκατε τον νούν τα
τοιούτω, υπομνήσοντες ότι ου χρή αυτου αμελεϊν , και παρα
καλούντες υμάς επί το επιμέλειάν τινα ποιήσασθαι των υιέων
κοινή μεθ' ημών, 179 Β.
Here there should properly be finite verbs in the place of
υπομνήσοντες and παρακαλούντες.
ήν δε γέλως και κρότος υπό των εκ της ολκάδος επί τε το
σχήματι αυτού, και επειδή βαλόντος τινός λίθω παρά τους
πόδας αυτού επί το κατάστρωμα αφίεται του δόρατος, τότ '
ήδη και οι εκ της τριήρους ουκέτι οιοί τ' ήσαν τον γέλωτα
κατέχειν, 184 Α.
Here επί τε τω σχήματι αυτού suggests that another dative
governed by emri will follow . Instead of that we have a long
clause with quite a different construction .
αλλ' αναγκαίον οίμαι τώ ταύτα λέγοντι μηδενός θηρίου αποδέ
χεσθαι άνδρείαν , ή ξυγχωρείν θηρίον τι ούτω.σοφόν είναι,
ώστε & ολίγοι ανθρώπων ίσασι ταύτα λέοντα και πάρδαλιν
ή τινα κάπρον φάναι ειδέναι, 196 Ε.
Here the insertion of the words λέοντα ... φάναι thrusts out the
word ξυγχωρείν from its legitimate government of είδέναι, and
their omission would make the sentence quite logical.
ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ.
ΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΑΛΟΓΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΑ
ΛΥΣΙΜΑΧΟΣ , ΜΕΛHΣΙΑΣ, ΝΙΚΙΑΣ,

ΛΑΧΗΣ, ΠΑΙΔΕΣ ΛΥΣΙΜΑΧΟΥ
ΚΑΙ ΜΕΛHΣΙΟΥ, ΣΩΚΡΑΤΗΣ.
ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ.
St. p .
I. Τεθέασθε μεν τον άνδρα μαχόμενον έν όπλοις, 178 A
ώ Νικία τε και Λάχης' ου δ' ένεκα υμάς εκελεύσαμεν
συνθεάσασθαι εγώ τε και Μελησίας όδε, τότε μεν
ουκ είπομεν, νύν δ' έρούμεν. ηγούμεθα γαρ χρηναι
πρός γε υμάς παρρησιάζεσθαι. είσι γάρ τινες οι
των τοιούτων καταγελώσι, και εάν τις αυτούς
συμβουλεύσηται, ουκ άν είπoιεν & νοουσιν, αλλά
στοχαζόμενοι του συμβουλευομένου άλλα λέγουσι Β
παρά την αυτων δόξαν" υμάς δε ημείς ήγησάμενοι
και ικανούς γνώναι και γνόντας απλώς αν ειπείν &
δοκεί υμίν, ούτω παρελάβομεν επί την συμβουλών
περί ών μέλλομεν ανακοινούσθαι . έστιν ουν τουτο
περί ου πάλαι τοσαύτα προοιμιάζομαι, | τόδε. 179 Α
ημίν είσιν υμείς ούτοιι, όδε μεν τούδε , πάππου έχων
όνομα, θουκυδίδης , έμός δε αυ όδε. παππωον δε και
ούτος όνομ' έχει τούμου πατρός Αριστείδης γαρ
αυτόν καλούμεν . ημίν ούν τούτων δεδοκται επι
μεληθήναι ως οίόν τε μάλιστα, και μη ποιήσαι όπερ
οι πολλοί, επειδή μειράκια γέγονεν, ανείναι αυτούς
και τι βούλονται ποιείν, αλλά νυν δή και άρχεσθαι
αυτων επιμελείσθαι καθ' όσον οιοί τ ' εσμέν. Β
2 ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ .
179 Β ειδότες ούν και υμίν υιείς όντας ηγησαμεθα με

μεληκέναι περί αυτών, είπερ τισιν άλλοις, πως αν
θεραπευθέντες γένοιντο άριστοι ει δ' άρα πολλάκις
μη προσεσχήκατε τον νούν τω τοιούτω, υπομνήσον
τες ότι ου χρή αυτού αμελεϊν , και παρακαλούντες
υμάς επί το επιμέλειάν τινά ποιήσασθαι των υιέων
κοινή μεθ' ημών.
ΙΙ . "Οθεν δε ημίν ταυτ' έδοξεν, ώ Νικία τε και
Λάχης, χρή άκουσαι, κάν ή ολίγω μακρότερα.
συσσιτουμεν γαρ δή εγώ τε και Μελησίας όδε,
C και ημίν τα μειράκια | παρασιτεί. όπερ ούν και
αρχόμενος είπον του λόγου, παρρησιασόμεθα προς
υμάς. ημών γαρ εκάτερος περί του εαυτού πατρός
πολλά και καλά έργα έχει λέγειν προς τους νεανί
σκους , και όσα εν πολέμω ειργάσαντο και όσα εν
ειρήνη, διοικούντες τα τε των συμμάχων και τα
τήσδε της πόλεως ημέτερα δ' αυτων έργα ουδέτερος
έχει λέγειν. ταυτα δη υπαισχυνόμεθά τε τούσδε
και αιτιώμεθα τους πατέρας ημών, ότι ημάς μεν
D είων τρυφάν , επειδή | μειράκια εγενόμεθα, τα δε
των άλλων πράγματα έπραττον" και τοϊσδε τοις
νεανίσκοις αυτα ταυτα ενδεικνύμεθα, λέγοντες ότι,
εί μεν αμελήσουσιν εαυτών και μη πείσονται ημίν,
ακλεείς γενήσονται , ει δ' επιμελήσονται, τάχ' αν
των ονομάτων άξιοι γένοιντο και έχουσιν. ούτοι μεν
ούν φασί πείσεσθαι ημείς δε δή τουτο σκοπούμεν,
τι αν ούτοι μαθόντες ή επιτηδεύσαντες και τι άριστοι
Ε γένοιντο. εισηγήσατο ούν τις ημίν | και τουτο
το μάθημα, ότι καλόν είη το νέο μαθείν εν όπλοις
ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ. 3
μάχεσθαι και επήνει τούτον ον νυν υμείς εθεάσασθε 170 E

>
επιδεικνύμενον κατ' εκέλευε θεάσασθαι. έδοξε δη

χρήναι αυτούς τε ελθείν επί θέαν τανδρος και υμάς
συμπαραλαβείν άμα μεν συνθεατάς, άμα δε συμ
βούλους τε και κοινωνούς, εαν βούλησθε, περί της
των υιέων επιμελείας. ταύτ' | έστιν & έβουλόμεθα 180 A
υμίν ανακοινώσασθαι. ήδη ούν υμέτερον μέρος
συμβουλεύειν και περί τούτου του μαθήματος,
είτε δοκεί χρήναι μανθάνειν είτε μή, και περί των
άλλων, εί τι έχετε επαινέσαι μάθημα νέα ανδρί ή
επιτήδευμα, και περί της κοινωνίας λέγειν oποιόν
τι ποιήσετε.
ΙΙΙ . ΝΙ. Εγώ μέν, ώ Λυσίμαχε και Μελησία,
έπαινω τε υμών την διάνοιαν και κοινωνείν έτοιμος,
oίμαι δε και Λάχητα τόνδε .
| ΛΑ. 'Αληθή. γαρ οίει , ώ Νικία, ως ό γε έλεγεν Β
ο Λυσίμαχος άρτι περί του πατρός του αυτού τε
και του Μελησίου, πάνυ μοι δοκεί εν ειρήσθαι και
εις εκείνους και εις ημάς και εις άπαντας όσοι τα
των πόλεων πράττουσιν, ότι αυτούς σχεδόν τι
ταυτα συμβαίνει και ούτος λέγει και περί παίδας
και περί τάλλα ίδια, ολιγωρείσθαί τε και αμελώς
διατίθεσθαι. ταύτα μεν ουν καλως λέγεις,, ώ Λυ
σίμαχες ότι δ' ημα, 4 συμβούλους παρακαλείς.
επί την των νεανίσκων παιδείαν, Σωκράτη δε τόνδε
ου | παρακαλείς, θαυμάζω, πρώτον μεν όντα δημότης, ο
έπειτα ενταύθα αεί τας διατριβώς ποιούμενον, όπου
τι εστι των τοιούτων ών συ ζητεις περί τους νέους
ή μάθημα ή επιτήδευμα καλόν.
180 C ΛΥ. Πώς λέγεις, ώ Λάχης ; Σωκράτης γαρ όδε

τινός των τοιούτων επιμέλειαν πεποίηται και
ΛΑ. Πάνυ μεν ούν, ώ Λυσίμαχε.
NI. Τούτο μέν σοι κάν εγώ έχoιμι ειπείν ου
χείρον Λάχητος και γαρ αυτο μου έναγχος άνδρα
D προυξένησε το υιεί διδάσκαλος | μουσικής, Αγα
θοκλέους μαθητης Δάμωνα, ανδρων χαριέστατον
ου μόνον την μουσικής, αλλά και τάλλα οπόσου
βούλει άξιον συνδιατρίβειν τηλικούτοις νεανί
σκοις .
IV . ΛΥ. Ούτοι τι, ώ Σώκρατές τε και Νικία

και Λάχης, οι ηλίκοι εγώ έτι γιγνώσκομεν τους
νεωτέρους, άτε κατ’ οικίαν τα πολλά διατρίβοντες
υπό της ηλικίας" αλλ' εί τι και σύ, ώ παι Σω
φρονίσκου, έχεις τώδε τω σαυτου δημότη αγαθών
Ε συμβουλεύσαι , χρη συμβουλεύειν. Η δίκαιος δ' ει:
και γαρ πατρικός ημίν φίλος τυγχάνεις ών · άει
γαρ εγώ και ο σος πατήρ εταίρω τε και φίλω
ημεν, και πρότερον εκείνος ετελεύτησε πρίν τι
εμοί διενεχθήναι. περιφέρει δέ τίς με και μνήμη
άρτι τωνδε λεγόντων τα γαρ μειράκια τάδε προς
αλλήλους οίκοι διαλεγόμενοι θαμά επιμέμνηνται
Σωκράτους και σφόδρα επαινούσιν ου μέντοι
πώποτε αυτούς ανηρώτησα εί τον Σωφρονίσκου |
181 Α λέγοιεν · αλλ', ώ παίδες, λέγετέ μοι, όδ' έστι Σω
κράτης, περί ου εκάστοτε μέμνησθε ;
ΠΑΙ. Πάνυ μεν ούν, ώ πάτερ, ούτος.
ΛΥ. Ευ γε νη την " Ήραν, ώ Σώκρατες, ότι
ορθοίς τον πατέρα, άριστον ανδρών όντα και
άλλως και δη και ότι οικεία τα τε σα ημίν υπάρξει 181 A

και σοι τα ημέτερα .
ΛΑ. Και μήν, ώ Λυσίμαχε, μή αφιεσό γε τάνδρός
ως εγώ και άλλοθι γε αυτόν εθεασάμην ου μόνον
τον πατέρα αλλά και την πατρίδα ορθoύντα εν Β
γαρ τη από Δηλίου φυγή μετ' εμού ξυνανεχώρει,
κάγώ σοι λέγω ότι ει οι άλλοι ήθελον τοιούτοι
είναι, ορθή αν ημών ή πόλις ήν και ουκ αν έπεσε
τότε τοιουτον πτωμα.
ΛΥ. "Ω Σώκρατες , ούτος μέντοι ο έπαινός έστι
καλός, ον συ νυν επαινεί υπ ' ανδρων αξίων πιστεύε
σθαι και εις ταύτα εις α ούτοι επαινούσιν. ευ ουν
ίσθι ότι εγώ ταυτα ακούων χαίρω ότι ευδοκιμείς.
και συ δε ηγου με εν τοις γ' ευνουστάτοις σοι είναι.
χρήν μεν ουν και πρότερόν | γε φοιταν αυτόν παρ' ο
ημάς και οικείους ηγείσθαι, ώσπερ το δίκαιον νυν
δ' ούν από τησδε της ημέρας, επειδή ανεγνωρίσαμεν
αλλήλους, μή άλλως ποίει, αλλά συνισθί τε και
γνώριζε και ημάς και τουσδε τους νεωτέρους, όπως
αν διασώζητε και εμείς την ημετέραν φιλίαν. ταύτα
μεν ούνκαι συ ποιήσεις και ημείς σε και αύθις υπο
μνήσομεν " περί δε ών ήρξάμεθα τί φατε και τι δοκεί ;
το μάθημα τους μειρακίοις επιτήδειον είναι ή ού, το
μαθείν εν όπλοις μάχεσθαι και
V. ΣΩ. | 'Αλλά και τούτων πέρι, ώ Λυσίμαχε, D
έγωγε πειράσομαι συμβουλεύειν άν τι δύνωμαι, και
αν και προκαλεί πάντα ποιεϊν . δικαιότατον μέντοι
μοι δοκεί είναι, έμε νεώτερον όντα τωνδε και απει
ρότερον τούτων ακούειν πρότερον τι λέγουσι και
6 ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ.
181 D μανθάνειν παρ' αυτών εάν δ' έχω τι άλλο παρά τα

υπό τούτων λεγόμενα, τότ' ήδη διδάσκειν και πείθειν
και σε και τούτους. άλλ', ώ Νικία , τι ου λέγει
πότερος υμών και
ΝΙ. 'Αλλ' ουδεν κωλύει, ώ Σώκρατες. δοκεί γαρ
Ε έμοί| τούτο το μάθημα τους νέους ωφέλιμον είναι
επίστασθαι πολλαχή. και γάρ το μή άλλοθι
διατρίβειν, εν οίς δή φιλουσιν οι νέοι τας διατριβής
ποιείσθαι, όταν σχολήν άγωσιν, αλλ' εν τούτω,
ευ έχει, όθεν και το σώμα βέλτιον έσχειν ανάγκη
182 A - ουδενός γαρ των γυμνασίων φαυλότερον | ουδ '
ελάττω πόνον έχει– , και άμα προσήκει μάλιστ'
ελευθέρω τούτό τε το γυμνάσιον και η ιππική ου
γαρ αγώνος αθληταί εσμεν και εν οίς ημίν ο αγών
πρόκειται, μόνοι ούτοι γυμνάζονται οι εν τούτοις
τους περί τον πόλεμον οργάνοις γυμναζόμενοι.
έπειτα ονήσει μέν τι τουτο το μάθημα και εν
τη μάχη αυτη, όταν εν τάξει δέη μάχεσθαι μετά
πολλών άλλων μέγιστον μέντοι αυτού όφελος,
όταν λυθώσιν αι τάξεις και ήδη τι δέη μόνον προς
και μόνον ή διώκοντα άμυνομένω | τινι επιθέσθαι ή
B
και εν φυγή επιτιθεμένου άλλου αμύνασθαι αυτόν

ούτ' αν υπό γε ενός εις ο τούτ' επιστάμενος ουδέν
αν πάθοι, ίσως δ' ουδε υπό πλειόνων, αλλά πανταχη
αν ταύτη πλεονεκτοι . έτι δε και είς άλλου καλού
μαθήματος επιθυμίαν παρακαλεί το τοιουτον πας
γαρ άν μαθών έν όπλοις μάχεσθαι επιθυμήσεις και
του εξης μαθήματος του περί τας τάξεις, και ταυτα
λαβών και φιλοτιμηθείς εν αυτοίς επί παν αν το
περί τας στρατηγίας | ορμήσεις και ήδη δηλον 182 €

ότι τα τούτων εχόμενα και μαθήματα πάντα και
επιτηδεύματα πάντα και καλά και πολλου άξια
ανδρί μαθείν τε και επιτηδεύσαι, ών καθηγήσαιτ
αν τούτο το μάθημα. προσθήσομεν δ' αυτώ ου
σμικραν προσθήκην, ότι πάντα άνδρα εν πολέμω
και θαρραλεώτερον και ανδρειότερον αν ποιήσειεν
αυτόν αυτού ουκ ολίγω αύτη η επιστήμη. μη
ατιμάσωμεν δε είπείν, ει και το σμικρότερον
δοκεί είναι, ότι και εύσχημονέστερον ενταύθα ου
χρή τον άνδρα | εύσχημονέστερον φαίνεσθαι, ου D
άμα και δεινότερος τους εχθρούς φανείται δια την
εύσχημοσύνην. έμοί μεν ούν, ώ Λυσίμαχε, ώσπερ
λέγω, δοκεί τε χρήναι διδάσκειν τους νεανίσκους
ταύτα, και δι' & δοκεί είρηκα Λάχητος δ', εί τι
παρά ταύτα λέγει, κάν αυτός ήδέως ακούσαιμι.
VI. ΛΑ. 'Αλλ' έστι μέν, ώ Νικία, χαλεπόν
λέγειν περί οτουουν μαθήματος, ώς oύ χρή μαν
θάνειν' πάντα γάρ επίστασθαι αγαθόν δοκεί είναι.
και δη και το οπλιτικών τουτο, | ει μέν έστι μά- Ε
θημα, όπερ φασίν οι διδάσκοντες, και οίον Νικίας
λέγει, χρή αυτό μανθάνειν ει δ' έστι μεν μη
μάθημα, αλλ' εξαπατωσιν οι υπισχνούμενοι, ή
μάθημα μεν τυγχάνει όν, μη μέντοι πάνυ σπουδαίον,
τί και δέοι αν αυτό μανθάνειν ; λέγω δε ταύτα περί
αυτού εις τάδε αποβλέψας, ότι οίμαι εγώ τούτο,
εί τι ήν, ουκ αν λεληθέναι Λακεδαιμονίους, οίς ουδέν
άλλο μέλει εν τω βίω ή τουτο ζητείν και επι
τηδεύειν, ό τι άν μαθόντεςB και η επιτηδεύσαντες 183 A
188 Α πλεονεκτοιεν των άλλων περί τον πόλεμον. ει

δ' εκείνους έλελήθει, αλλ' ου τούτους γε τους
διδασκάλους αυτού λέληθεν αυτό τούτο, ότι εκείνοι
μάλιστα των Ελλήνων σπουδάζουσιν επί τοις
τοιούτοις , και ότι παρ' εκείνους άν τις τιμηθείς
εις ταυτα και παρά των άλλων πλείστ ' αν έρ
γάζοιτο χρήματα, ώσπερ γε και τραγωδίας ποιητής
παρ' ημίν τιμηθείς. τοιγάρτοι ός αν οίηται τρα
γωδίαν καλώς ποιείν, ουκ έξωθεν κύκλω περί την
'Αττικής κατά τας άλλας πόλεις επιδεικνύμενος
περιέρχεται, αλλ' ευθύς δεύρο φέρεται και τοϊσδ'
επιδείκνυσιν. εικότως. τους δε εν όπλοις μαχο
μένους εγώ τούτους ορώ την μεν Λακεδαίμονα
ηγουμένους είναι άβατον ιερόν και ουδε άκρω
ποδι επιβαίνοντας, κύκλω δε περιιόντας αυτήν
και πασι μάλλον επιδεικνυμένους, και μάλιστα
τούτοις οι καν αυτοί ομολογήσειαν πολλούς σφων
προτέρους είναι προς τα του πολέμου.
VII . "Έπειτα, ώ Λυσίμαχε, ου πάνυ | ολίγοις
εγώ τούτων παραγέγονα εν αυτώ τω έργω, και
ορω οιοί είσιν. έξεστι δε και αυτόθεν ημίν σκέ
ψασθαι ' ώσπερ γαρ επίτηδες ουδείς πώποτ'
ευδόκιμος γέγονεν εν τω πολέμω ανήρ των τα
οπλιτικά επιτηδευσάντων. καίτοι είς γε τάλλα
πάντα εκ τούτων οι ονομαστοι γίγνονται, εκ των
επιτηδευσάντων έκαστα ούτοι δ', ώς έoικε, παρά
τους άλλους ούτω σφόδρα είς τούτο δεδυστυ
χήκασιν. έπει και τούτον τον Στησίλεων, ον υμείς
- D μετ ' εμού εν τοσούτω όχλω εθεάσασθε | επιδεικ
νύμενον και τα μεγάλα περί αυτου λέγοντα αå 183D

έλεγεν, ετέρωθι εγώ κάλλιον εθεασάμην εν τη
αληθεία ως αληθώς επιδεικνύμενον ούχ εκόντα.
προσβαλούσης γαρ της νεώς έφ' ή επεμάτευε,
προς όλκάδα τινά, έμάχετο έχων δορυδρέπανον,
διαφέρον δή όπλον άτε και αυτός των άλλων
διαφέρων. τα μεν ούν άλλα ουκ άξια λέγειν περί
τανδρός, το δε σόφισμα τo του δρεπάνου του
προς τη | λόγχη οίον απέβη. μαχομένου γαρ Ε
αυτού ενέσχετό που εν τοις της νεώς σκεύεσι
και αντελάβετο. είλκεν ουν ο Στησίλεως βουλό
μενος απολύσαι, και ουχ οδός τ' ήν ή δε ναυς
την ναύν παρήει. τέως μεν ουν παρέθει εν τη
νη αντεχόμενος του δόρατος. έπει δε δή παρ
ημείβετο η ναυς την ναύν και επέσπα αυτόν του
δόρατος έχόμενον, ήφίει το δόρυ δια της χειρός,
έως άκρου του | στύρακος αντελάβετο. ήν δε 184 Α
γέλως και κρότος υπό των εκ της ολκάδος επί
Τε
τω σχήματι αυτού, και επειδή βαλόντος τινός
λίθω παρά τους πόδας αυτού επί το κατάστρωμα
αφίεται του δόρατος, τότ ' ήδη και οι εκ της τρι
ήρους ουκέτι ολοι τ' ήσαν τον γέλωτα κατέχειν,
ορωντες αιωρούμενον εκ της ολκάδος το δορυδρέ
πανον εκείνο. ίσως μεν ούν είη άν τι ταύτα, ώσπερ
Νικίας λέγει" οίς δ' ουν εγώ εντετύχηκα, τοιαύτ'
αττα εστίν.
VΙΙΙ. «Ο ουν και εξ | αρχής είπον, ότι είτε Β
ούτω σμικράς ωφελείας έχει μάθημα όν, είτε μη
ον φασί και προσποιούνται αυτό είναι μάθημα,
184 Β ουκ άξιον επιχειρείν μανθάνειν. και γαρ ούν μοι

δοκεί, ει μεν δειλός τις ών οίοιτο αυτον επίστασθαι,
θρασύτερος αν δι' αυτό γενόμενος επιφανέστερος
γένοιτο οίος ήν ει EL
δε άνδρείος, φυλαττόμενος αν
υπό των ανθρώπων, ει και σμικρών εξαμάρτοι,
μεγάλας αν διαβολάς ίσχειν' επίφθονος γαρ ή
ο προσποίησης της τοιαύτης | επιστήμης, ώστ' ει EL
μή τι θαυμαστόν όσον διαφέρει τη αρετή των

άλλων, ουκ έσθ' όπως άν τις φύγοι το καταγέλα
στος γενέσθαι, φάσκων έχειν ταύτην την επιστήμην.
τοιαύτη τις έμοιγε δοκεί, ώ Λυσίμαχε, η περί
τούτο το μάθημα είναι σπουδή χρή δ' όπερ σοι
εξ αρχής έλεγον, και Σωκράτη τόνδε μή αφιέναι,
αλλά δείσθαι συμβουλεύειν όπη δοκεί αυτό περι
του προκειμένου.
ΛΥ. 'Αλλα δέομαι έγωγε, ώ Σώκρατες και γαρ
D ώσπερ έτι του διακρινούντος δοκεϊ | μοι δεϊν ημίν
η βουλή. ει μεν γαρ συνεφερέσθην τώδε , ήττον
αν του τοιούτου έδει" νύν δε την εναντίαν γάρ,
ως ορας, Λάχης Νικία έθετο εν δή έχει ακούσαι
και σου, πoτέρω τον ανδρούν σύμψηφος εί.
IX . ΣΩ. Τί δαί, ώ Λυσίμαχε ; οπότερ' αν οι
πλείους επαινώσιν ημών, τούτοις μέλλεις χρήσθαι ;
ΛΥ. Τί γάρ άν τις και ποιοί, ώ Σώκρατες ;
ΣΩ. H και σύ, ώ Μελησία, ούτως αν ποιούς και
Σ κάν εί τις περί αγωνίας του | υιέος σοι βουλή είη
τι χρή ασκείν, άρα τους πλείοσιν αν ημών πείθοιο,
ή 'κείνω όστις τυγχάνει υπό παιδοτρίβη αγαθώ
πεπαιδευμένος και ήσκηκώς ;
ΜΕ. Εκείνω είκός γε, ώ Σώκρατες. 184 E
ΣΩ. Αυτό άρ' αν μάλλον πείθοιο ή τέτταρσιν

ουσιν ημίν ;
ΜΕ. " Ίσως.
ΣΩ. Επιστήμη γάρ, oίμαι, δεί κρίνεσθαι, αλλ'
ου πλήθει,το μέλλον καλώς κριθήσεσθαι.
ΜΕ. Πώς γαρ ού;
ΣΩ. Ούκούν και νυν χρή πρώτον αυτό τούτο
σκέψασθαι, ει έστι τις ημων τεχνικός περί ου.
Ο βουλευόμεθα, ή ού και ει μέν έστιν, εκείνω 185 A
πείθεσθαι ενί όντι, τους δ' άλλους εαν ει δε
μή, άλλον τινά ζητεϊν. ή περί σμικρού οίεσθε
νυνι κινδυνεύειν και συ και Λυσίμαχος, αλλ' ου
περί τούτου του κτήματος και των υμετέρων μέγι
στον όν τυγχάνει ; υιέων γάρ που και χρηστών και
τάναντία γενομένων και πάς ο οίκος και του πατρός
ούτως oικήσεται, οποίοι άν τινες οι παίδες γένωνται.
ΜΕ. 'Αληθή λέγεις.
ΣΩ. Πολλήν άρα δει προμήθειαν αυτού έχειν.
ΜΕ. Πάνυ γε.
ΣΩ. Πώς | ούν, και εγώ άρτι έλεγον, εσκοπούμεν Β
άν, εί έβουλόμεθα σκέψασθαι τις ημών περί αγωνίαν
τεχνικώτατοςκαι άρ' ουχ ο μαθών και επιτηδεύσας,
ώ και διδάσκαλοι αγαθοί γεγονότες ήσαν αυτού
τούτου και )
ΜΕ. "Έμοιγε δοκεί.
ΣΩ. Ουκούν έτι πρότερον, τίνος όντος τούτου ου
ζητούμεν τους διδασκάλους ;
ΜΕ. Πώς λέγειςκαι
185 Β Χ. ΣΩ . "Ωδε ίσως μάλλον κατάδηλον έσται.

ού δοκεί εξ αρχής ημίν ώμολογήσθαι, τί ποτ'
μοι
έστι περί ου βουλευόμεθα και σκεπτόμεθα , όστις
ο ημων τεχνικός και τούτου ένεκα διδασκάλους | εκ
τήσατο, και όστις μή.
ΝΙ. Ου γαρ, ώ Σώκρατες, περί του έν όπλοις
μάχεσθαι σκοπούμεν, είτε χρή αυτό τους νεανίσκους
μανθάνειν είτε μή ;
ΣΩ. Πάνυ μεν ούν, ώ Νικία . άλλ' όταν περί
φαρμάκου τις του προς οφθαλμούς σκοπηται, είτε
χρή αυτο υπαλείφεσθαι είτε μή, πότερον οίει τότε
είναι την βουλήν περί του φαρμάκου ή περί των
οφθαλμών και
NI. Περί των οφθαλμών.
D ΣΩ. Ούκούν και όταν ίππω Ι χαλινον σκοπηται
τις ει προσοιστέον ή μή, και οπότε, τότε που περί
του ίππου βουλεύεται άλλ' ου περί του χαλινού ;
ΝΙ. 'Αληθή.
ΣΩ. Ουκούν εν λόγω, όταν τίς τι ένεκά του
σκοπη, περί εκείνου ή βουλή τυγχάνει ούσα ου
ένεκα εσκόπει, άλλ' ου περί του και ένεκα άλλου
εζήτει.
ΝΙ. ' Ανάγκη.
ΣΩ. Δεί άρα και τον σύμβουλος σκοπείν, άρα
τεχνικός έστιν εις εκείνου θεραπείαν ου ένεκα
σκοπούμενοι σκοπούμεν.
ΝΙ. Πάνυ γε.
E
ΣΩ. Ούκούν νυν φαμέν | περι μαθήματος σκοπεϊν
της ψυχής ένεκα της των νεανίσκων.
NI. Naí. 185 E
ΣΩ. Εί τις άρα ημών τεχνικός περί ψυχής θερα

πείαν και οιός τε καλώς τούτο θεραπεύσαι, και ότι
διδάσκαλοι αγαθοί γεγόνασι, τούτο σκεπτέον.
ΛΑ. Τί δέ, ώ Σώκρατες ; ούπω εώρακας άνευ
διδασκάλων τεχνικωτέρους γεγονότας εις ένια ή
μετα διδασκάλων;
ΣΩ. "Έγωγε, ώ Λάχης" οίς γε συ ουκ αν εθέλοις
πιστεύσαι, ει φαϊεν αγαθοί είναι δημιουργοί, ει μή
τί σοι της αυτων τέχνης έργον έχοιεν επιδείξαι ευ
ειργασμένον, | και εν και πλείω. 136 A
ΛΑ. Τούτο μεν αληθή λέγεις.

ΧΙ. ΣΩ. Και ημάς άρα δεί, ώ Λάχης τε και
Νικία, επειδή Λυσίμαχος και Μελησίας εις συμ
βουλήν παρεκαλεσάτην ημάς περί τον υιέoιν,
προθυμούμενοι αυτοϊν ό τι αρίστας γενέσθαι τας
ψυχάς, ει μέν φαμεν έχειν, επιδείξαι αυτούς και
διδασκάλους οίτινες ημων γεγόνασιν, οι αυτοί
πρώτοι αγαθοι όντες και πολλών νέων τεθερα
πευκότες ψυχάς έπειτα και ημάς διδάξαντες φαίνον
ται" | ή εί τις ημων αυτων εαυτώ διδάσκαλος μέν Β
ού φησι γεγονέναι, άλλ' ούν έργα αυτός αυτού
έχει ειπείν, και επιδείξαι τίνες Αθηναίων ή των
ξένων, ή δούλοι ή ελεύθεροι, δι' εκείνον ομολογου
μένως αγαθοί γεγόνασιν ει δε μηδεν ημίν τούτων
υπάρχει, άλλους κελεύειν ζητείν και μη εν εταίρων
ανδρων υιέσι κινδυνεύειν διαφθείροντας την μεγίστην
αιτίαν έχειν υπό των οικειοτάτων. εγώ μεν ούν,
ω Λυσίμαχέ τε και Μελησία, πρώτος περί έμαυτού
186, ο λέγω ότι | διδάσκαλός μοι ου γέγονε τούτου περι.

καίτοι επιθυμώ γε του πράγματος εκ νέου αρξά
μενος. αλλά τους μεν σοφισταίς ουκ έχω τελεϊν
μισθούς, ούπερ μόνοι επηγγέλλοντό με οιοί τ'
είναι ποιήσαι καλόν τε καγαθόν αυτός δ' αυ
ευρείν την τέχνην αδυνατω έτι νυνί. ει δε Νικίας
ή Λάχης εύρηκεν ή μεμαθηκεν, ουκ αν θαυμάσαιμι
και γαρ χρήμασιν έμού δυνατώτεροι, ώστε μαθείν
παρ' άλλων, και άμα πρεσβύτεροι, ώστε ήδη ευρη
κέναι. δοκoυσι δή μοι δυνατοί είναι παιδεύσαι
D | άνθρωπον ου γαρ άν ποτε αδεως απεφαίνοντο
περί επιτηδευμάτων νέων χρηστών τε και πονηρών,
ει μη αυτοίς επίστευον έκανως είδέναι. τα μεν ουν
άλλα έγωγε τούτοις πιστεύω ότι δε διαφέρεσθον
αλλήλουν, εθαύμασα. τούτο ούν σου εγώ αντιδέ
ομαι, ώ Λυσίμαχε, καθάπερ άρτι Λάχης μη
αφίεσθαι σε έμoυ διεκελεύετο αλλά ερωτάν, και
εγώ νυν παρακελεύομαί σοι μη άφίεσθαι Λάχητος
μηδε Νικίου, άλλ' έρωταν, λέγοντα ότι “ Ο μεν
E Σωκράτης | ού φησιν επαίειν περί του πράγματος,
ουδ' έκανός είναι διακρίναι οπότερος υμών αληθή
λέγει ούτε γαρ ευρετής ούτε μαθητής ουδενός περί
των τοιούτων γεγονέναι συ δ', ώ Λάχης και Νικία ,
είπετον ημίν εκάτερος, τίνι δή δεινοτάτω συγγεγό
νατον περί της των νέων τροφής, και πότερα
μαθόντε παρά του επίστασθον ή αυτώ εξευρόντε,
και ει μεν μαθόντε, τίς ο διδάσκαλος εκατέρω και
187 Α τίνες άλλοι | ομότεχνοι αυτοίς , ίν', αν μη υμίν
σχολή ή υπό των της πόλεως πραγμάτων, επ'
εκείνους Κωμεν και πείθωμεν ή δώρους ή χάρισιν ή 187 Α

αμφότερα επιμεληθήναι και των ημετέρων και των
υμετέρων παίδων, όπως μη καταισχύνωσι τους
αυτων προγόνους φαύλοι γενόμενοι' ει δ' αυτοι
ευρεται γεγονότα του τοιούτου, δότε παράδειγμα,
τίνων ήδη άλλων επιμεληθέντες εκ φαύλων καλούς
τε κάγαθους εποιήσατε. ει γαρ νυν πρωτον άρξε
σθε| παιδεύειν, σκοπεϊν χρή μη ουκ εν τω Καρί Β
υμίν ο κίνδυνος κινδυνεύηται, αλλ' εν τοις υιέσι τε
και εν τοις των φίλων παισί, και άτεχνως το λεγό
μενον κατά την παροιμίαν υμίν συμβαίνη, έν πίθω ή
κεραμεία γιγνομένη. λέγετε ούν, τί τούτων ή φατε
υμίν υπάρχειν τε και προσήκειν, ή ού φατε. Ταυτό,
ώ Λυσίμαχε, παρ' αυτων πυνθάνου τε και μη μεθίει
τους άνδρας .
ΧΙΙ . ΛΥ. Καλώς μεν έμοιγε δοκεί, ώ άνδρες,
Σωκράτης λέγειν' ει δε βουλομένοις υμίν εστι περί ο
των τοιούτων ερωτάσθαί τε και διδόναι λόγον,
αυτούς δή χρή γιγνώσκειν, ώ Νικία τε και Λάχης.
έμοι μεν γαρ και Μελησία τωδε δηλον ότι ηδομένοις
αν είη, εί πάντα, α Σωκράτης έρωτα, εθέλοιτε
λόγω διεξιέναι και γαρ εξ αρχής εντεύθεν ήρχόμην
λέγων, ότι εις συμβουλήν διά ταύτα υμάς παρακαλέ
σαιμεν, ότι μεμεληκέναι υμίν ηγούμεθα, ως εικός,
περί των τοιούτων, και άλλως και επειδή οι παίδες
υμίν ολίγου, ώσπερ οι ημέτεροι, ηλικίας | έχουσι D
παιδεύεσθαι. ει ούν υμίν μή τι διαφέρει, είπατε
και κοινή μετά Σωκράτους σκέψασθε, διδόντες τε και
δεχόμενοι λόγον παρ' άλλήλων " ευ γαρ και τούτο
187 D λέγει όδε, ότι περί του μεγίστου νυν βουλευόμεθα

των ημετέρων. άλλ' οράτε ει δοκεί χρήναι ούτω
ποιείν .
ΝΙ. Ω Λυσίμαχε, δοκείς μοι ως αληθώς Σωκράτη
πατρόθεν γιγνώσκειν μόνον, αυτώ δ' ου συγγεγο
Ε νέναι άλλ' ή παιδί όντι, εί που εν τοις δημόταις
μετα του πατρός ακολουθων επλησίασέ σοι ή εν
ιερό ή έν άλλω τω συλλόγω των δημοτών επειδή
δε πρεσβύτερος γέγονεν, ουκ εντετυχηκώς το
ανδρι δηλος έτι ει.
ΛΥ.. Τί μάλιστα, ο Νικία ;
ΧΙΙΙ . ΝΙ. Ού μοι δοκείς ειδέναι ότι ος αν
εγγύτατα Σωκράτους και λόγω ώσπερ γένει και
πλησιάζει διαλεγόμενος, ανάγκη αυτω, εαν άρα και
περί άλλου του πρότερον άρξηται διαλέγεσθαι, μη
παύεσθαι υπό τούτου περιαγόμενον τω λόγω, πριν
αν εμπέση εις το διδόναι περί αυτου λόγον, όντινα
188 Α τρόπον νυν τε ζη και όντινα τον παρεληλυθότα
βίον βεβίωκεν επειδαν δ' εμπέση, ότι ου πρότερον
αυτον αφήσει Σωκράτης, πριν αν βασανίση ταυτα
ευ τε και καλως άπαντα. εγώ δε συνήθης τε είμι
τωδε και οίδ' ότι ανάγκη υπό τούτου πάσχειν
ταύτα , και έτι γε αυτός ότι πείσομαι ταυτα εν
οίδα: χαίρω γάρ, ώ Λυσίμαχε, το ανδρι πλησιάζων,
και ουδέν οίμαι κακόν είναι το υπομιμνήσκεσθαι ότι
Β μη καλώς ή πεποιήκαμεν | ή ποιούμεν, αλλ' εις τον
έπειτα βίον προμηθέστερον ανάγκη είναι τον ταύτα
μη φεύγοντα, αλλ' εθέλοντα κατά το του Σόλωνος
και αξιoύντα μανθάνειν έωσπερ άν ζη, και μη
οίόμενον αυτό το γήρας νουν έχον προσιέναι. 188 Β

έμοι μεν ούν ουδέν άηθες ουδ' αυ αηδες υπό Σωκρά
τους βασανίζεσθαι, αλλά και πάλαι σχεδόν τι
ήπιστάμην ότι ου περί των μειρακίων ημίν ο λόγος
έσοιτο Σωκράτους παρόντος, αλλά περί ημών
αυτών. όπερ ούν λέγω, | το μεν εμόν ουδεν κωλύει ο
Σωκράτει συνδιατρίβειν όπως ούτος βούλεται
Λάχητα δε τόνδε όρα όπως έχει περί του τοιούτου .
XIV . ΛΑ. Απλούν το γ ' εμόν, ώ Νικία, περί
λόγων εστίν ει δε βούλει, ουχ απλούν, αλλά
διπλούν. και γαρ αν δόξαιμί το φιλόλογος είναι
και αν μισόλογος. όταν μέν γαρ ακούω ανδρος
περί αρετης διαλεγομένου και περί τινος σοφίας ως
αληθώς όντος ανδρος και αξίου των λόγων ών λέγει,
χαίρω υπερφυώς, θεώμενος άμα | τόν τε λέγοντα D
και τα λεγόμενα ότι πρέποντα αλλήλοις και
αρμόττοντά έστι και κομιδή μοι δοκεί μουσικός
ο τοιούτος είναι , αρμονίαν καλλίστην ηρμοσμένος
ου λύραν ουδε παιδιάς όργανα, αλλά τω όντι ζην
ηρμοσμένος [ού ] αυτός αυτού τον βίον σύμφωνον
τους λόγους προς τα έργα, άτεχνώς δωριστί άλλ'
ουκ ίαστί, οίομαι δε ουδε φρυγιστι ουδέ λυδιστί,
αλλ' ήπερ μόνη Ελληνική εστιν αρμονία. ο μεν
ούν τοιούτος χαίρειν με ποιεί φθεγγόμενος και
δοκείν | οτωούν φιλόλογος είναι ούτω σφόδρα Ε
αποδέχομαι παρ' αυτού τα λεγόμενα και δε τά
ναντία τούτου πράττων λυπεί με, όσο αν δοκη
άμεινον λέγειν, τοσούτω μάλλον, και ποιεί αν
δοκείν είναι μισόλογον. Σωκράτους δ' εγώ των
188 Ε μεν λογων ουκ έμπειρός είμι, αλλά πρότερον, ως

έoικε, των έργων επειράθην, και εκεί αυτόν εύρον
189 Α άξιον όντα λόγων καλών και πάσης | παρρησίας.
εί ούν και τουτο έχει, συμβούλομαι τανδρί, και
ήδιστ’ αν εξεταζοίμην υπό του τοιούτου, και ουκ
αν άχθοίμην μανθάνων, αλλά και εγώ το Σόλωνι, εν
μόνον προσλαβών, ξυγχωρώ γηράσκων γαρ πολλά
διδάσκεσθαι εθέλω υπό χρηστών μόνον. τούτο γάρ
μοι συγχωρείτω, αγαθών και αυτόν είναι τον διδά
σκαλον , ίνα μη δυσμαθής φαίνομαι αηδως μανθάνων.
ει δε νεώτερος και διδάσκων έσται ή μήπω έν δόξη ων
Β ή τι άλλο των τοιούτων | έχων, ουδέν μοι μέλει. σοι
ούν, ώ Σώκρατες, εγώ επαγγέλλομαι και διδάσκειν
και ελέγχειν έμε και τι αν βούλη, και μανθάνειν γε
ότι αν εγώ οίδα ούτω συ παρ' εμοί διάκεισαι απ'
εκείνης της ημέρας, ή μετ ' εμού συνδιεκινδύνευσας και
έδωκας σαυτου πειραν άρετης, ην χρή διδόναι τον
μέλλοντα δικαίως δώσειν. λέγ' ούν ό τί σοι φίλον,
μηδέν την ημετέραν ηλικίαν υπόλογον ποιούμενος.
XV . ΣΩ. Ού τα υμέτερα, ως έoικεν, | αίτιασό
μεθα μη ουχ έτοιμα είναι και συμβουλεύειν και
συσκoπειν.
ΛΥ. 'Αλλ' ημέτερον δή έργον, ώ Σώκρατες ένα
γάρ σε έγωγε ημων τίθημι σκόπει ούν αντ' εμού
υπέρ των νεανίσκων και τι δεόμεθα παρα τωνδε
πυνθάνεσθαι, και συμβούλευε διαλεγόμενος τούτοις.
εγώ μεν γαρ και επιλανθάνομαι ήδη τα πολλά δια
την ηλικίαν ών άν διανοηθώ ερέσθαι και αν και αν
ακούσω εαν δε μεταξύ άλλοι λόγοι γένωνται, ου
πάνυ μέμνημαι. υμείς ούν λέγετε και διέξιτε προς 189 ο

υμάς | αυτους περί ών προϋθέμεθα εγώ δ' ακούσομαι D
και ακούσας αυ μετα Μελησίου τούδε ποιήσω τουτο
ότι αν και υμίν δοκή.
ΣΩ. Πειστέον, ώ Νικία τε και Λάχης, Λυσιμάχω
και Μελησία. α μεν ούν νυν δή επεχειρήσαμεν
σκοπεϊν, τίνες οι διδάσκαλοι ημϊν της τοιαύτης
παιδείας γεγόνασιν ή τίνας άλλους βελτίους
πεποιήκαμεν, ίσως μεν ου κακώς έχει εξετάζειν και .
τα τοιαύτα | ημάς αυτούς αλλ' οίμαι, και η τοιάδε E
σκέψις εις ταυτον φέρει, σχεδόν δέ τι και μάλλον
εξ αρχής είη άν. ει γαρ τυγχάνομεν επιστάμενοι
οτουουν πέρι, ότι παραγενόμενόν τω βέλτιον ποιεί
εκείνο και παρεγένετο, και προσέτι ολοι τε εσμεν
αυτό ποιείν παραγίγνεσθαι εκείνω, δηλον ότι αυτό
γε ισμεν τούτο, ού πέρι σύμβουλοι αν γενοίμεθα
ως άν τις αυτό ραστα και άριστ’ αν κτήσαιτο.
ίσως ούν ού μανθάνετέ μου και τι λέγω, αλλ' ώδε
ραον μαθήσεσθε. εί τυγχάνομεν επιστάμενοι ότι
όψις παραγενομένη | οφθαλμοίς βελτίoυς ποιεί 190 A
εκείνους οίς παρεγένετο, και προσέτι οιοί τε εσμεν
ποιείν αυτήν παραγίγνεσθαι όμμασι, δηλον ότι
όψιν γε εσμεν αυτήν και τί ποτ' έστιν , ής πέρι
σύμβουλοι αν γενοίμεθα ως άν τις αυτήν ραστα
και άριστα κτήσαιτο. ει γαρ μηδ' αυτό τουτο
ειδείημεν ότι ποτ' έστιν όψις ή ό τι έστιν ακοή,
σχολη αν σύμβουλοί γε άξιοι λόγου γενοίμεθα
και ιατροι ή περί οφθαλμών ή περί ώτων, όντινα
τρόπον ακοήν ή όψιν | κάλλιστ ' άν κτήσαιτό τις. B
190 Β ΛΑ. 'Αληθή λέγεις , ώ Σώκρατες.

XVI. ΣΩ. Ούκούν, ώ Λάχης, και νυν ημάς τώδε
παρακαλείτoν εις συμβουλήν, τίν' άν τρόπον τοίς
υιέσιν αυτων αρετή παραγενομένη ταϊς ψυχαίς
αμείνους ποιήσειεν ;
ΛΑ . Πάνυ γε.
ΣΩ. Αρ' ούν τούτό γ' υπάρχειν δει, το είδέναι και
τί ποτ ' έστιν αρετή; ει γάρ που μηδ' αρετήν
ειδείμεν το παράπαν και τί ποτε τυγχάνει όν, τίν'
αν τρόπον τούτου σύμβουλοι γενοίμεθα οτωούν,
ο | όπως αν αυτό κάλλιστα κτήσαιτο ;
ΛΑ. Ουδένα , έμοιγε δοκεί, ώ Σώκρατες .
ΣΩ. Φαμέν άρα, ώ Λάχης, ειδέναι αυτό και τι έστιν.
ΛΑ. Φαμέν μέντοι.
ΣΩ. Ουκούν ό γε ίσμεν, κάν είποιμεν δήπου τι
έστιν.
ΛΑ. Πώς γαρ ού;
ΣΩ. Μη τοίνυν, ώ άριστε, περί όλης αρετής
ευθέως σκοπώμεθα - πλέον γαρ ίσως έργον- , αλλά
μέρους τινός πέρι πρώτον ίδωμεν, ει ικανώς έχομεν
D προς το είδέναι και ημίν, ώς το είκός , Τράων
η σκέψις έσται.
ΛΑ. 'Αλλ' ούτω ποιωμεν, ώ Σώκρατες, ως συ
βούλει.
ΣΩ. Τί ούν, αν προελoίμεθα των της αρετής
μερών και η δήλον δή ότι τούτο εις και τείνειν δοκεί
η εν τοίς όπλοις μάθησης και δοκεί δε που τους
πολλοίς εις άνδρείαν. ή γάρ ;
ΛΑ. Και μάλα δη ούτω δοκεί.
ΙΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ. 21
ΣΩ. Τούτο τοίνυν πρώτον επιχειρήσωμεν, ώ 190 D

Λάχης, είπείν, ανδρεία τί ποτ' εστίν έπειτα μετα
τουτο σκεψόμεθα και ότι αν τρόπο τους νεανίσκους
| παραγένοιτο, καθ' όσον οίόν τε εξ επιτηδευμάτων Ε
τε και μαθημάτων παραγενέσθαι. αλλά πειρώ
είπείν ο λέγω, τί έστιν ανδρεία.
ΧVΙΙ. ΛΑ . Ού μα τον Δία, ώ Σώκρατες, ου
χαλεπόν είπείν ' ει γάρ τις εθέλοι εν τη τάξει
μένων αμύνεσθαι τους πολεμίους και μη φεύγοι, ευ
ίσθι ότι ανδρείος αν είη.
ΣΩ. Εν μέν λέγεις, ώ Λάχης" αλλ' ίσως εγώ
αίτιος, ου σαφώς είπών, το σε αποκρίνασθαι μη
τουτο και διανοούμενος καιρόμην, αλλ' έτερον.
ΛΑ. Πώς τούτο λέγεις, ώ Σώκρατες;
ΣΩ. Εγώ φράσω, | εαν ολός τε γένωμαι. ανδρειός 191 Α
που ούτος ον και συ λέγεις, ός αν εν τη τάξει μένων
μάχηται τους πολεμίοις .
ΛΑ . 'Εγώ γούν φημί.
ΣΩ. Και γαρ εγώ. αλλά τί αν όδε, ός αν
φεύγων μάχηται τοις πολεμίοις άλλα μη μένων και
ΛΑ. Πώς φεύγων και
ΣΩ. " Ώσπερ που και Σκύθαι λέγονται ουχ ήττον
φεύγοντες ή διώκοντες μάχεσθαι, και "Όμηρός που
έπαινών τους του Αινείου ίππους κραιπνα μάλ”'
ένθα και ένθα έφη αυτους επίστασθαι διώ- Β
κειν ή δε φέβεσθαι. και αυτόν τον Αινείαν
κατά τούτ ' ένεκωμίασε, κατά την του φόβου
επιστήμην, και είπεν αυτόν είναι μήστωρα α
φόβοιο.
191 B ΛΑ. Και καλώς γε , ώ Σώκρατες περί αρμάτων

γαρ έλεγε. και συ το των Σκυθων ιππέων πέρι
λέγεις. το μεν γαρ ιππικόν το εκείνων ούτω
μάχεται, το δε οπλιτικόν τό γε των Ελλήνων, ως
εγώ λέγω.
ΣΩ. Πλήν γ' ίσως, ώ Λάχης, το Λακεδαιμονίων"
ο Λακεδαιμονίους | γάρ φασιν εν Πλαταιαϊς, επειδή
προς τους γερροφόροις εγένοντο, ουκ έθέλειν
μένοντας προς αυτούς μάχεσθαι, αλλά φεύγειν,
επειδή δ ' ελύθησαν αι τάξεις των Περσών, αναστρε
φομένους ώσπερ ιππέας μάχεσθαι και ούτω νικήσαι
την εκεί μάχην.
ΛΑ. 'Αληθή λέγεις.
XVIII . ΣΩ . Τούτο τοίνυν αίτιον έλεγον, ότι
εγώ αίτιος μη καλώς σε αποκρίνασθαι, ότι ου
καλώς ήρόμην. βουλόμενος γάρ σου πυθέσθαι μη
D μόνον | τους εν τω οπλιτική ανδρείους, αλλά και
τους εν τω ιππικό και έν ξύμπαντι των πολεμικό
είδει, και μη μόνον τους εν τω πολέμω, αλλά και
τους εν τοις προς την θάλατταν κινδύνους άνδρείους
όντας, και όσοι γε προς νόσους και όσοι προς
πενίας ή και προς τα πολιτικά ανδρείοι εισι, και
έτι αυ μή μόνον όσοι προς λύπας άνδρείοί εισιν
ή φόβους, αλλά και προς επιθυμίας ή ηδονάς
δεινοί μάχεσθαι, και μένοντες ή αναστρέφοντες
Ε εισί γάρ που | τινες, ώ Λάχης, και εν τοις τοιούτοις
ανδρείοι.
ΛΑ. Και σφόδρα, ώ Σώκρατες.
ΣΩ. Ούκούν ανδρείοι μεν πάντες ουτοί είσιν, άλλ'
ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ. ΛΑΧΗΣ . 23
οι μεν εν ηδοναίς , οι δ' εν λύπαις , οι δ' εν επιθυμίαις, 191

οι δ' εν φόβοις την ανδρείαν κέκτηνται οι δε γ',>
oίμαι, δειλίαν εν τοις αυτούς τούτοις.

ΛΑ. Πάνυ γε .
ΣΩ. Τί ποτε δν εκάτερον τούτων, τουτο επυνθα
νόμην. πάλιν ουν πειρώ ειπείν ανδρείαν πρώτον, τί
όν εν πάσι τούτοις ταυτόν έστιν . ή ούπω κατα
μανθάνεις δ λέγω ;
ΛΑ. Ού πάνυ τι.
XIX . ΣΩ . 'Αλλ' ώδε λέγω, | ώσπερ av αν ει 192 A
τάχος ήρώτων τί ποτ ' εστίν, ο και εν τω τρέχειν
τυγχάνει ον ημίν και εν τω κιθαρίζειν και εν τω
λέγειν και εν τω μανθάνειν και ένα άλλους πολλούς,
και σχεδόν τι αυτό κεκτήμεθα, ού και πέρι άξιον
λέγειν, ή εν ταις των χειρών πράξεσιν ή σκελών ή
στόματός τε και φωνής ή διανοίας. ή ουχ ούτω και
συ λέγεις ;
ΣΩ. Ει τοίνυν τίς με έρoιτο, Ω Σώκρατες, τι
λέγεις τούτο ο εν πάσιν ονομάζεις ταχυτητα είναι και
είπoιμ' άν | αυτο ότι την εν ολίγω χρόνω πολλά και
διαπραττομένην δύναμιν ταχυτητα έγωγε καλώ
και περί φωνήν και περί δρόμος και περί τάλλα
πάντα,
ΛΑ. Ορθώς γε συ λέγων.
ΣΩ. Πειρω δή και σύ, ώ Λάχης, την ανδρείαν ού
τως ειπείν , τίς ούσα δύναμις ή αυτή εν ηδονή και εν ;
λύπη και εν άπασιν οίς νυν δή ελέγομεν αυτήν είναι,
έπειτα ανδρεία κέκληται.
C
12B ΛΑ. Δοκεί τοίνυν μοι καρτερία της είναι της

ψυχής , εί τό γε δια πάντων περί ανδρείας πεφυκός
δει ειπείν.
C ΣΩ. 'Αλλά μην δεί, εί γε το έρωτώμενον
αποκρινούμεθα ημίν αυτοίς . τουτο τοίνυν έμοιγε
τι πασά γε, ως εγώμαι, καρτερία
φαίνεται' ού TL
άνδρεία σου φαίνεται. τεκμαίρομαι δε ενθένδε
σχεδόν γάρ τι οίδα, ώ Λάχης, ότι των πάνυ καλών
πραγμάτων ηγεί σε άνδρείαν είναι .
ΛΑ. Ει μεν ουν ίσθι ότι των καλλίστων.
ΣΩ. Ούκούν ή μεν μετά φρονήσεως καρτερία
καλή κάγαθή.
ΛΑ. Πάνυ γε .
D ΣΩ. Τί δ' Ι ή μετ αφροσύνης και ου τουναντίον
ταύτη βλαβερά και κακούργος ;
ΛΑ. Ναι.
ΣΩ. Καλόν ούν τι φήσεις συ είναι το τοιούτον,
δν κακουργόν τε και βλαβερόν ;
ώ Σώκρατες .
ΛΑ. Ούκουν δίκαιόν γε,
ΣΩ . Ουκ άρα την γε τοιαύτην καρτερίαν ανδρείαν
ομολογήσεις είναι, επειδήπερ ού καλή έστιν , η δε
ανδρεία καλόν εστιν .
ΛΑ. 'Αληθή λέγεις .
ΣΩ. Η φρόνιμος άρα καρτερία κατά τον σον
λόγον ανδρεία αν είη.
ΛΑ. " Έοικεν.
XX.. ΣΩ. "Ίδωμεν | δή, η εις τί φρόνιμος και η η
εις άπαντα και τα μεγάλα και τα σμικρά ; οίον εί
τις καρτερεί αναλίσκων αργύριον φρονίμως , ειδώς
ότι αναλώσας πλεονεκτήσεται, τουτον ανδρείον 192 και

καλοίς άν.
ΛΑ. Μα Δι” ουκ έγωγε.
ΣΩ. 'Αλλ' οίον εί τις ιατρός ών, περιπλευμονία
του υιέος εχομένου ή άλλου τινος και δεομένου πιείν
ή φαγείν δούναι , μη κάμπτοιτο αλλά η καρτεροι και 193 Α
ΛΑ. Ουδ' οπωστιουν ουδ' αύτη.
ΣΩ. 'Αλλ' εν πολέμω καρτερούντα άνδρα και
εθέλοντα μάχεσθαι, φρονίμως λογιζόμενον, ειδότα
μεν ότι βοηθήσουσιν άλλοι αυτω, προς έλάττους δε
και φαυλοτέρους μαχείται ή μεθ' ών αυτός έστιν,
έτι δε χωρία έχει κρείττω - , τουτον τον μετα της
τοιαύτης φρονήσεως και παρασκευής καρτερούντα
άνδρειότερον αν φαίης ή τον εν τω εναντίω στρατο
πέδω εθέλοντα υπομένειν τε και καρτερείν ;
| ΛΑ. Τον εν τω εναντίω, έμοιγε δοκεί, ώ Σώ- Β
κρατες.
ΣΩ. 'Αλλά μην αφρονεστέρα γε η τούτου ή η
του ετέρου καρτερία.
ΛΑ. 'Αληθή λέγεις.
ΣΩ. Και τον μετ ' επιστήμης άρ' ιππικής καρτε
ρούντα έν ιππομαχία ήττον φήσεις ανδρείον είναι η
τον άνευ επιστήμης.
ΛΑ. "Έμοιγε δοκεί.
ΣΩ . Και τον μετα σφενδονητικής ή τοξικής ή
άλλης τινός τέχνης καρτερούντα .
ΙΛΑ. Πάνυ γε.
ΣΩ. Και όσοι αν έθέλωσιν εις φρέαρ κατα
βαίνοντες και κολυμβωντες καρτερείν εν τούτω
193 σ τω έργω, μη όντες δεινοί, ή έν τινι άλλω τοιούτω,

άνδρειοτέρους φήσεις των ταύτα δεινών.
ΛΑ. Τί γάρ άν τις άλλο φαίη, ώ Σώκρατες ;
ΣΩ. Ουδέν,, είπερ οίοιτό γε ούτως.
ΛΑ . ' Αλλά μην oίμαι γε.
ΣΩ. Και μήν που άφρονεστέρως γε, ώ Λάχης, οι
τοιούτοι κινδυνεύουσί τε και καρτερούσιν ή οι μετα
τέχνης αυτό πράττοντες.
ΛΑ. Φαίνονται.
D
| ΣΩ. Ούκούν αισχρά η άφρων τόλμα τε και
καρτέρησις εν τω πρόσθεν εφάνη ημίν ούσα και
βλαβερά ;
ΣΩ. Η δέ γε άνδρεία ώμολογείτο καλόν τι είναι .
ΛΑ . Ωμολογείτο γάρ.
ΣΩ. Νύν δ' αυ πάλιν φαμέν εκείνο το αισχρόν,
την άφρονα καρτέρησιν, άνδρείαν είναι.
Ο ΛΑ. Έοίκαμεν .
ΣΩ. Καλως oύν σοι δοκούμεν λέγειν ;
ΛΑ. Μα τον Δί', ώ Σώκρατες, εμοί μέν ού.
>
ΧΧΙ. ΣΩ. Ουκ άρα που κατά τον σον λόγον

και δωριστί | ηρμόσμεθα εγώ τε και σύ, ώ Λάχης τα
γαρ έργα ου ξυμφωνεί ημίν τοις λόγοις. έργω μεν
γάρ, ώς έoικε, φαίη άν τις ημάς ανδρείας μετέχειν ,
λόγω δ', ως εγώμαι, ουκ άν, ει νυν ημών ακούσεις
>
διαλεγομένων.
2.
ΛΑ. 'Αληθέστατα λέγεις.

ΣΩ. Τί ούν ; δοκεί καλόν είναι ούτως ήμάς δια
κείσθαι;
ΛΑ. Ουδ' οπωστιούν. 193 Ε
ΣΩ. Βούλει ούν ώ λέγομεν πειθώμεθα το γε

τοσούτον ;
ΛΑ . Το ποίον δή τούτο, και τίνι τούτω ;
ΣΩ. Τα λόγω ός καρτερείν κελεύει . | ει ούν 194 Α
βούλει, και ημείς επί τη ζητήσει επιμείνωμέν τε
και καρτερήσωμεν, ίνα και μη ημών αυτή η ανδρεία
καταγελάση, ότι ουκ άνδρείως αυτήν ζητούμεν, ει
αρα πολλάκις αυτή η καρτέρησίς έστιν ανδρεία.
ΛΑ. Έγώ μέν έτοιμος, ώ Σώκρατες, μη προαφί
στασθαι . καί τοι αήθης γ ' είμι των τοιούτων λόγων,
αλλά τίς με και φιλονεικία είληφε προς τα ειρημένα,
και ως αληθώς αγανακτώ ει ουτωσι | ά νοω μη οδός Β
τ' είμι είπείν νοείν μεν γαρ έμοιγε δοκώ περί
ανδρείας και τι έστιν, ουκ οίδα δ' όπη με άρτι
διέφυγεν, ώστε μη ξυλλαβείν τω λόγω αυτήν και
είπείν όο τι έστιν..
ΣΩ. Ουκούν, ώ φίλε, τον αγαθόν κυνηγέτην
μεταθείν χρή και μη ανιέναι.
ΛΑ. Παντάπασι μεν ούν.
ΣΩ. Βούλει ούν και Νικίαν τόνδε παρακαλωμεν
επί το κυνηγέσιον, εί τι ημών ευπορώτερός εστίν ;
ΛΑ. Bούλομαι πως γαρ | ού; C
XXII . ΣΩ. "Ίθι δή, ώ Νικία, ανδράσι φίλοις
χειμαζομένοις εν λόγω και απορούσι βοήθησον, εί
τινα έχεις δύναμιν. τα μεν γαρ δη ημέτερα ορας
ως άπορα συ δ' ειπών ό τι ηγεί άνδρείαν είναι,
ημάς τε της απορίας έκλυσαι και αυτός & νοείς το
λόγω βεβαίωσαι.
14 C NI. Δοκείτε τοίνυν μοι πάλαι ου καλώς , ω

Σώκρατες, ορίζεσθαι την ανδρείας και γαρ εγώ σου
ήδη καλως λέγοντας ακήκοα, τούτω ου χρησθε.
ΣΩ. Ποίω δή, ώ Νικία ;
| ΝΙ. Πολλάκις ακήκοα σου λέγοντας ότι ταυτα
άγαθος έκαστος ημών, άπερ σοφός, και δε αμαθής,
ταύτα δε κακός.
ΣΩ. 'Αληθή μέντοι νή Δία λέγεις, ώ Νικία.
ΝΙ. Ουκούν είπερ ο άνδρείος αγαθός, δηλον ότι
σοφός εστιν.
ΣΩ. " Ήκουσας, ώ Λάχης ;
ΛΑ. "Έγωγε, και ου σφόδρα γε μανθάνω και λέγει.
ΣΩ. 'Αλλ' εγώ δοκώ μανθάνειν, καί μοι δοκεί
ανήρ σοφίαν τινά την ανδρείαν λέγειν.
ΛΑ. Ποίαν, ώ Σώκρατες, σοφίανκαι
ΣΩ. Ουκούν τόνδε τουτο έρωταςκαι
ΛΑ . " Έγωγε.
ΣΩ. "Ίθι δή, αυτό είπέ, ώ Νικία, ποία σοφία
άνδρεία αν είη κατά τον σον λόγον. ου γάρ που
ή γε αυλητική.
ΝΙ. Ουδαμώς.
ΣΩ. Ούδέ μην ή κιθαριστική.
ΝΙ. Ου δητα .
ΣΩ. 'Αλλά τίς δη αύτη ή τίνος επιστήμη ;
ΛΑ . Πάνυ μεν ούν ορθώς αυτον έρωτας, ώ Σώ
κρατες, και είπέτω γε τίνα φησίν αυτήν είναι.
ΝΙ. Ταύτην έγωγε, ώ Λάχης, την των δεινών και
195 Α θαρραλέων επιστήμης | και εν πολέμω και εν τοις
άλλοις άπασιν.
ΛΑ. “ Ως άτοπα λέγει, ώ Σώκρατες. 195 A
ΣΩ. Προς τι τούτ' είπες βλέψας, ώ Λάχης;

ΛΑ. Προς και τις χωρίς δήπου σοφία εστιν
ανδρείας .
ΣΩ . Ούκουν φησί γε Νικίας..
ΛΑ. Ου μέντοι μα Δία ταυτά του και ληρεί.
ΣΩ. Ούκούν διδάσκωμεν αυτόν, αλλά μη λοι
δορωμεν.
ΝΙ. Ούκ, αλλά μοι δοκεί, ώ Σώκρατες, Λάχης
επιθυμεϊν κάμε φανήναι μηδέν λέγοντας ότι και
αυτός άρτι τοιούτος | εφάνη. B
ΧΧΙΙΙ. ΛΑ. Πάνυ μεν ούν, ώ Νικία , και πειρά

σομαί γε απoφήναι ουδέν γαρ λέγεις έπει αυτίκα
εν ταϊς νόσοις ουχ οι ιατροί τα δεινά επίστανται ;
ή οι άνδρείοι δοκούσί σοι επίστασθαι ; ή τους
ιατρούς συ ανδρείους καλείς ;
ΝΙ. Ουδ' οπωστιούν.
ΛΑ. Ούδέ γε τους γεωργούς οίμαι. και του τα
γε εν τη γεωργία δεινά ούτοι δήπου επίστανται, και
οι άλλοι δημιουργοί άπαντες τα εν ταις αυτών
τέχναις δεινά τε και θαρραλέα ίσασιν· αλλ' ουδέν
C
τι μάλλον ούτοι | ανδρείοί είσιν.
ΣΩ. Τί δοκεϊ Λάχης λέγειν, ώ Νικία ; έoικε μέντοι
λέγειν τι.
NI. Και γαρ λέγει γέ τι, ου μέντοι αληθές γε.
ΣΩ . Πως δή ;
ΝΙ. "Ότι οίεται τους ιατρούς πλέον τι είδέναι
περί τους κάμνοντας και το υγιεινόν είπείν οίόν τε
και νοσώδες. οι δε δή τοι τοσούτον μόνον ίσασιν
195 σ ει δε δεινον τω τούτό έστι το υγιαίνειν μάλλον ή

το κάμνειν, ηγεί συ τουτί, ώ Λάχης, τους ιατρούς
επίστασθαι ; ή ου πολλοίς οίει εκ της νόσου άμει
D
νον είναι μη αναστήναι ή αναστήναι και τούτο | γαρ
είπε συ πάσι φης άμεινον είναι ζήν και ου πολλούς
κρείττον τεθνάναι;
ΛΑ . Οίμαι έγωγε τούτό γε.
ΝΙ. οίς ουν τεθνάναι λυσιτελεί, ταύτα οίει δεινά
είναι και οίς ζην ;
ΛΑ . Ούκ έγωγε.
ΝΙ. 'Αλλά τούτο δή συ δίδως τους ιατρούς γι
γνώσκειν ή άλλω τινι δημιουργώ πλην τω των δεινών
και μη δεινών επιστημονι, όν εγώ άνδρείον καλώ ;
ΣΩ . Κατανοείς , ώ Λάχης, ό τι λέγει ;
ΛΑ. " Έγωγε, ότι γε τους μάντεις | καλεί τους
άνδρείους τίς γαρ δή άλλος είσεται ότω άμεινον ζην
ή τεθνάναι και καίτοι σύ, ώ Νικία , πότερον ομολογείς
μάντις είναι και ούτε μάντις ούτε άνδρείοςκαι
ΝΙ. Τί δαι ; μάντει αυ οίει προσήκειν τα δεινά
γιγνώσκειν και τα θαρραλέα ;
ΛΑ. " Έγωγε' τίνι γάρ άλλω ;
XXIV . ΝΙ. Ωι εγώ λέγω, πολύ μάλλον, ώ
βέλτιστε' έπει μάντιν γε τα σημεία μόνον δει
γιγνώσκειν των εσομένων, είτε το θάνατος είτε
νόσος είτε αποβολή χρημάτων έσται, είτε νίκη
196 Α είτε ήττα ή πολέμου ή και άλλης τινός αγωνίας
ότι δε τω άμεινον τούτων ή παθείν ή μη παθείν,
τι μάλλον μάντει προσήκει κρίναι ή άλλω οτωούν ;
* . ΛΑ. 'Αλλ' εγώ τούτον ου μανθάνω, ώ Σώκρατες,
ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ. , 31
ότι βούλεται λέγειν' ούτε γαρ μάντιν ούτε ιατρών 196 A

ούτε άλλον ουδένα δηλοί όντινα λέγει τον ανδρείον,
ει μη ει θεόν τινα λέγει αυτών είναι. έμοι μεν
ούν φαίνεται Νικίας ουκ εθέλειν γενναίως | ομολο- Β
γείν ότι ουδέν λέγει, αλλά στρέφεται άνω και κάτω
επικρυπτόμενος την αυτού απορίαν. καίτοι κάν
ημείς οιοί τε ημεν άρτι εγώ τε και συ τοιαύτα
στρέφεσθαι, ει έβουλόμεθα μη δοκείν εναντία ημίν
αυτοίς λέγειν. ει μεν ούν εν δικαστηρίω ημίν οι
λόγοι ήσαν, είχεν άν τινα λόγον ταύτα ποιείν. νυν
δε τι άν τις έν ξυνουσία τοιάδε μάτην κενούς λόγους
αυτός αυτον κοσμοί ;
ΣΩ. Ουδέν ουδ' εμοι δοκεί, ώ Λάχης" αλλ' ορώμεν
Τμη Νικίας oίεται τι λέγειν και ου λόγου ένεκα οC
ταύτα λέγει. αυτού ούν σαφέστερον πυθώμεθα
τί ποτε νοεί και εάν τι φαίνεται λέγων, ξυγχωρη
σόμεθα, ει δε μή, διδάξομεν.
ΛΑ . Συ τοίνυν, ώ Σώκρατες, ει βούλει πυνθάνε
σθαι, πυνθάνου εγώ δ' ίσως ικανώς πέπυσμαι.
ΣΩ. 'Αλλ' ουδέν με κωλύει κοινή γαρ έσται η
πύστις υπέρ εμού τε και σου.
ΛΑ. Πάνυ μεν ούν.
ΧΧV. ΣΩ. Λέγε δή μοι, ώ Νικία, μάλλον δ'
ημίν κοινούμεθα γαρ εγώ τε και Λάχης τον λόγον
την ανδρείαν επιστήμην φής | δεινών τε και θαρρα- D
λέων είναι και
ΝΙ . " Έγωγε.
ΣΩ. Τούτο δε ου παντός δή είναι ανδρος γνώναι,
οπότε γε μήτε ιατρός μήτε μάντις αυτό γνώσεται
196 D μηδε άνδρείος έσται, εαν μη αυτήν ταύτην την

επιστήμην προσλάβη. ουχ ούτως έλεγες ;
ΝΙ. Ούτω μεν ούν.
ΣΩ. Κατά την παροιμίαν άρα τω όντι ουκ αν
πάσα ύς γνοίη ουδ' άν ανδρεία γένοιτο.
NI. O μου δοκεί.
ΣΩ. Δηλον δή, ώ Νικία, ότι ουδέ | την Κρομμυω
νίαν ύν πιστεύεις σύ γε άνδρείαν γεγονέναι. τουτο
δε λέγω ου παίζων, αλλ' αναγκαίον οίμαι τώ ταυτα
λέγοντι μηδενός θηρίου αποδέχεσθαι άνδρείαν, ή
c
ξυγχωρείν θηρίον τι ούτω σοφόν είναι, ώστε &

ολίγοι ανθρώπων ίσασι διά το χαλεπά είναι γνωναι,
ταύτα λέοντα ή πάρδαλιν ή τινα κάπρον φάναι
ειδέναι άλλ' ανάγκη ομοίως λέοντα και έλαφον και
ταυρον και πίθηκον πρός άνδρείαν φάναι πεφυκέναι
τον τιθέμενον ανδρείαν τούθ' όπερ συ τίθεσαι.
197 A | ΛΑ. Νή τους θεούς, και εν γε λέγεις, ώ Σώ
κρατες και ημίν ως αληθώς τούτο απόκριναι, ω
Νικία, πότερον σοφώτερα φής ημών ταύτα είναι
τα θηρία, και πάντες ομολογούμεν ανδρεία είναι, ή
πασιν έναντιούμενος τολμάς μηδέ ανδρεία αυτά
καλεϊν ;
ΝΙ. Ου γάρ τι, ώ Λάχης, έγωγε άνδρεία καλώ
ούτε θηρία ούτε άλλο ουδέν τό τα δεινά υπό
αγνοίας μη φοβούμενον, αλλ' άφοβον και μωρόν.
Β ή και τα παιδία πάντα οίει με | ανδρεία καλεϊν,
α δι ' άγνοιαν ουδέν δέδοικεν , αλλ' οίμαι, το άφοβον
και το ανδρείον ου ταυτόν έστιν. εγώ δε άνδρείας
μεν και προμηθείας πάνυ τισιν ολίγοις οίμαι μετεϊναι,.
θρασύτητος δε και τόλμης και του αφόβου μετα 197 Β

απρομηθείας πάνυ πολλούς και ανδρών και γυναικών
και παίδων και θηρίων. ταύτ' ούν και συ καλείς
ανδρεία και οι πολλοί, εγώ θρασέα καλώ, άνδρεία
δε τα | φρόνιμα περί ών λέγω.
ΧΧVΙ. ΛΑ. θέασαι, ώ Σώκρατες, ώς εν όδε
εαυτον δή , ως οίεται, κοσμεί τω λόγω ους δε
πάντες ομολογούσιν ανδρείους είναι, τούτους απο
στερείν επιχειρεί ταύτης της τιμής.
ΝΙ. Ούκουν έγωγε, ώ Λάχης, αλλά θάβρει φημι
γάρ σε είναι σοφόν, και Λάμαχόν γε, είπερ έστε
ανδρείοι , και άλλους γε συχνούς Αθηναίων.
ΛΑ. Ουδέν ερω προς ταύτα, έχων είπείν, ίνα μή
με φως ως αληθώς Αιξωνέα είναι.
ΣΩ. | Μηδέ γε είπης, ώ Λάχης και γάρ μοι D
δοκείς ουδε μή ήσθησθαι ότι όδε ταύτην την σοφίαν
παρα Δάμωνος του ημετέρου εταίρου παρείληφεν,
ο δε Δάμων τω Προδίκω πολλά πλησιάζει, ός δή
δοκεί των σοφιστων κάλλιστα τα τοιαύτα ονόματα
διαιρείν.
ΛΑ. Και γαρ πρέπει, ώ Σώκρατες , σοφιστη τα
τοιαύτα μάλλον κομψεύεσθαι ή ανδρί όν ή πόλις
αξιοί αυτής προϊστάναι.
ΣΩ. Πρέπει μέντοι, ω | μακάριε, των μεγίστων
προστατούντι μεγίστης φρονήσεως μετέχειν. δοκεί
δέ μοι Νικίας άξιος είναι επισκέψεως, όπου ποτέ
βλέπων τούνομα τούτο τίθησι, την ανδρείαν.
ΛΑ. Αυτός τοίνυν σκόπει, ώ Σώκρατες.
ΣΩ. Τούτο μέλλω ποιείν, ώ άριστε' μη μέντοι
197 Ε οίου με αφήσεις σε της κοινωνίας του λόγου, αλλά

πρόσεχε τον νούν και συσκόπει τα λεγόμενα.
ΛΑ. Ταύτα δε έστω, ει δοκεί χρήναι.
XXVII . ΣΩ. 'Αλλά δοκεϊ . συ δε, Νικία , λέγε
198 Α ημίν πάλιν | εξ αρχής. οίσθ ' ότι την ανδρείαν κατ'
αρχάς του λόγου εσκοπούμεν ως μέρος αρετής
σκοπούντες ;
ΝΙ . Πάνυ γε .
ΣΩ. Ούκούν και συ τουτο απεκρίνω ως μόριον,
όντων δή και άλλων μερών, & ξύμπαντα αρετή
κέκληται ;
ΝΙ. Πώς γαρ ού ;
ΣΩ. Αρ' ούν άπερ εγώ, και συ ταύτα λέγεις ;
εγώ δε καλώ προς ανδρεία σωφροσύνην και δικαιο
σύνην και άλλ' άττα τοιαύτα. ου και σύ;
B
ΝΙ. Πάνυ | μεν ούν.
ΣΩ. "Έχε δή ταύτα μεν γάρ ομολογούμεν, περί
δε των δεινών και θαρραλέων σκεψώμεθα, όπως μη
συ μεν άλλ ' άπτα ηγή, ημείς δε άλλα. ά μεν ούν
ημείς ηγούμεθα, φράσομέν σοι· συ δε αν μη ομολο
γης, διδάξεις. ηγούμεθα δ' ημείς δεινά μέν είναι
α και δέος παρέχει, θαρραλέα δε α μη δέος παρέχει.
δέος δέ παρέχει ου τα γεγονότα ουδε τα παρόντα
των κακών, αλλά τα προσδοκώμενα δέος γαρ είναι
προσδοκίαν μέλλοντος κακού. ή ουχ ούτω και σοι
δοκεί, ώ Λάχης;
C ΛΑ. Πάνυ | γε σφόδρα, ώ Σώκρατες.
ΣΩ. Τα μεν ημέτερα τοίνυν, ώ Νικία, ακούεις
ότι δεινά μέν τα μέλλοντα κακά φαμεν είναι,
θαρραλέα δε τα μή κακά ή αγαθα μέλλοντα σύ 198

δε ταύτη ή άλλη περί τούτων λέγεις ;
ΝΙ. Ταύτη έγωγε.
ΣΩ. Τούτων δέ γε την επιστήμην ανδρείαν
προσαγορεύεις ;
ΝΙ. Κομιδη γε.
XXVIII . ΣΩ . " Έτι δη το τρίτον σκεψώμεθα
ει ξυνδοκεί σοί τε και ημίν.
| ΝΙ. Το ποίον δή τούτο ; D
ΣΩ. Εγώ δη φράσω. δοκεί γαρ δή έμοί τε και

τωδε, περί όσων έστιν επιστήμη, ούκ άλλη μεν
είναι περί γεγονότος, ειδέναι όπη γέγονεν, άλλη
δε περί γιγνομένων, όπη γίγνεται, άλλη δε όπη
αν κάλλιστα γένοιτο και γενήσεται το μήπω
γεγονός, άλλ' ή αυτή. οίον περί το υγιεινόν εις
άπαντας τους χρόνους ούκ άλλη τις ή η ιατρική,
μία ούσα, έφορα και γιγνόμενα και γεγονότα και
γενησόμενα, όπη γενήσεται. και περί τα 7 εκ Ε
της γης αυ φυόμενα ή γεωργία ωσαύτως έχει.
και δήπου τα περί τον πόλεμον αυτοί άν μαρ
τυρήσαιτε ότι η στρατηγία κάλλιστα προμηθείται
τα τε άλλα και περί το μέλλον έσεσθαι, ουδε
τη μαντική οίεται δεϊν υπηρετείν, αλλά άρχειν,
ως ειδυΐα κάλλιον τα περί τον πόλεμον και γιγνό
μενα και γενησόμενα | και ο νόμος ούτω τάττει, 199 Α
μη τον μάντιν του στρατηγού άρχειν, αλλά τον
στρατηγόν του μάντεως. φήσομεν ταύτα , ώ
Λάχης ;
ΛΑ. Φήσομεν.
190 A ΣΩ. Τί δέ ; συ ημίν, ώ Νικία , ξύμφης περί των

αυτων την αυτην επιστήμης και έσομένων και
γιγνομένων και γεγονότων επαΐειν ;
ΝΙ. " Έγωγε" δοκεί γάρ μοι ούτως, ώ Σώ
κρατες.
ΣΩ. Ούκούν, ώ άριστε, και η ανδρεία των δεινών
Β επιστήμη | έστι και θαρραλέων, ως φής. ή γάρ ;
NI . Nai.
ΣΩ. Τα δε δεινά ώμολόγηται και τα θαρραλέα
τα μέν μέλλοντα αγαθά, τα δε μέλλοντα κακά
είναι.
ΝΙ. Πάνυ γε.
ΣΩ. Η δε γ' αυτή επιστήμη των αυτών και
μελλόντων και πάντως εχόντων είναι.
ΝΙ . " Έστι ταυτα.
ΣΩ. Ου μόνον άρα των δεινών και θαρραλέων ή
άνδρεία επιστήμη εστίν ου γαρ μελλόντων μόνον
πέρι των αγαθών τε και κακών επαίει, αλλά και
ο γιγνομένων και γεγονότων και πάντως εχόντων,
ώσπερ αι άλλαι επιστημαι.
ΝΙ. " Έοικέ γε.
ΧΧΙΧ.. ΣΩ. Μέρος άρα ανδρείας ημίν, ώ Νικία ,
απεκρίνω σχεδόν τι τρίτον καίτοι ημείς ήρωτώμεν
όλην ανδρείας και τι είη. και νυν δή, ως έoικε, κατά
τον σον λόγον ου μόνον δεινών τε και θαρραλέων
επιστήμη και ανδρεία εστίν, αλλά σχεδόν τι η περί
πάντων αγαθών τε και κακών και πάντως εχόντων,
D ως νυν αν ο σος λόγος, άνδρεία | αν είη. ούτως
αυ μετατίθεσθαι ή πως λέγεις, ώ Νικία ;
ΝΙ. "Έμοιγε δοκεί , ώ Σώκρατες. 199 D
ΣΩ. Δοκεί ούν σοι , ώ δαιμόνιε , απολείπειν άν τι

ο τοιούτος αρετής, είπερ ειδείη τα τε αγαθά πάντα
και παντάπασιν ώς γίγνεται και γενήσεται και
γέγονε, και τα κακά ωσαύτως ; και τούτον οίει
αν συ ενδεά είναι σωφροσύνης ή δικαιοσύνης τε
και οσιότητος, ώ γε μόνω προσήκει και περί
θεούς και περί ανθρώπους εξευλαβείσθαί τε τα
δεινά και τα Ι μή, και ταγαθά πορίζεσθαι,
επισταμένω ορθώς προσομιλείν ;
NI. Λέγειν τι, ώ Σώκρατές, μοι δοκείς.
ΣΩ. Ούκ άρα, ώ Νικία, μόριον αρετής αν είη το
νυν σοι λεγόμενον, αλλά σύμπασα αρετή.
ΝΙ. " Έοικεν.
ΣΩ. Και μην έφαμέν γε την ανδρείαν μόριον
είναι έν των της αρετής.
ΝΙ. " Έφαμεν γάρ .
ΣΩ. Το δέ γε νύν λεγόμενον ου φαίνεται.
ΝΙ. Ούκ έoικεν.
ΣΩ. Ουκ άρα ευρήκαμεν, ώ Νικία, ανδρεία και τι
έστιν.
ΝΙ. Ου φαινόμεθα.
ΛΑ. Και μην έγωγε, ώ φίλε Νικία, ώμην
σε ευρήσειν, Ι επειδή έμού κατεφρόνησας Σω- 200 A
κράτει αποκριναμένου" πάνυ δη μεγάλην ελπίδα
είχον ως τη παρά του Δάμωνος σοφία αυτήν
ανευρήσεις.
XXX. NI
ΧΧΧ ΝΙ.. Ευ
E γε
ye, ώ Λάχης, ότι ουδέν οίει συ
έτι πράγμα είναι, ότι αυτός άρτι εφάνης ανδρείας
200 Απέρι ουδέν ειδώς, αλλ' ει και εγώ έτέρος τοιούτος

αναφανήσομαι, προς τούτο βλέπεις, και ουδέν έτι
διοίσει, ως έoικε, σοι μετ' εμού μηδέν ειδέναι ών
προσήκει επιστήμην έχειν ανδρί οιoμένω τι είναι.
Β συ μέν | oύν μοι δοκείς ως αληθώς ανθρώπειον
πράγμα εργάζεσθαι, ουδέν προς αυτόν βλέπεις
αλλά προς τους άλλους εγώ δ' οίμαι έμοί περί
ών ελέγομεν νυν τε επιεικώς ειρήσθαι, και εί τι
αυτων μη ικανώς είρηται, ύστερον επανορθώσεσθαι
και μετά Δάμωνος, ου σύ που οίει καταγελάν, και
ταύτα ουδε ιδών πώποτε τον Δάμωνα, και μετ '
άλλων . και επειδαν βεβαιώσωμαι αυτά , διδάξω
και σέ, και ου φθονήσω δοκείς γάρ μοι και μάλα
ο | σφόδρα δείσθαι μαθείν.
ΛΑ. Σοφός γάρ τοι σύ εί , ώ Νικία. άλλ' όμως
εγώ Λυσιμάχω ταδε και Μελησία συμβουλεύω σε
μεν και έμε περί της παιδείας των νεανίσκων χαίρειν
εάν, Σωκράτη δε τουτονί, όπερ εξ αρχής έλεγον, μη
αφιέναι ει δε και εμοί εν ηλικία ήσαν οι παίδες,
ταυτα αν ταυτ ' εποίουν.
ΝΙ. Ταύτα μεν κάγώ ξυγχωρώ, εάνπερ εθέλη
Σωκράτης των μειρακίων επιμελείσθαι, μηδένα
D άλλον ζητεϊν, έπει καν εγώ | τον Νικήρατον τούτω
ήδιστα επιτρέποιμι, ει εθέλοι ούτος" αλλά γαρ
άλλους μοι εκάστοτε ξυνίστησιν, όταν τι αυτο
περί τούτου μνησθω, αυτός δε ουκ έθέλει. αλλ'
όρα, ώ Λυσίμαχε, εί τι σου αν μάλλον υπακούοι
Σωκράτης.
ΛΥ. Δίκαιόν γε τοι, ώ Νικία , έπει και εγώ
ΠΛΑΤΩΝΟΣ ΛΑΧΗΣ . 39
τούτω πολλά αν εθελήσαιμι ποιείν, ά ούκ άν άλλοις 200 D

πάνυ πολλοίς εθέλοιμι. πως ούν φής, ώ Σώκρατες;
υπακούσει τι και ξυμπροθυμήσει ως βελτίστοις
γενέσθαι τοις μειρακίοις ;
ΧΧΧΙ. | ΣΩ. Και γαρ αν δεινόν είη, ώ Λυσί- E
μαχε, τούτό γε, μη εθέλειν το ξυμπροθυμείσθαι
ως βελτίστω γενέσθαι. ει μεν ούν εν τοις διαλόγους
τοις άρτι εγώ μεν εφάνην ειδώς , τώδε δε μη ειδότε,
δίκαιον αν ήν έμε μάλιστα επί τούτο το έργον
παρακαλεϊν νυν δ' ομοίως γαρ πάντες εν απορία
εγενόμεθα τί ούν άν τις ημών τινα προαιροίτο ;
έμοι μεν ούν δη αυτω δοκεί ουδένα. αλλ' επειδή
ταυτα ούτως έχει, | σκέψασθε, άν τι δόξω ξυμ- 201 A
βουλεύειν υμίν. εγώ γάρ φημι χρήναι, ώ άνδρες,
ουδείς γαρ έκφορος λόγος κοινη πάντας
ημάς ζητείν μάλιστα μεν ημίν αυτοίς διδάσκαλος
ως άριστον , δεόμεθα γάρ, έπειτα και τους μειρακίοις,
μήτε χρημάτων φειδομένους μήτε άλλου μηδενός
εαν δε ημάς αυτούς έχειν ως νυν έχομεν, ου ξυμ
βουλεύω. ει δέ τις ημών καταγελάσεται, ότι
τηλικοίδε όντες εις διδασκάλων | αξιούμεν φοιτάν, Β
τον "Όμηρον δοκεί μοι χρήναι προβάλλεσθαι , δς
έφη ουκ αγαθήν είναι αιδώ κεχρημένω
ανδρι παρείναι . και ημείς ούν εάσαντες
χαίρειν εί τίς τι έρεί, κοινή ημων αυτών και των
μειρακίων επιμέλειαν ποιησώμεθα.
ΛΥ. Έμοι μεν αρέσκει, ώ Σώκρατες, και λέγεις
και εθέλω, όσωπερ γεραίτατός είμι, τοσούτω προ
θυμότατα μανθάνειν μετά των νεανίσκων. αλλά
D
201 Β μοι ούτωσι ποίησον" αύριον έωθεν αφίκου οίκαδε ,

C και μη | άλλως ποιήσης, ένα βουλευσώμεθα περί
αυτων τούτων. το δε νυν είναι την συνουσίαν
διαλύσωμεν.
ΣΩ. 'Αλλά ποιήσω, ώ Λυσίμαχε, ταυτα, και
ήξω παρά σε αύριον, εαν θεός εθέλη.
NOTES.
ΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΑΛΟΓΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΑ.
LYSIMACHUS and Melesias are two old men who live together.
Lysimachus is the son of Aristides the Just, who was himself
the son of a Lysimachus ; and Melesias is the son of Thucy
dides the statesman, who was himself the son of a Melesias.
( Thucydides the historian was the son of Olorus.)
Nicias and Laches are two Athenians, who have had ex
perience in the command of armies. Of Nicias, who is
perhaps the most conspicuous character in the history of
Thucydides, it need only be said that he had apparently
far too little energy and vigilance and far too much hesitation
to be a successful general, that he was exceedingly super
stitious, but of great personal courage, and up to the time of
his death probably the most highly esteemed man at Athens.
Plato perhaps introduces him here as the type of a soldier
whose courage was spoilt by the preponderance of the
cautious element.
Of Laches, the son of Melanopus, we learn from this
dialogue that hewas of the deme Aexone, and was engaged
at the battle of Delium (B.C. 424). Thucydides (iii. 86) tells
us that he in conjunction with Charoeades was sent to Sicily
in command of a fleet of twenty ships in B.C. 427 to help
Leontini against Syracuse , that in the next year he (being
now sole commander, as Charoeades had fallen in battle)
forced the Messenians to capitulate and become allies of
Athens, and met with other successes, but some reverses.
He fell at Mantineia in B.C. 418, where he commanded the
Athenian contingent in the Argive army. He may possibly
have had the reputation of being an officer of more dash than
caution, as he seems never to have been employed
However
as general
in any operation of first-rate importance. this may
be, it is obvious that Plato intends to mark a contrast between
41
42 NOTES.
the characters of Laches and Nicias as military men. The

two were no doubt friends, and Nicias certainly, and Laches
probably, belonged to the aristocratical and philo-Laconian
party at Athens. Thus Laches was the proposer of the truce
with the Lacedaemonians in B.C. 423, and was associated
with Nicias two years afterwards in negotiating the peace
called by the name of the latter.
The sons of Lysimachus and Melesias are two boys called
respectively Aristides and Thucydides after their grand
fathers.
For Socrates, see Introduction.
CAP. I.
178 A Τεθέασθε μέν . The μέν is answered by the δέ in oύ δ'

Čveka. These two particles may mark almost any degree of
contrast in Greek, from the strongest to the weakest, and
their force has to be rendered inEnglish in different ways
according to the circumstances. Here leave uév untranslated
and render dé by ' but. ' Below translate tóteMèv oủk ein QUEV,
vûv s' épolluev by ' though we did not tell you then, we will
tell you now. '
τον άνδρα μαχόμενον έν όπλοις. We are
that the man's name was Stesilaus.
subsequently told
The art which he
practised and taught seems to have been that of fighting
in the full equipment of a hoplite, and if it was complete
must have included the use of the sword as well as of the
spear, though the latter was the main weapon of the heavy
armed soldier. Most however, if not all, of the parrying
would be done with the shield . Athenian soldiers at this
time probably underwent very little drilling, but there may
have been a spear and shield exercise taught in the palaestrae.
In that case, no doubt, no other armour would be used, and
the bodies of the combatants would be naked .
Aristotle mentions spears with rounded heads (to palpwuéva )
instead of points, which in his tine at any rate must have
been used in such exercises. It would seem from what
Nicias says in this dialogue (p. 182) that men like Stesilaus
taught not only this military exercise, but tactics and
strategy, and this is confirmed by a comparison of Plato's
Euthydemus 271 D foll. and Xen. Mem . iii. I.
após ye úpâs. The ye of course qualifies ypâs and not após.
T @ V TOLOÚTwv, neuter.
NOTES. 43
αυτοίς συμβουλεύσηται, “ asks their advice.' " Gives them 178 A

advice would be aútois ovußouleuon.
6 6
oủk dv cČTOLEV, 'will not say , ' i.e. ' do not wish to say .'
The optative with äv must here be regarded as a milder way
of expressing ου θέλουσιν ειπείν. For its conditional form is
not a result of its being the apodosis of εάν τις.. συμβουλεύσηται,
but exists in spite of it. The continuation in the indicative
anda Néyovol is regular enough. The construction of the
following lines from the Alcestis
ήν δ' εγγύς έλθη θάνατος, ουδείς βούλεται
θνήσκειν, το γήρας δ' ουκέτ' έστ ' αυτοίς βαρύ (671 , 672)
would be an exact parallel if dy dávol were substituted for
βούλεται θνήσκειν. Of course the present indicative will be
found in the apodosis after táv in the protasis only in the case
of general statements.
αλλά στοχαζόμενοι, κ.τ.λ. , lit. but guessing at their con
sultor say other things contrary to their own opinion, ' i.e.
but make a guess at their friend's wishes, and in consequence
give advice which is contrary to their own opinion. '
υμάς δε ημείς, κ.τ.λ., but in your case it is precisely B
because wethought that you were able to form a decision, and
having formed itwould tell us your opinion honestly, that we
called you to a consultation on the matter of which we will
now speak .'
toTLV Oův roÛTO, K.5.1. , 'well , the question about which I
have been all this time making this long preface is as follows.'
tálal, like jamdudum and jampridem in Latin, and phrases
like il y a longtemps que in French , gives to a present the
force of the English perfect and to an imperfect the force of
an English pluperfect.
τούδε, “ of my friend here, ' i.e. Melesias. 179 A
πάππου έχων όνομα, Θουκυδίδης. We should say, called
Thucydides after his grandfather.' Notice the omission of
the article before the familiar word πάππου. A reference to
the note on the Persons of the Dialogue will show that in
these two families one out of two names ( Melesias and Thucy
dides in the one case, Lysimachus and Aristides in the other)
was given in turn to the first -born of each generation. This
was the usual, but not the universal, custom at Athens.
émipelnoivat, a deponent form .
και μη ποιήσαι , κ.τ.λ., and not to do what most fathers
do ; that is, let our sons do what they like now that they
44 NOTES.
179 A have ceased to be children, but rather to make this the very
time for beginning to look after them to the best of our
power. '
Melpákia yeyover. The neut. plur. predicate here attracts
the verb into the singular, the more easily, perhaps, because
the subject is understood and not expressed.
B pepelnykéval, impersonal. Supply υμίν . (Strictly the
únir in the sentence is constructed both with óvtas and
μεμεληκέναι. )
είπερ τισιν άλλοις, και common Greek phrase. Cf. such
English expressions as ' I saw fifty if I saw one. ' Here
translate, ' We thought you as likely as any men ' (meaning
6
‘ more likely than any other men ') ' to have considered .'
πως αν θεραπευθέντες γένοιντο άριστοι, lit. being how
trained they would become best, ' i.e. ' what sort of training
would make the best men out of them. ' There is a stiffness
and cumbrousness about interrogative sentences in English
which makes their management difficult , especially in trans
lation .
ei S'épa tollákus, but if by any chance. ' đpa conveys
the idea of a result discovered, rolákis implies that the
result is within the bounds of possibility : cf. 194 A.
υπομνήσοντες and παρακαλούντες. These participles are
(as Jacobs says) used as if ήλθομεν προς υμάς ήγησάμενοι had
occurred in the preceding paragraph. Anacoluthon is un
fortunately frequent in Plato , but this instance is particularly
harsh. Tapakaoûvtes is fut. here.
CAP. II.
6
Sń, you must know that .'
C παρασιτεί. This verb and the substantive παράσιτος had not
yet acquired a bad sense at the time when Plato wrote.
ÓTTep. It may be said that the antecedent to this is the
clause tappinolaðóueda após üvâs. Translate ' As. '
>
ημέτερα ... αυτών , nostra ipsorum.'

ταύτα δη υπαισχυνόμεθά τε τούσδε. The verb is constructed
with a double accusative. * Well , we feel rather ashamed of
this before them. '
ότι ήμάς μεν είων τρυφάν , κ.τ.λ. , because they allowed us to
take life easily, as soon as we were out of our boyhood, while
NOTES. 45
they devoted themselves to the affairs of other people, ' i.e. to 179. C
public life. Lysimachus means no more than that Aristides
and Thucydides never made their sons take any part in war
or politics ; for in other subjects they gave them an excellent
education . Plato says in the Meno, p . 94 a , állov dè on
σκεψώμεθα , 'Αριστείδης τον Λυσιμάχου . ουκούν και ούτος τον
υιόν τον αυτου Λυσίμαχον , όσα μεν διδασκάλων είχετο, κάλλιστα
'Aonvalwv étaldeVoeV ; Let us take another, --Aristides, the
son of Lysimachus : ... did not he train his son Lysimachus
better than any other Athenian in all that could be done for
him by the help of masters ?' ( Jowett ) ; and in the same
dialogue, 94 c, he says, θουκυδίδης αύ δύο υιείς έθρεψε, Μελησίαν
και Στέφανον, και τούτους επαίδευσε τά τε άλλα εύ και έπάλαισάν
κάλλιστα 'Αθηναίων . This training would however cease with
their boyhood. That educationshould extend through life is
an idea that runs through the whole of the Laches.
OÛTOL Pèv oŮv, k.7.1. Well, they say that they will comply D
with our wishes, but we, as I was saying ( on), ' etc.
τί αν ούτοι μαθόντες και επιτηδεύσαντες και τι άριστοι γένοιντο.
The form of the sentence is exactly like that of πως αν θεραπευ
Dévtes yévoluto á ploto above, 179 B, on which see note.
clonyńcato oŮv tis nuîv, k.t.d. Well, somebody recom
mended to us this course of instruction, (telling us) that it
was a good thing for a young man to learn to fight in heavy
armour.' For the irregularity of the construction see note on
the Language of the Dialogue.
6
ÉTTLOELKVýjevov, " displaying his art. ' E
>
ékéleve, 'advised us. When a man is said Keletely in Greek,

it merely implies that he used, as it were, the imperative
mood, not necessarily that he adopted an authoritative tone.
The person in question might have said, “ You go and see
Stesilaus, and judge for yourselves.'
Soge Sń, ' so we thought. '
ouußoúhovs te kal Kolywvoús, ' advisers and fellow-inquirers. '
υμέτερον μέρος. Supply εστίν . 180 A
και περί των άλλων. Lysimachus does not wish toconfine
the inquiry to the onlquaxia ; yet he has no notion of deter
miningscientifically what the best training for hissonswould
be, but is content with the empirical method of collecting
opinions on the value of this or that exercise. In other words,
he has formed no definite ideas of the qualities he would like
to see developed, or of the nature of the subjects in which he
would have them developed, and consequently has no data
46 NOTES.
180 A upon which to determine what sort of means he is to employ .

We shall see afterwards (p. 1840 foll. ) that it has hardly
occurred to him and Melesias ( who is his counterpart) to
examine what special competency their counsellors may have
to give advice upon the particular question at issue. In the
course of the dialogue they are taught that the question can
not be settled so easily, because (i.) it happens to co cern the
human soul, and is therefore of great importance ; (ii.) only
those who know what is best for the soul can give an opinion
thatis worth anything ; ( iii.) our ordinary ideas of any good
quality ( e.g. courage, the quality that such training may be
supposed to cultivate) are vague, and often contradict each
other.
CAP. III.
οιμαι δε και Λάχητα τόνδε . Sc. έτοιμον είναι κοινωνείν .

)
B 'Annon yap olel. ' Indeed you are right.'
ús, ' for .'
8 ye, “ the thing at least which. '
els ékelvous, in regard to them ’(Aristidesand Thucydides ).
ότι αυτούς σχεδόν τι ταύτα, κ.τ.λ. oxedov TL ( lit. ' somewhat
nearly ') qualifies the whole statement, and means that it is to
be taken as generally , but not universally true. If the words
ολιγωρείσθαι τε και αμελώς διατίθεσθαι are taken as epexegetical
of taūta, we may translate, “ For as a rule what he says of
them is really the case, both with regard to their sons and all
their private affairs, that they are neglected and carelessly
managed . If, however, we take taūta ovußalvel olyw peło bai,
K.T.A. , together as 'these things happen to be neglected ,' etc .,
G
we may translate, For as a rule it happens in their case that
what he speaks of — both sons and their private affairs -- are
disregarded and carelessly managed .' The lastrendering makes
thesentence more complete, but the first is more in accordance
with Platonic usage. Kai Tepi Tålla roca is meant to be an addi
tion made by Laches, who does not imply that Lysimachus
spoke of any other neglect than that of the education of sons.
ότι δ' ημάς μέν, κ.τ.λ. , but I am astonished that you ask us
to give you advice about the education of the young men ,
and yet do not ask Socrates here. '
6
с πρώτον μεν όντα δημότην , in the first place, be
cause he is of your own deme. ' Plutarch tells us that the
NOTES. 47
families of Thucydides and Aristides were both of the deme 180 C

of Alopece, to which Socrates also belonged . The demes were
local divisions of Attica, something likeparishes ,and of great
antiquity. See Grote's History of Greece, part II. ,> ch. xxxi.
Tàs Slatpıßàs troLoúpevov, ' spending his time.'
II @ s dévels ; 'What ? ' or ' Indeed ! ' The words express sur
prise, or slight incredulity.
yáp, ' can it be the case that ? ' i.e. ' do you mean that ? '.
IIávu Mèv oův. ' Most certainly he has. '
και γάρ αυτω, κ.τ.λ. , “ for he recommended to me lately a
music- master for my son. '
'Αγαθοκλέους μαθητών Δάμωνα. This Damon is always D
spoken of with great respect by Plato. He was pro
fessedly a teacher of uovolkń, not in the wide sense in which
the word included all mental training that was not merely
elementary, but in our sense of music. He showed, how
ever, great ability not only in explaining the theory of
his profession, but in political and ethical speculations.
Socrates himself was a hearer and admirer of Damon , and
So was Pericles . It is not certain whether Damon was
actually music -master to the latter-Plutarch thinks that he
was — but there is no doubt that they were intimate . Plutarch
suggests that Damon's professio of music -master was used as
n
a cloak for the instruction that he gave in other matters , and
that he was really Pericles ' “trainer and master ' in politics.
Plutarch calls Damon a sophist (though Plato does not), and
the passage in which he speaks of him reads like a reminis
cence of Protagoras 316 E,where Agathocles, Damon's teacher,
is spoken of in very similar language. The who spele ech
there put into Protagoras' mouth by Plato (316 6C-317 c ) should
be read by those who wish to know what a ' sophist ' was.
More will be said on the subject in commenting on p. 186 C.
ανδρών χαριέστατον , κ.τ.λ. , lit. “ the most accomplished of
men not only in music; but also in other respects worth as
much as you like for young men of such an age to spend their
time with . The addition of oπόσου βούλει, κ.τ.λ. , spoils the
exact logical correspondence that we should expect between
ου μόνοντην μουσικήν and αλλά και τάλλα. Literary English
does not now tolerate even such mild anacolutha as this.
Translate therefore, Who is not only the most accomplished
of men in music, but in all other respects as good a com
panion as you could wish for young men of that age.'
For the construction of άξιον here cf. p. 182 C, μαθήματα
... πολλού άξια ανδρί μαθείν τε και επιτηδεύσαι.
48 NOTES.
CAP. IV.
180 D οι ηλίκοι εγώ, people at my time of life.' ήλίκοι is put for

6
τηλικούτοι ήλίκος εγώ είμι, the plural number being due to what
is called attraction. Cf. Aristoph. Eccles. 465–
εκείνο δεινόν τoίσιν ήλίκoισι νων.
άτε κατ ’ οικίαν, κ.τ.λ., “ since we are compelled by old age
to live most of our lives in -doors. For the construction of
υπό cf. 187 Α, αν μη υμίν σχολή ή υπό τών της πόλεως πραγμάτων.
τωδε τω σαυτου δημότη. He means himself. ( For δημότη see
above, 180 c) . The figure of speech is here used with the con
descending playfulness of age. It could hardly be used
seriously in prose. But in tragedy it is common enough,
without, of course, any idea ' of playfulness. Cf. Soph. Ajax
415-6
νύν δ' αύτ ' 'Ατρείδαι φωτί παντουργώ φρένας
έπραξαν , ανδρός τούδ' απώσαντες κράτη.
δίκαιος δ' εί, sc. τούτο ποιείν, and you are bound to do it. '
The phrase - a common one-might mean in a different con.
text and you have a right to do it.'
6
και πρότερον εκείνος, κ.τ.λ. And he died without ever having
had a quarrel with me. '
περιφέρει δέ τίς με και μνήμη, κ.τ.λ. And now that they
mention it I remember something ’ ; lit. ' a memory takes me
back. Cf. Herod. vi. 86. 2, ούτε μέμνημαι το πράγμα, ούτε με
περιφέρει (sc. μνήμη) ουδέν είδέναι τούτων των υμείς λέγετε. (των δε
λεγόντων might however be taken as a genitive depending on
uvýun, ‘ of them saying, ' i.e. ‘ of something these boys said. ')
τα γαρ μειράκια τάδε. The γάρ merely serves to show that
Lysimachus is explaining what he means by his μνήμη τις.
αλλήλους, διαλεγόμενοι, and επιμέμνηνται are usedas agreeing
in sense though not in form with μειράκια. Yet in 179 A , where
the word came next to a verb, we have seen that Plato
regarded uelpákia as sufficiently neuter to attract the verb
into the singular number (επειδή μειράκια γέγονεν).
επαινούσιν, 8c. αυτόν.
ει τον Σωφρονίσκου λέγουειν, if they meant the son of
Sophroniscus.'
181 A όδ' έστι Σωκράτης, κ.τ.λ., is this the Socrates whotm
you mentioned on those occasions ? ' For the form of the ex
pression cf. Eur. Orestes 380—
όδ' είμ' 'Ορέστης, Μενέλεως, δν ιστορείς ,
NOTES . 49
• I ( here) am the Orestes, Menelaus, about whom you inquire. ' 181 A
όδ' εστίν ο Σωκράτης, κ.τ.λ. , would mean , Is this Socrates the
man whom ? ' etc.
πάνυ μεν ούν, κ.τ.λ. , certainly , father, he is. Lysimachus
had put the question to both the boys , but only one, his own
son Aristides, makes reply. They take no further part in
the conversation . Melesias, again , does not speak twenty
words in the whole dialogue, and Lysimachus himself'takes
no part in the real discussion, which is carried on by three
persons only, Socrates, Laches , and Nicias.
ópboîs, ‘ you maintain the name of’ (Jowett).
και άλλως . This qualifies the ευ (εστί).
και δη και ότι, and above all because. The whole phrase
και άλλως και δή και is a more forcible form of the ordinary
άλλως τε και . Cf. 187 C.
οικεία τα τε σα, κ.τ.λ. , δ.e. 6there will be intimacy between
us. '
μή αφιεσό γε τάνδρός, do not in any case give him up.'
εν γαρ τη από Δηλίου φυγή. This was in B.C. 424. Laches B
was not general at Delium , but apparently serving as a
hoplite. In the Symposium , 220 E and 221 A-B, Plato makes
Alcibiades Say of Socrates, "Ετι τοίνυν, ώ άνδρες, άξιον ήν
θεάσασθαι Σωκράτη, ότε από Δηλίου φυγή ανεχώρει το στρατόπεδον
έτυχον γάρ παραγενόμενος ίππον έχων , ούτος δέ όπλα. ανεχώρει
ούν εσκεδασμένων ήδη των ανθρώπων ούτός τε άμα και Λάχης " και
εγώ περιτυγχάνω, και ιδών ευθυς παρακελεύομαι τε αυτοϊν θαρρείν
και έλεγον , ότι ουκ άπoλείψω αυτώ. ενταύθα δή και κάλλιον
εθεασάμην Σωκράτη ή εν Ποτιδαία " αυτός γάρ ήττον έν φόβω η διά
το εφ' ίππου είναι : πρώτον μεν όσον περιήν Λάχητος το έμφρων
eivai (in presence of mind ). He goes on to describe how So.
crates marched along, 'rolling his eyes, calmly contemplating
enemies as well as friends, and making very intelligible to
anybody, even from a distance, that whoever attacked him
would be likely to meet with a stout resistance.' (Jowett's
translation. ) How far the story here related is true we have
no means of judging ; but that Socrates and Laches were
together in the retreat, being mentioned as it is in two
dialogues, is not likely to be due to Plato's invention . The
mention of the battle of Delium in the Laches helps us, as has
been said, to fix approximately the date of the occurrence of
the imaginary dialogue. For an account of the battle see
Τhuc . iv . 91-96.
ορθή άν ήμών, κ.τ.λ. , our country would have been pre
50 NOTES.
181 B served and would not then have met with such a disaster ,' etc.
Laches means the defeat would never have occurred had all
Athenians behaved in the battle as Socrates did in the
retreat.
ούτος ... ο έπαινος v où vûv éralvel, ' the praise which
you are now receiving. '
και εις ταύτα εις &, κ.τ.λ. , and for the things for which
>
they praise you .' Two reasons are given for thinking the
praise given to Socrates valuable—(1 ) the high character of
Nicias and Laches who give it, (2) the excellence of the
qualities to which it testifies.
χρήν μεν ούν και πρότερόν γε, κ.τ.λ, “ therefore you ought to
have visited us long ago of your own accord ' (aúróv ).
C vûv 8' oiv, but as things are .'
συνισθι, from σύνειμι, not σύνοιδα. It would properly be
followed by a dative, but yvápiše, which is joined to it, deter
mines, as being the nearer verb, the case of the objects.
úpeîs , i.e. Socrates and young Aristides.
ņuetépav, i.e. that of Lysimachus and Sophroniscus.
περί ... ών ήρξάμεθα , for περί τούτων περί ών ήρξάμεθα .
Tl bate ; Of course addressed to Nicias and Laches as well
as to Socrates. The plural of the second person, whether in
verb or pronoun, is never used for the singular in classical ·
Latin or Greek .
CAP. V.
D 'Αλλά, • Well. ' The word is used in the same reassuring

sense by Nicias at the beginning of the next speech.
και αν α προκαλεί πάντα ποιείν. This refers to Lysimachus'
desire to be intimate with Socrates.
Tôvde, masc. , referring to Nicias and Laches.
TOÚTwv, neuter, referring to the subject under discussion.
6
άλλο παρά , different from':: cf. άλλα παρά, 178 Β.
Tór' han has the force of then and not till then. '
διδάσκειν και πείθειν. διδάσκειν is not so strong a word as
our teach, and both it and helbely are strictly imperfect
6
presents : “ to explain it and try to convince. '
TTÓTepos újwv, ‘ one of you two. '
NOTES. 51
'AM ' Oů8èv Kalvet, " Well, there is no reason why I 181 D
should not. '
το μή άλλοθι διατρίβειν. These words, together with E
the rest of the clause down to αλλ' εν τούτο form the sub
ject of εύ έχει , and the clause όθεν åváykn is a continua
tion of that subject. 60ev_is equivalent to id' où, and the
antecedent to it is toÚTŲ . Translate, “ For it is an excellent
thing for young men not to spend their leisure in the other
diversions in which you know they are so apt to spend it, but
in this exercise, especially (xal) asit is one which cannot fail
to make them in better condition .'
το σώμα βέλτιον ίσχειν ανάγκη, it. itis necessary for

their body (bodies) to be better,' taking BÉAT10v as an adverb ;
or we might understand avtoús as the subject to ľoxelv, and
take tò owua as the accusative of respect, or as an ordinary
accusative after it. In the last case Betlov must be taken as
an adjective.
kal ápa, ' and at the same time.' This introduces 182 A
Nicias' second reason for thinking well of the exercise. The
first reason was a double one : it kept boys out of mischief,
and, besides, kept them in good condition. He now says
that it is truly a free man’s exercise, as it teaches him how to
fight.
και η ιππική, sc . τέχνη. This addition does not add any
thing to the logical weight of the sentence , but it adds to its
rhetorical force by putting the on louaxia on a level with
another art, which was confessedly a fashionable one,
ου γαρ αγώνος αθληταί εσμεν, κ.τ.λ. This sentence in full
would be ου γάρ αγώνος αθληται εσμεν και εν οίς ημίν ο αγών
πρόκειται, τούτον τον αγώνα και εν τούτοις (under those condi
tions) μόνοι ούτοι γυμνάζονται οι εν , κ.τ.λ. * For that sport in
which we are theplayers is properly practised ,and the con
ditions under which we have to play it are fulfilled by those
only who exercise themselves in this apparatus of war.
povov Tepòs uóvov, “ in single combat.'
επιτιθεμένου άλλου, genitive absolute. B
6
åpúvao daiaúróv, ' to make resistance oneself. '
ούτ' αν υπό γε ενός εις ο τούτ' επιστάμενος ουδέν αν πάθοι.
Nicias here claims too much for the art. Cf. Molière, Le
Bourgeois Gentilhomme, act II. sc. iii. : “ Mons. Jourdain. De
cette façon donc, un homme, sans avoir du coeur, est sûr de
tuer son homme et de n'être point tué ? Le Maître d'Armes .
Sans doute ; n'en vites vous pas la démonstration ? ” This is
52 NOTES.
182 B of course burlesque, but there is something of the same

humour in Plato's words. Nicias is as extravagant in over
rating the accomplishment as we shall find Laches to be in
underrating it.
επιθυμήσεις και του εξής, κ.τ.λ., would be desirous to learn
the science of tactics which comes next in the course. '
Stesilaus, like Dionysodorus (see Plato's Euthydemus, p. 271 D,
and Xenophon's Memorabilia III. 1 ), seems to have taught
tactics and the whole art of generalship as well as the use of
his weapons.
kal raüta daßúv, K.T.N., and having learned this, and
become proud of his learning.'
επί παν αν το περί τας στρατηγίας ορμήσεις, “ would pass on
to the study of all that concerns the conduct of campaigns. '
The plural Tàs otpatnylas is used because generalshipis here
looked upon as manifested on several different occasions.
otpatnyia meant the general's art in the widest sense, and,
unlike our word ‘ strategy,' included tactics. This we see
from Xen. Mem . III. 1 , 6 , where Socrates speaks of, Tà TAKTIKá
as being a part, though a very small one, of otpatnyla .
kal ħan ondov, and you will now allow .'
6
TOÚTWY éxóueva, which are connected with these, ' viz. ,
with τακτικά and στρατηγία.
και καλά και .... These words begin the predicate to μαθήματα
πάντα και επιτηδεύματα πάντα. eori must be supplied . 6* Are
(both ) good and ... '
πολλού άξια ανδρί μαθείν, κ.τ.λ. Cf. οπόσου βούλει άξιον
συνδιατρίβειν τηλικούτοις νεανίσκους above, p. 180 ν. " .
ών καθηγήσαιτ' άν τούτο το μάθημα. This clause at first
sight seems superfiuous ; but Nicias, having said before that
οπλομαχία would probably lead to στρατηγία inall its branches ,
and that the maðnuara, etc., connected with otpatnyia are
confessedly good , now adds his conclusion that ólomaxia
would probably lead to good μαθήματα and επιτηδεύματα.
αυτώ, ο.e. το μάθηματι. 6
aútov aútow, than he was before ,' or 'than he would be
otherwise. '
6
εί και, even though. '
ότι και εύσχημονέστερον. Supply ποιήσειεν άν.
D Λάχητος δε, κ.τ.λ., but I should be glad in my turn
to hear what Laches has to say , if his views on the question
are different from mine ' (lit. " if he says anything different
from this ').
NOTES . 53
CAP. VI.
>
el pév Łoti páonua, ' if it is a true art .' By uáônua, thus 182 E
used emphatically, Plato means an art which has rules and
can be taught, and for this we have no single word.
ŐTTEp baoiv, k.t.1., ' as its teachers allege it to be, and as
good an art as Nicias makes it out. '
oi Útlo xvoúpevou, “ those who profess to teach it as such. '
Λακεδαιμονίους. Laches was no doubt well disposed to that
See note on the Persons of the Dialogue under
nation. his
name.
eis ráde åtoßXépas, because of the following considera

tions . '
τί και δέοι αν αυτό μανθάνειν : for the irregular apodosis cf.
αν είπoιεν ( 178 Α ).
€ tu ħv, “ if it were any good.”
και τι αν μαθόντες, κ.τ.λ. This dependent question (of the
same form as that in 179 Β, πως αν θεραπευθέντες, κ.τ.λ., and
that in 179 D, τί αν ούτοι μαθόντες, κ.τ.λ. ) depends on ζητείν,
not on επιτηδεύειν. The interposition of και επιτηδεύειν makes
it impossible to translate the passage oίς ουδέν ... τον πόλεμον
literally . Jowett renders it as follows, Whose whole life is
passed in finding out and practising the arts which give them
an advantage over other nations in war.'
ελελήθει, 8c. τούτο το μάθημα. 183 A
αλλ ' ου τούτους γε τους διδασκάλους, κ.τ.λ. , at any rate,
the following truth has not escaped the teachers of the art.'
ÉKelvou, the Lacedaemonians.
παρ' εκείνους άν τις τιμηθείς. Theάν is pleonastic, and serves
only to anticipate the one that follows. Tiun dels forms the
protasisto αν εργάζοιτο, and is equivalent to ει τιμηθείη. For
the double åv cf. above, 182 B, oŰr' Qv imó ye évès els ó Toût?
επιστάμενος ουδέν αν πάθοι.
kal tapà Tôv äldw . These words begin the apodosis . και
contrasts των άλλων with εκείνοις, not however so strongly as
our word ' too, ' as it is not implied that the teacher wouli
make much money in Lacedaemon . It is therefore better
left untranslated.
ώσπερ γε και τραγωδίας, κ.τ.λ., just asa tragic writer would
who was honoured at Athens.' Notice the suggestion that the
military pre-eminence of Sparta was as incontestable as the
literary supremacy of Athens.
54 NOTES.
183 A Tolyáptou, and that is the reason why ... '

B τους δε εν όπλοις, κ.τ.λ. The argument is not conclusive.
The Lacedaemonians were so well trained that men like
Stesilaus would have nothing to teach them ; and they
were, besides, most intolerant towards foreigners.
πάσι μάλλον επιδεικνυμένους, displaying theirarttoanybody
rather than to the Lacedaemonians.'
CAP. VII.
où trávu öllyous, ' not so very few . Riddell says that trávu
here goes closely with ολίγοις . But see note on εγώ μέν γάρ
και επιλανθάνομαι, κ.τ.λ. , 189 c.
C εν αυτω τω έργω. The character of Laches is drawn
with much skill. He is a man of strong prejudices, but he
thinks that he has none ; and he now with a great appear >
ance of candour, appeals, as many people do, to 'facts
which have really no bearing on the question. The story of
the awkward situation in which Stesilaus was seen on board
ship while employing an unusual weapon — though effective
enough as tending to throw ridicule on the man -- goes no way
to prove either the uselessness of onlouaxla or hisinability to
teach it.
εξεστι δε και αυτόθεν ημίν σκέψασθαι, and we may as well
consider the subject now. ' Laches half apologizes for the
story he is about to tell, as if he had meant to end his speech
with oιοί είσιν .
ώσπερ γαρ επίτηδες ουδείς, κ.τ.λ. The force of the yàp
seems to be, "I may, I say, as well put the facts before you,
because Stesilaus is no exception to the rule that none of
these professionals are any good in real warfare.' ĠOTEP .
επίτηδες means 6 as if on purpose.' Jacobs aptly compares
Cicero de Orat. i. 20 , “ nam primum , quasi dedita opera ,
neminem scriptorem artis (writer of a treatise on rhetoric) ne
mediocriter quidem disertum fuisse dicebat,” which is ob
viously an imitation of the passage before us.
Td ómlitiká, i.e. the art of fighting in armour.
καίτοι είς γε τάλλα πάντα , κ.τ.λ. Now, in all other
cases those who win renown for anything are to be found
among those who make it their business ; but in this case , it
would seem, the professors of the art have been so very
unfortunate in it as compared with other men.
NOTES. 55
ετέρωθι εγώ κάλλιον, κ.τ.λ., I once saw to better pur- 183 D

pose elsewhere, really making an exhibition of himself
though he did not mean to - in actual warfare.' αληθεία is
hereopposed to the
mimic fighting which Stesilaus displayed
in the palaestra. In Polybius the word has the technical
sense of active service. us intensifying arnows and other
positive adverbs is common in Plato.
mpoo Balotons, intr. , ' having attacked .'
>
ÉTTEBáteve, he was serving as a marine.' The émißárai

were usually drawn from the Oîtes, the lowest of the four
classes of Athenian citizens (Thuc. vi. 43). What follows
may have been a real incident in Laches' Sicilian expedition,
but is quite as likely to have happened on a different occasion,
or to have been invented by Plato.
δορυδρέπανον. The weapon was like a halbert, and is
described by Caesar, Bell. Gall. iii. 14, “ Una erat magno usui
res praeparata a nostris, falces praeacutae insertae adfixaeque
longuriis (poles ) , non absimili forma muralium falcium . His
cum funes, qui antemnas ad malos destinabant, comprehensi
adductique erant, navigio remis incitato praerumpebantur.
Quibus abscisis antemnae necessario concidebant.” One
would imagine that Stesilaus' weapon had a like object, but
that missing the cordage it stuck in the mast. If it was used
for cutting the riggingit would be of no value except against
transports or merchantmen, for Greek ships of war never went
into action with their masts standing.
διαφέρον δή όπλον is in apposition to δορυδρέπανον And αυτός
is in apposition to the subject of xuáxeto.
το δε σόφισμα ... οίον απέβη. Supply άξιον (έστι ) λέγειν,
and for the construction cf. Gorgias 448 D, años yáp vol llos
ότι την καλουμένην ρητορικήν .. μεμελέτηκεν. In both of
these cases the subject of the dependent sentence is disengaged
from it and becomes the subject of the principal sentence.
Often it becomes the object of the principal sentence, e.g.
188 C, Λάχητα δε τόνδε όρα όπως έχει περί του τοιούτου . Cf.
Plato's Euthydemus 294 0, οίσθα Ευθύδημον, οπόσους οδόντας
έχει ; Ηom . Οd. xvii . 373, αυτόν δ' ου σάφα οίδα , πόθεν γένος
EŬxetal Eival ' and St. Mark i. 24 , oidá oe tis ei, where our ver
sion has preserved the Greek idiom, “ I know thee who thou
art. '
E
ή δε ναύς την ναύν παρήει, “ meanwhile the ships were pass
ing each other.'
παραμείβετο. This must mean more than παρήει above, and
>
imply 6was clearing. '
E
56 NOTES .
184 A Túpakos, the pointed cap of bronze that enclosed the butt
end of the spear, and by which the weapon could be stuck in
the ground like a fishing-rod.
ασπίσι κεκλιμένοι , παρά δ' έγχεα μακρά πέπηγεν .
-Hom . Il. iii. 135.
“ Defigunt tellure hastas et scuta reclinant."
--Verg. Aen . xii . 130 .
The otúpaß had another use, it served as a weapon of offence
if the spear-head broke off. The Romans, seeing the advan
tage of this, copied the Greek form of spear for their cavalry,
their own spears havingoriginally had no spikes at the butt
ends. (Polybius vi. 25. He calls the spike by the Ionic
name σαυρωτήρ. )
6
hv ... ÚTÓ, ' was raised by. '
επί τε τω σχήματι αυτού. The τε suggests that another
dative with êml will follow , but instead of it we have the
clause και ... εκείνο .
βαλόντος ... λίθω. This is quite a usual construction ofa
βάλλω. We must translate however, “ having thrown
stone.'
παρά τους πόδας, κ.τ.λ., “ on to the deck close by his feet. '
<
ίσως μεν ούν, κ.τ.λ. Now possibly there may be some
good in this exercise, as Nicias says ; but however, my
experience has been pretty much as I have told you .' ούν
has almost exactly the same force in both clauses. In the
first it makes a show of setting aside Laches' experience in
view of the possibility of Nicias being right ; in the second
clause it sets aside conjecture for fact . Of course, in spite
of all of this, Nicias may be right ; but for all that, I have told
you the result of my experience.'
CAP. VIII.
O oův kalés åpxîs, K.7.1. , ' So as I said at first, whether it

is an art with such very little use, or whether they falsely
assert and pretend that it is an art, it is not worth while to
try to learn it. ' The construction is illogical, but need offer
no difficulty . It is commonly explained by an ellipse of ¢oti
τούτο, • what I said at the beginning is this, that's It
would be simpler to say that őri is pleonastic ; in reality we
have two clauses each depending on the other , though not
simultaneously. The construction of the first is forgotten by
the speaker as soon as the second is reached.
NOTES. 57
και γαρ ούν μοι δοκεί. After this we have first äv ... 184 Β
γένοιτο and then αν ... ίσχειν. The latter verb depends on
δοκεί, which is however parenthetical in relation to the
former. Strictly both verbs should be in the same mood .
Cf. Thuc. 1. 3 , δοκεί δέ μοι ουδέ τούνομα τούτο ξύμπασά πω είχεν ,
αλλά τα μεν προ "Έλληνος του Δευκαλίωνος και πάνυ ουδε είναι η
επίκλησις αύτη.
αυτόν επίστασθαι, sc. το μάθημα : se istam artem callere.”
The insertion of the accusative reflexive pronoun is more rare
in Greek than its omission is in Latin . Cf. however Hero
dotus i. 34, μετά δε Σόλωνα οίχόμενον, έλαβε εκ θεου νέμεσις μεγάλη
Κροίσον ως εικάσαι, ότι ενόμισε έωυτόν είναι ανθρώπων απάντων
όλβιώτατον, and ii. 2 , οι δε Αιγύπτιοι ... ενόμιζον έωυτους πρώτους
γενέσθαι πάντων ανθρώπων. Also Plato, Symposium 175 c, μετά
ταύτα έφη σφάς μεν δειπνείν , τον δε Σωκράτη ουκ εισιέναι. τον ουν
'Αγάθωνα πολλάκις κελεύειν μεταπέμψασθαι τον Σωκράτη , ε δε ουκ
£âv. See Gorg. 474 B for a similar reflexive use of the accusa
tive of the first person as the subject of an infinitive. The
ordinary practice when the subject of the infinitive needs
to be expressed and is the same as that of the principal verb
is to insert ajtós in the nominative, and in the number and
gender required as in the famous instance Κλέων ... ούκ έφη
αυτός αλλ' εκείνον στρατηγείν. αυτός would of course be quite
out of place in the passage before us, but autóv is not much
more satisfactory in Plato. επίστασθαι requires an object
much more than a subject ; accordingly aúró used to be read ,
but on no good authority.
θρασύτερος αν δι' αυτό, κ.τ.λ., 6he would become more
venturesome on account of it, and so more clearly display his
real character,' i.e. the man would venture into danger which
he would otherwise have avoided, and when the moment of
peril came be overwhelmed by fear and show what acoward
he really was . The word Opaoús has often a bad sense.
Aristotle ( Nic. Eth . iii . 7 , 8 ) says, δοκεί δε και αλαζών είναι ο
θρασύς και προσποιητικός άνδρείας. ώς oύν εκείνος (the really
brave man) περί τα φοβερά έχει ούτως ούτος βούλεται φαίνεσθαι
εν οίς ούν δύναται, μιμείται. Below (S 12 ) he says, μέν θρασείς
προπετείς, και βουλόμενοι προ των κινδύνων εν αυτοίς δ' * αφίστανται,
οι δ' ανδρείοι εν τοις έργοις οξείς, πρότερον δ' ησύχιοι . For
Aristotle's treatment of the whole subject of åvdpela see
Appendix.
φυλαττόμενος , 6being watched . ”
μεγάλας αν διαβολάς ίσχειν, ( that) he would be subjected
to very ill -natured criticism .
* The ôé is pleonastic.
58 NOTES.
184 B επίφθονος γάρ, κ.τ.λ.. επίφθονος is of course here used in

the passive sense, ' liable to be disliked, ' and the remark is an
extremely true one. Laches however does not see that it
really makes against his main argument, for he is prejudiced
himself.
BOTE, " so that. ' The word may be followed by the indica
tive (as here) or the infinitive.
ει μη τι θαυμαστόν όσον διαφέρει , κ.τ.λ. , if he does not to a
remarkable degree excel other men in valour .' There is some
difficulty about the phrase Davuaotov orov. It is commonly ex
plained as short for oavuaoTÍV ÉRTLV őgov (“ it is wonderful how
much '), and the same explanation would apply to dunxávws
ws ( Rep. 527 E ; Phaedr. 263 D ), and to the Latin “ mirum
quantum . ” On the other hand doos, unlike quantus, is not an
interrogative word , and though it is used in dependent ques
tions (e.g. Soph. Α. 118, ορας, Οδυσσεύ , την θεών ισχύν, όση ; )
this explanation cannot possibly apply to theidiom čowKev
αυτο πλείστα όσα or to the expression in Ηerodotus iv. 194,
ápovol őool. Much more satisfactory is the explanation (and
this seems to be Riddell's) which explains the ooov,
Thus
etc. ,
as a condensation of a strictly relative clause. TL
θαυμαστόν όσον will be put for τι θαυμαστόν όσον έστι, some
thing wonderful in its extent,' đpdovol őool, ' unlimited in num.
ber ,' Telelota 70 a, ' very many in number, ' and so on . Cicero's
“ nimium quantum " and Horace's “ Vino et lucernis Medus
acinaces Immanequantum discrepat, ” 'cannot beeasily explained
in any other way, and “ mirum quantum " at leastadmits of this
explanation. The words őros or olos in this idiom are attracted
into the case of the adjective that they qualify. Where that
adjective is in the nominative the attraction of course cannot
take place, and where the adjective is accusative neuter (as in
the passage before us) the attraction will not be noticeable.
A good instance of the attraction is found in Rep ., p. 350 c,
ο δή θρασύμαχος ώμολόγησε μεν πάντα ταύτα ... μετά ιδρώτος
Davuao toll ogov. It must be admitted that in Plato's time the
idiom may have been to a certain extent a mechanical one,
and misunderstood by the Greeks themselves, and also that
the Latin idiom may be no more than a reproduction of the
Greek idiom , possibly misunderstood. See Riddell's edition
of the Apology , pp. 193, 194.
6
φάσκων έχειν, κ.τ.λ. , if he professed to be a master of this
art . '
TOLÚTN TUS, K.7.1., ' such is my opinion , Lysimachus, about

studying this art .'
NOTES. 59
BOTTEN & ti. The first of these words ( as it were ') warns us 184 C
that a metaphorical expression is to follow. It may belong
either tο του διακρινούντος or to thewholesentence that depends
On δοκεί . ÉTL belongs to dev, and is put out of its place as in
the Cratylus 399 A, κινδυνεύσω, εάν μη ευλαβώμαι, έτι τήμερον
σοφώτερος του δέοντος γενέσθαι, where έτι belongs to σοφώτερος.
vô Sé ... yáp. The passage in which these words occur is D
usually printed thus, νύν δε - την εναντίαν γάρ, ώς ορας , Λάχης
Νικία έθετο - ευ δή έχει .. But Riddell has well observed that
vův de ... áp, like ålà gáp, forms one phrase. He says that
“ this combination is always preceded by a hypothesis of
something contrary to facts, and is parallel to the Protasis of
that sentence, which it contradicts. The dè and the ydp exer
cise a simultaneous force; ôè represents that the condition
stands differently in fact from what it is in the supposed case
(here the condition in the supposed case was the agreement
of Nicias and Laches ), “ and ydp further represents that the
inference different
must be We are not to look to a sen
tence beyond to supply a clause to the vûv dé” (Riddell's
Digest of Idioms in his edition of Plato's Apology, p . 176 ).
Riddell quotes, together with the present passage andothers,
p. 200 E of our dialogue, νύν δ' ομοίως γάρ πάντες εν απορία έγε
νόμεθα, and Apology 38 Α , ει μεν ήν μοι χρήματα, ετιμησάμην αν
νύν δε ου γάρ έστιν . If I had money I would have as.
sessed my penalty ... but as it is I have none. ' The force of
the yáp cannot be given in English .
την εναντίαν, 8c . ψήφον .
sh, ' so. '
CAP. IX.
TC Sal, K.r.l. " What ! Lysimachus, do you intend to adopt

whatever opinion the majority of us maintains ? '
Τί γάρ άν τις και ποιοι . “ Why (γάρ) what would you have
a man do ? " The kal implies that Lysimachus does not
acknowledge that he ought to do anything else than decide
by a majority ; without the cal the phrase would be an appeal
for advice.
κάνει τις. This dy prepares the way for the one that
follows. We have already had instances of this, pp. 182 B
and 183 A.
άρα τους πλείοσιν αν ημών πείθοιο , κ.τ.λ. These and
the following words contain one of the main lessons of the
60 NOTES.
184 E dialogue, which is this, that on any given subject a consensus

of uneducated opinion is worth nothing against the judgment
of those who are by their trainingqualified to decideupon
the subject. Bacon (Nov. Org. i. 77) goes so far as to say,
“ Pessimum enim omnium est augurium , quod ex consensu
capitur in rebus intellectualibus, which is, of course, an
exaggeration. On the other hand , in so far as educated
opinion means the opinion of a class or clique , it is liable to
contain special errors. The opinion of the lay public is
valuable as tending to criticise and counteract these errors.
6
ÚTTÓ, as we say ' under. '
noknkús. The word is used absolutely : ' (who happens ... )
to have practised . '
185 A Toùs 8' alloùs £âv, “ and leave the others alone.' The
phrase is a common one. It is sometimes varied by the addi
tion of xalpelv, as in p. 201 B.
6
ή περί σμικρού οίεσθε, κ.τ.λ. , or do you and Lysimachus
imagine it to be a small matter that you have now at stake,
and not rather that possession which , as it happens, is the
most important of all you have ? For, I imagine, according as
a man's sons become good or bad, so will the character of his
whole household correspond in each case to that of his
G
children. ' ούτως oικήσεται is literally will be inhabited in
such a way,' oikńoetai being passive. The verb is often used
with módus and oikos in this colourless way.
B
8 éyw dpt. čleyov, ' with regard to the thing that I spoke
of just now. ' The allusion is to 184 D foll., käy ei tus nepi
αγωνίας του υιέος, κ.τ.λ.
αρ' ουχ .ο μαθών , κ.τ.λ., “ will it not be the man,' etc.
Socrates does not answer the question, πώς ... εσκοπούμεν άν,
K.T. ). , in the form in which he asked it.
6
ουκούν έτι πρότερον, κ.τ.λ. Supply αν εσκοπούμεν , « but
should we not first ask what the thing was whose instructors
we were trying to find ?' Here, as if almost by accident,
Socrates hints that it is not the professional warrior who will
know most about exercise, but aman of higher qualifications.
For the important question, as we shall see below, is the
effect of the exercise on the mental and moral character.
There is a mixture of two constructions, τίνος ζητούμεν τους
διδασκάλους und τι εστι τούτο ου ζητούμεν τους διδασκάλους.
@s Néyels ; Whenever Socrates' interlocutor asks him to
explain himself it must be taken to mean that Plato feels that
the subject is one of difficulty. The subject is generally
NOTES. 61
started by a somewhat obscure sentence (as oủkoûv šti a pótepov, 185 B

K.T.N. ) with the purpose of arresting the reader's attention ;
then follows the πώς λέγεις (cf. 190 Ε), or the ουκ έμαθον ( “ I
don't understand '), which gives an opportunity for further
explanation. (See Rep . 438 A and B. ) It should be observed that
many points are thought difficult by Plato that are not
difficult to us ; while, on the other hand, we often find in his
dialogues what seem unwarrantable assumptions ; but in the
latter case weare tounderstand that where a point is passed
over without discussion there is as a rule nothing that would
have been controverted by Plato's contemporaries. In 189 E
Socrates volunteers an explanation of an obscure sentence.
CAP. X.
" Ωδε ίσως μάλλον, κ.τ.λ. 6 Perhaps it will be clearer if I

put it thus. It does not seem to me that we have begun by
determining what the subject of our deliberation and inquiry
is, when we ask which of us has skill to deal with it, and has
had masters to teach him about it, and which has not.'
pappákov,
φαρμάκου, ointment
• .''
6
úttalelbeobai, med. , ' to apply it to himself. '
Trepi Tôvodoalpôv, i.e. it is considered what effect the
ointment will have on the eyes, not what effect the eyes will
have on the ointment. So also of the horse and bridle below .
6
TÓTE TOV , “ then, I imagine.' D
éveká tov, ‘ for the sake of something else.'
δεί άρα και τον σύμβουλον σκοπεϊν . σύμβουλος is the object
not the subject of σκοπεϊν .
ου ένεκα σκοπούμενοι σκοπούμεν, which is the object of the
inquiry we are making .'
της ψυχής ένεκα . Here it is assumed as the most natural E
thing in the world that the exercise is intended as a training
to the moral character rather than to the physical frame. In
the Republic (iii. p. 410 B and c) Plato says, " Neither are the
two arts of music and gymnastic really designed ,the one for
the training of the soul, and the other for the training of the
body. '
• But what is their real object ?'
' I believe,' I said , “6 that the teachers of both have in view
chiefly the improvement of the soul.'
“ How can that be ? ' he asked.
62 NOTES.
185 E Did you never observe, ' I said, ' the effect on the mind of
exclusive devotion to gymnastic, or the opposite effect of an
exclusive devotion to music ? '
' In what way shown ? ' he said .
* In producing a temper of hardness and ferocity, or again
of softness and effeminacy ,' I replied .” (Jowett’s Translation.)
Englishmen do not talk of athletics being good for the
soul, but they obviously regard them as good for the
character. Gymnastics ' or even ' athletics ' in the narrow
sense are not nearly so useful in this way as any thing
66
in the
nature of a gameorcontest, which is less fatiguing— “ molliter
>
austerum studio fallente laborem”—and a much better relax .
ation for the mind.
Εί τις άρα ημών, κ.τ.λ. • We must consider then if any of
us is an expert in the treatment of the soul, and is able to
>
manage it well, and which of us has had good masters. '
Τι δε, ώ Σώκρατες ; ούπω εώρακας, κ.τ.λ. Supply τινάς.
Here again, as in 183c foll., we find Laches, true to his
character, appealing to what he thinks is proof, but what is
really prejudice. What he says is true enough as far as
it goes , but the fact proves nothing, as it is extremely rare
compared with the vast number of instances to the contrary:
If A without learning to box can beat B who has learnt, it
does not prove that B has not improved by the training, or
that A would not improve by it.
"Έγωγε, ώ Λάχης, κ.τ.λ. ' Indeed , Laches, I have ; but I
am sure you would not take their word that they were good
workmen, unless they could show you at least one piece of
good work produced by their own skill. '
186 A Τούτο μεν αληθή λέγεις, “There you speak the truth .’ αληθή,
which is plural, cannot of course agree with toÛTO. That
world is an accusative governed by αληθή- λέγεις.
CAP. XI.
Και ημάς άρα δεί. επιδείξαι a few lines below completes the
construction of these words.
>
ει μέν φαμεν έχειν , 8c. επιδείξαι, if we say that we can . ”
The words are ordinarily taken to mean “ if we say that we
have had teachers ,' a sense that they cannot easily bear.
B ή εί τις έχει ειπείν. We should have expected to find
εί δε τις to correspond to εί μέν above, and έχειν ειπείν to carry
out the construction of dei, especially as that construction is
NOTES. 63
resumed below with κελεύειν. If however we regard the 186 B

sentence from ή εί τις tο γεγόνασιν as simply parenthetical ,
the irregularity need not present any difficulty.
Kaltou émloupã. The present herereceives, as it were, from C
εκ νέου αρξάμενος (as it would from πάλαι) the force of a perfect.
σοφισταίς . The Sophists were paid teachers of rhetoric
and what they called åpetń, meaning by this that they
imparted general improvement or culture.' They were not
a philosophical sector school, and there was no system of
morals taught by them as a class. Further, therewere many
eminent and virtuous men among their numbers. On the other
hand, sincethey taught rhetoric they were boundto teach the
natureof fallacy for the purpose of refuting it, and were apt
partly from a confusion of thought - to teach not only its nature
but its use. Hence the name " Sophist’ began soon to acquire
a bad sense, and thus Aristotle draws a distinction between the
Sophist and the true rhetorician. The former, he says, uses
fallacies as well as fair arguments ; the latter understands
both , but uses fair arguments only .
The Sophists had a bad reputation with the mass of
Athenian citizens. This was, no doubt, in part due to their
being mostly foreigners, but there were other reasons for
their unpopularity :
( i. ) They taught for money.
( ii.) They were very clever men.
(iii. ) They taught young men to be wiser than their fathers
either actually or in their own opinion, and thus
made them less amenable to authority.
(iv. ) There were no doubt bad men among them who dis
graced the profession by boldly teaching the use of
specious fallacy.
It will be clear that the second and third reasons here given
would account equally for the unpopularity of Socrates and
Plato. And no doubt Socrates and Plato would often by
their enemies be called ' Sophists. This could be the more
easily done as the word had the older and more honourable
meaning of philosopher lingering on by the side of its more
usual modern application in which it was used in a neutral
sense of a particular class of men, though that neutral sense
was fast passing into a bad one. The Platonic Socrates
speaks of the Sophists in the passage before us with gentle
irony, and he is not always so indulgent ; but we see that the
realSocrates had a high opinion of manyof these teachers,
especially Damon , and he often recommended them to others .
(See 150 c for the case of Damon , and cf. 200 D and Xen.
64 NOTES.
186 C Mem . iii. 1. ) But both he and Plato were markedly dis
tinguished from this class of professional teachers by the fact
that they never took pay for their teaching, nor attempted to
give anything like a technical education. Yet young men
like Critias and Alcibiades—went to Socrates in the hopes of
gaining from his dialectic such argumentative skill as might
be useful in the law courts and the Ecclesia, and this gave
colour to many misrepresentations of Socrates - notably that
by Aristophanes in the Clouds — as the teacher of " how to
make the worse appear the better cause.
καλόν τε καγαθόν , a good man.' To understand this
phrase we must remember that åyaốós did not necessarily
convey an idea of moral excellence any more than kalós.
R. L. Nettleship in Hellenica (p. 172) well observes — The
word “ good ” has so many meanings and associations in
English that it is important to be clear as to the particular
sense in which its Greek equivalent was used by Plato. That
sense is perhaps most simply and most clearly illustrated in
thefamiliar expressions, “ What is the good of a thing ?" and
" What is a thing good for ? ” ' It was therefore quite as easy
to a Greek to use beautiful ' in a moral sense as to use
' good ' in a moral sense. In many phrases we use " beauti
fully’as a synonym for ' very well.'
ει δε Νικίας ... εύρηκεν , ουκ αν θαυμάσαιμι. So we say, “ I
shouldn't be surprised if Nicias has discovered it,' meaning,
' If I were told that Nicias had discovered it. ' Cf. Cratylus,
p. 428 Β, ει μέντοι έχεις τι συ κάλλιον τούτων λέγειν , ουκ αν
Davuášolul, and for another form of irregularity in the
apodosis see the beginning of this dialogue, 178 A , éáv tis
αυτοίς συμβουλεύσηται , ουκ ανείπoιεν & νοούσιν.
6
Sń , ‘ so .
τα μεν ούν άλλα , κ.τ.λ. Notice the delicate way in which
Socrates hints that Nicias and Laches cannot both be right.
τούτο ούν σου εγώ αντιδέομαι, “Therefore I make this request
of you in my turn .'
και εγώ νυν παρακελεύομαι. These words are added as if
the speaker had forgotten that he had said at the beginning
of his sentence τουτο ... σου εγώ αντιδέομαι . Such irregular
redundancy is extremely common in real conversation .
Néyovta 6tı. The ori is, of course, redundant as Socrates ,
proceeds to give the actual words that he would have Ly
simachus say .
E ούτε γάρ ευρετής... γεγονέναι. The clause depends on φησίν .
above.
NOTES. 65
συ δ', ώ Λάχης και Νικία , κ.τ.λ. The σύ is justified by the 186 Ε

εκάτερος. Since modern Englishmen do not use the word
C
* thou ' the exact form of the Greek can hardly be given except
in some such way as follows: ' But, sir, Nicias as well as
>
Laches, you must tell us each of you , ' etc.
αν μη υμίν σχολή ή υπό, κ.τ.λ., if your time is quite 187 Α
taken up by public affairs.' For the construction of υπό
as if after a passive verb cf. 180 D, κατ’ οικίαν τα πολλά
διατρίβοντες υπό της ηλικίας.
6
και αμφότερα, or in both ways. For this adverbial use of
the word cf. Gorgias 525 B. εί τινος μέγα ήν το σώμα φύσει ή
τροφή ή αμφότερα.
γεγονότα ... δότε. Notice the combination (by no means an
unusual one) of dual and plural. With γεγονότα repeat επί
στασθον .
ει γάρ νύν άρξεσθε. This future, followed by an apodosis
in the present, must be translated by an English future,
66
For if you are going to start their education now .
σκοπείν χρή μη ουκ εν τω Καρί, κ.τ.λ. The μή and the oύκ Β
have each a separate force here, the words ουκ εν τω Καρί ...
αλλά being as it were parenthetical. Translate · You must
beware lest you make a dangerous experiment, not on
the proverbial Carian, but on your sons and the children of
your friends.' • To run the risk in the person of a Carian ’
was a proverbial expression for risking anything that was
comparatively worthless. It apparently arose from the fact
that the Carians often served asmercenaries, the loss of whom
would be but little considered as compared with that of citizen
soldiers. Cf. Euripides, Cyclops 654 —
δράσω τάδ' εν τω Καρί κινδυνεύσομεν,
and Plato, Euthydemus 285 B and c, ώσπερ εν Καρί εν εμο
έστω ο κίνδυνος .
ατεχνώς, “ precisely. ”
εν πίθω ή κεραμεία γιγνομένη. Another proverb.. Plato
gives it at greaterlength in the Gorgias 514 Ε, το λεγόμενον δή
τουτο, εν τω πίθω την κεραμείαν επιχειρείν μανθάνειν , so that the
meaning would be to begin a study at the wrong end (" to
learn to run before you can walk ,' as we somewhat inaptly
put it) . The πίθος was the largest kind of wine jar, and it
would of course be usual to begin learning pottery on small
vessels where breakage would be less costly .
ου φατε, “negetis.'
66 NOTES.
CΑΡ. ΧΙΙ .
187 B βουλομένοις υμίν εστί. Cf. 187 C, εμοί ... και Μελησία ... ηδομέ
νοις αν είη, and Phaedo 78 Β, εί σοι ήδομένη εστίν .
C και διδόναι λόγον, and to answer.'
αυτούς δή. The δή gives emphasis to the pronoun.
έμοί μέν γάρ, κ.τ.λ. The natural order would be δήλον γάρ
( έστιν) ότι εμοί μεν και Μελησία τώδε ήδομένοις αν είη. The δε
that should answer the uév never comes.
και άλλως και. For the more usual άλλως τε καί. Cf. 181 Α.
6
ολίγου ... ηλικίαν έχουσι παιδεύεσθαι, are nearly old
enough to be educated ,' i.e. to be educated for political life
and military service. The boys were probably about fourteen
years old, and it is to be supposed that they had already been
well trained in the ordinary music and gymnastic.
D εί ούν υμίν μή τι διαφέρει, “ So if you do not mind.'
διδόντες τε και δεχόμενοι λόγον, κ.τ.λ. Cf. διδόναι λόγον
above ( 187 c) .
πατρόθεν , from your knowledge of his father.'
αλλ' ή παιδί όντι, 6 except when he was a boy.'
έν τους δημόταις. Cf. 180 C, πρώτον μεν όντα δημότης and
note .
δηλος έτι ει . The έτι belongs to the ουκ εντετυχηκώς.

Tl uálcora,lit. , ' Why especially ?' i.e. ' what makes you say
1 that ?'
CΑΡ. ΧΙΙΙ.
ώσπερ γένει. It is impossible to translate these words as

they stand with any tolerable result ; and, if we may go
against the authority of the mss. here, it is simpler to reject
them altogether than to alter them , especially as the rhythm
of the sentence is much improved by their omission, and they
are precisely what may have been added by commentator
who thought the phrase εγγύτατα ... ή λόγω ( “ is closely con
nected with Socrates in talk ') too metaphorical. If weretain
them we must suppose that Nicias is represented as explaining
his own metaphor . But to explain one's own metaphors is to
confess inadequate
them .
NOTES. 67
εάν άρακαι. For the force of the άρα see note on ει δ' άρα 187 Ε
πολλάκις, 179 Β .
εμπέση, he is forced .'
το διδόναι ... λόγον here means giving an account. '
όντινα τρόπον, κ.τ.λ. A dependent question explanatory of
περί αυτού. With the second όντινα we must supply a second
τρόπον .
βασανίση, 6 examines. There is not necessarily any allu- 188 A
sion to torture, which is not implied in the primary meaning
of βάσανος.
αλλ ' εις τον έπειτα βίον, κ.τ.λ. On the practical good thus B
done to men by Socrates, Xenophon is constantly insisting in
his Memorabilia.
τον ταύτα μη φεύγοντα. ταύτα means cross -examination by
Socrates.
κατά το του Σόλωνος. The line referred to is this
γηράσκω δ' αιεί πολλά διδασκόμενος .
νούν έχον , “ bringing sense with it. '
άηθες ουδ' αυ αηδές. This is probably a play upon words .
πάλαι... τι ήπιστάμην. Here, as there is no reference to a
continued state, tálal does not give to the imperfect- as it
otherwise would—the force of a pluperfect.
το μεν εμόν ουδεν κωλύει, κ.τ.λ. The construction is C
ουδεν κωλύει το μεν εμόν συνδιατρίβειν, κ.τ.λ., there is nothing
to prevent me, for my part, conversing with Socrates in the
way that he wishes. For the use of το εμόν , which is nearly
equivalent to εμέ , cf. Απλούν το γ' εμόν below at the beginning
of Laches' answer and oυ τα υμέτερα , ως έoικεν , αίτιασόμεθα ,
189 B. Also το γ' εμόν ουδέν αν προθυμίας απολίποι ( Rep. p. 533 Α).
Λάχητα δε τόνδε όρα , κ.τ.λ. Cf. note on 183 D, το δε
σόφισμα ... οιον απέβη.
CAP. XIV .
“ Απλούν το γ ' εμόν, κ.τ.λ. “ Well, for my part , Nicias, I

have only one mind about conversation , or, if you like to put
it so, two minds.'
ως αληθώς όντος ανδρός , who is really a man. '
6
For ως
αληθώς see 183 D.
D
και κομιδή μοι δοκεί, κ.τ.λ., and a man like that seems
to me to be really musical, and to have tuned in the best
68 NOTES.
188 D of scales not any lyre or pleasant instrument of music-

no, but actually to live with his own life tuned so that his
words make no discord with his deeds ; tuned not in the
Ionian, nor, I think , in the Phrygian or Lydian scale, but
simply in the one Greek scale, the Dorian. The construc
tion of the clause is somewhat interrupted by the insertion of
TQ ÖVTC Šîv, which spoils the grammar.
áppovlav. This word must not be translated · harmony, '
which it does not mean, and of which the Greeks were pro
bably ignorant, but " scale ' or ' mode. ' We recognise two
genera of scales which we distinguish as (i. ) the chromatic,
and ( ii. ) the diatonic. The Greeks recognised three genera,
the ' chromatic,' • diatonic,' and enharmonic. ' * Further, while
we divide the diatonic scale into two species or modes, calleil
major and minor, which differ from each other in the arrange
ment of the tones and semitones, the Greeks divided it into
seven such species or modes, viz. ( i.) Mixolydian, ( ii.) Lydialı ,
( iii.) Phrygian, (iv.) Dorian, (v. ) Hypolydian, (vi.) Ionian or
Hypophrygian, ( vii. ) Aeolian or Hypodorian - differing from
oneanother in pitch as well as in character. Of these the Lydian
corresponded to our major, the Aeolian to our minor scale.
They all would seem to have been of Asiatic origin except
the Dorian. That mode may be represented on the piano
by a scale of eight notes, which runs from E to E , but
is played entirely on the white notes.
In the Republic (398 D foll. ) Plato speaks very decidedly of
the influence of the various modes on the moral character,
and is for rejecting all the modes except the Dorian and
the Phrygian . Aristotle too in his Politics, though he
dissents from Plato, and thinks that every mode can be
used appropriately on the right occasion, yet draws a
sharp distinction between the Dorian and the others.
Of the Dorian mode he says, περί δε της δωριστί πάντες
ομολογούσιν ως στασιμωτάτης ούσης και μάλιστ' ήθος εχούσης
åvopelov. He thinks it therefore especially suitable for
the education of the young. The Phrygian mode was
wild and rousing, the Mixolydian melancholy and suited for
dirges, the Lydian and Ionian soft and convivial. It seems
curious to us that it should have been natural to the Greeks
to regard such differences as so obvious and so important.
We must infer that the effect of music upon the Greeks was
stronger and more definite than on an average it is upon us.
Mahaffy ( Old Greek Life, p. 55) says, “ The modern Chinese
The enharmonic scale admitted quarter tones, and was so far different,
in theory at least, from anything in our music.
NOTES. 69
have the same beliefs ” (as the Greeks) “ about the moral 188 D
effects of music. "
αλλ' ήπερ μόνη “Ελληνική εστιν αρμονία. The antecedent
to ήπερ αρμονία is δωριστί, which could even be used with
the article, as seen in the passage of Aristotle quoted in the
last note.
των μεν λόγων. Here μέν should not be translated, as E

it merely gives emphasis to λόγων. It is followed by αλλά
instead of dé. The contrast between èpyov and lyos is one of
which the Greeks seem never to have tired.
TTpótepov, ' first,' i.e. before I had experience of his words.
6
άξιον όντα λόγων καλών, κ.τ.λ., a man whom noble words
and all boldness of speech would well become,' or ' who
deserved to have a command of noble words and all boldness
of speech .'
και τούτο έχει . The Toûto means the noble words and 189 A
boldness of speech.
ouußoúlopai růvopi, ' I feel in sympathy with him .'
6
αλλά και εγώ τώ Σόλωνι, κ.τ.λ., but I too agree with
Solon, making one addition only to his verse.
συγχωρείτω, 8c. ο Σόλων.
σοι ... εγώ επαγγέλλομαι, I promise to allow you.' B
μηδεν την ημετέραν ηλικίαν , κ.τ.λ. , and do not consider

our ages in the least. '
CAP. XV.
τα υμέτερα : cf. το εμόν , 188 c.

μή ουχ έτοιμα είναι . Τhe oύ is inserted because the verb ο
aitiaoóueda was preceded by a negative, · When an
infinitive would regularly be negatived by un - either in the

ordinary way or to strengthen a preceding negation — if the
verb on which it depends has a negative, it generally takes
the double negative μή ού. Thus δίκαιόν εστι μή τουτον αφεϊναι,
it is just not to acquit him , becomes, if we negative the leading
him ..où
verb, dikalóv ļoti un oỦ Toûtov åpeîvai, it is not just not to acquit
.. Again , elpyel de un TOÛTO TOLEîv, he prevents you from
doing this, becomes, with elpyet negatived, oủk cipyel de un oủ
TOÛTO Troleiv, he does not prevent you from doing this' (Good
win's Greek Grammar, p. 309 ).
70 NOTES.
189 C συμβουλεύειν και συσκoπείν, to give advice and join in the
inquiry.'
OKÓTEL, ' inquire. ' For this sense of the word cf. Soph.
0. T. 285-286
παρ' ου τις αν
σκοπών τάδ', ώναξ, εκμάθοι σαφέστατα.
ouußouleve apparently here means ' join in giving (us)
advice. ' It would be more satisfactory if it could mean
' consult with, but this meaning is confined to the middle
voice.
εγώ μεν γαρ και επιλανθάνομαι, κ.τ.λ. For I am so old
that I forget most of the questions I mean to ask , and most of
the things I hear ; and if a new topic is started in the middle
of a discussion, my recollection is not very perfect. He
means that he forgets every word, oủ trávu by a litotes being
really on occasions a very strong form of denial. But it is
onlyby a litotes that it is so ,its literal and proper meaning
being ' not altogether.' (See Riddell's Apology, pp. 171 , 172.)
D
περί ών προυθέμεθα , for περί τούτων & προυθέμεθα , on the

subject we proposed for our discussion .'
εξετάζειν και τα τοιαύτα . τα τοιαύτα is not logically correct .
Strict accuracy would require taūta , unless oïa instead of ă
had preceded .
E αλλ' οίμαι, και η τοιάδε σκέψις, κ.τ.λ. Here there is
a transitionin reality somewhat an abrupt one-to a new
subject. The question of the possession of knowledge about
thesoul, and of the proofs of possessing that knowledge, are
shortly dismissed, and there is substituted for it the question,
• Do we know what goodness (or ' excellence ') is ? '
The questions that any one would have to answer before
constructing a perfect system of education would be somewhat
as follows :
(i. ) What do we wish to make of human nature ?
(ii.) What means are to be used to produce that effect ?
or, in Plato's language,
(i.) τί έστιν αρέτη 5 (190 Β).
(ii . ) πώς τις αυτήν ραστα και άριστ ' &ν κτήσαιτο ; (see p. 189 Ε
and 190 A and B).
Any one who can answer these questions aright can train the
soul; and further it is impossible for any one to answer ques
tion ( ii .) without being able to answer question (i. ) Hence
the inquiry is to be, ' What is thenature of virtue or excellence
in general ?' Subsequently ( 190 c and D) it is further re
stricted to the question, What is the nature of courage in
particular ? '
NOTES. 71
σχεδόν δέ τι και μάλλον, κ.τ.λ. , and will indeed be, if any . 189
thing, more fundamental.” 6
ει γάρ τυγχάνομεν επιστάμενοι, κ.τ.λ. Lit. “ For if we happen
to know about anything, that, if added to something, it makes
that thing to which it was added better, and if, further, we
are able to cause it to be added to it, it is clear that we know
the thing itself , about which we should be giving advice as to
how any one might acquire it most easily and best,' i.e., ' for
if wehappen to know that a thing is improved by acquiring a
certain quality, and, further, are able to make it acquire that
quality, it is obvious that we know the nature of the quality
itself, since it is about it, and the best and easiest means of
acquiring it, that we should , in the supposed case, be giving
our advice.' The want of abstract and philosophical terms
makes the Greek difficult. The use oftechnical language in
questions of morals and logic washardly thought of as yet.
On the other hand, Plato probably intends tobe somewhat
obscure here. See next note.
ίσως ούν ού μανθάνετέ μουκαι τι λέγω. An indication (seenote
on tws Néyels ; 185 B) that Plato thinks the subject difficult.
ότι όψιν γε εσμεν αυτήν και τί ποτ' έστιν. The con- 190 A
struction by which the subject of the dependent clause is
separated from it, and made a part (object or otherwise) of the
main clause, has already been noticed . The expression to
know what a thing is ' means to be able to give an exact defi
nition of it. According to Aristotle, in defining we have to
show Thy ovolav H TÒ Ti ¢ otiv , “ the essence or what a thing is, '
that is to say, if we are defining a thing, and not merely ex
plaining a name, we must mention the attributes which the
thing has as such-not necessarily all its attributes, but those
from which the others may be deduced . Thus Euclid finds it
sufficient to define triangle ' as ' a figure contained by three
straight lines, this being what constitutes a triangle, or the
essential property from which all its other properties may be 2
deduced. The word ' essence, ' from the Latin ' essentia ,' a
translation of ovola, is unfortunately now popularly used to
mean extract, ' a sense in which it was employed by the
alchemists. In philosophy it has no such meaning ; the
essence of courage ' does not mean merely the important part
of courage , but the whole of courage as it reallyis, stripped
of all accidental circumstances which may accompany it, but
which do not really belong to it.
P
72 NOTES.
1
CAP. XVI.
190 B 'Αρ' ούν τούτό και υπάρχειν δει, το είδέναι ... ; “ Ought not
we then to start with knowing ... ? '
Toútov oýu Boulou, ' advisers on this point' (i.e. örWs äv ...
κτήσαιτο).
с Papèu uévtoi, ‘ Yes, we do. '
8ye louev, ' since we know it .'
Tov ydp lows xpyov, ‘ for that would, perhaps, be too long
a business.
DH Sílov Si, Sri, k.r.l. , 'may I not say the one to which, ' etc.
η εν τοίς όπλοις μάθησις is equivalent to ή μάθησις του εν
τοίς όπλοις μάχεσθαι.
TTELPW, 2nd sing. pres. imperat. med.
CAP . XVII.
où xaletov eltîv. The où is repeated. Notice thatLaches

finds the subject very easy, because he has never thought
about it, and therefore overlooks its difficulties. Consequently
(as is so often done by those who think questions easy) he does
not, as Socrates says below, answer the question put to him ,
butanother question that was not asked.
αλλ' ίσως εγώ αίτιος, κ.τ.λ. , but I daresay it is my fault ,
because I did not use clear language, that your answer was
not about the thing which I meant in my question, but some
thing else .' Observe the mock humility of Socrates, and also
the obscurity of the sentence (cf. 185 B note, 'an 189 E).
With regard to the construction Riddell says that the use of
the accusative of the infinitive to express the result is common 1
in negative clauses, but seems to be confined to them, ' p. 150 .
6
191 A 'Eyw yoûv onui. ‘ At any rate, I call him so.'
Kal yap éyú , “ Yes, so do I. '
älld ol aů 88 € ... ; ‘ But what are we to say about the man
that ... ? "
állà und uévwv. We should say, and not standing his
ground,' or ' instead of standing his ground .'
Hôs peúywv; ' What do you mean by “who fights running
away” ?'
NOTES. 73
" Ομηρός που .... édon . The quotations that follow are to be 191 A
found in Il. viii. 105 foll., where Diomed says to Nestor
' Αλλ' άγ , έμών οχέων επιβήσεο, όφρα ίδηαι
Ολοι Τρώϊοι ίπποι, επιστάμενοι πεδίοιο
Κραιπνά μάλ' ένθα και ένθα διωκέμεν ηδε φέβεσθαι,
Ούς ποτ ' απ Αινείαν έλόμην, μήστωρα φόβοιο.
The first three of these lines occur also in Iliad v. 221 foll.
The argument in the text is not to be taken seriously . There
is no allusion to ' Parthian '? tactics in péßeobac, and uņotwpa
poßolo ( ' contriver of fear ') can only mean that Aeneas spread
terror among his enemies. Plato is fond of these punning
arguments from Homer,in which he probably meant to ridi
cule certain far-fetched interpretations that were fashionable
at that day.
και συ το των Σκυθών ιππέων πέρι λέγεις , “ and what B
you say about the Scythians refers to cavalry .'
πλήν γ ίσως... το Λακεδαιμονίων. There is a good deal of
quiet irony in this remark , as Laches regards the Lacedae
monian practice as the standard of military excellence . See
182 E foll. The stratagem of which Plato here speaks is not
related by any other writer , and'is indeed not consistent with
the account given in Herodotus ix. 61 foll., who represents
the yeppa of the native Persians as stuck in the ground for a
barricade, and overthrown by a charge of the Lacedaemonians.
By the yeppopópo. Plato means the native Persians, who had
adopted the wicker shield,and, in fact, the entire military
equipment of the Medes. See Herodotus vii. 61 and 62. The
yepropópoi are mentioned as forming part of Artaxerxes' army
in Xenophon , Anab. i. 8. 9.
ώσπερ ιππέας1s to be taken with αναστρεφομένους and o
máxeotai, ‘ returned to the charge like cavalry.'
CAP . XVIII.
Τούτο τοίνυν αίτιον έλεγον , ότι εγώ αίτιος, κ.τ.λ. , lit.

* This then I called the reason (saying) that I was the
reason you did not answer well, because I did not ask you
> 6
well,' i.e. this then was the thing I meant when I said it
was my fault that your answer was not to the point, because
I put the question badly.” Without the airlov, TOÛTO Tolmur
Erleyov 8ti would quite naturally signify, This then was my
meaning when I said ,' and accordingly Jacobs rejects the
altiov, and other scholars substitute õpti for it. But there
74 NOTES.
191 C is no warrant for either alteration, the sentence can be made

to construe as it stands - and if anything has been inserted by a
later hand than Plato's it is most likely to be the words ŐTL
ływ aircos, from the passage in 190 E, to which the present pas
sage refers. It should be added that Riddell explains the
words τούτο τοίνυν αίτιον έλεγαν ότι εγώ αίτιος (omitting the
comma after theyov ) as an instance of cognate accusative after
an adjective . Accordingly, it may be presumed , he would
6
have given the meaning somewhat as follows, “ This then I
meant by the responsibility for your not answering to the
point, which I said that I had incurred by putting my ques
tion badly .'
βουλόμενος γάρ. Socrates begins this sentence with aa view
of showing how he put his question badly, but he interrupts
himself at the end of this speech by the words, cloi váp
TOÚ TIVES,ω Λάχης , και εν τοις τοιούτοις ανδρείοι, and on
resuming contents himself with showing how he ought to have
put his question so as to make the meaning clear to Laches.
D και όσοι γε πρός νόσους. It would have been more satis
factory if the enumeration of the circumstances in relation
to which åvòpela is possible had stopped here. On the other
hand, we must not forget that we ourselves use ' brave' in
two perfectly distinct senses. For instance, we call a man
brave for bearing pain well when he has the pain, and there
fore cannot fear it in itself ; but we also call him brave if he
cheerfully submits to an operation to rid him of the former
pain. But the qualitiespraised in each of these cases are per,
fectly distinct. Secondly, švôpeîos corresponds to our word
'manly,' as well as to our word 'brave. Nevertheless, the
consideration of physical courage , in the sense of readiness to
face coming painor danger, would have been a subjectquite
wide enough for the dialogue. Aristotle would have said that
theman who behaves well in the face of poverty and political
difficulties, or resists desireand the incitements of pleasure,
is only metaphorically dvopeios. See Appendix.
Τι ποτε δν εκάτερον τούτων, κ.τ.λ. Supply κέκτηνται
6
from Socrates' previous question , and translate , Well, what
is each of these qualities that they possess ? that is what I
meant to ask .'
ανδρείαν πρώτον , ο.ε. δειλία is to be discussed afterwards.
The subject is never reached, except in so far as it is treated
by implication in the discussion about courage.
al 8v év tão . TOÚTOLS TAÚTÓV ŠOTI . Óv is, by so -called attrac
tion, for ovoa, lit. being what it is the same in all these
things.' However, as tí óv is the rrogative part of the sen
NOTES. 75
tence, and as literary English will not allow the interrogation 191 3
to be thus introduced, we must translate as if we read té
έστιν εν πάσι τούτοις ταυτόν όν, “ what is it in so far as it is the
same quality in all these relations ? ' As shown by what fol
lows ( cf. note on tûs dégels ; 185 B , and 190 E), Plato thinks
that his readers may find the subject a difficult one to under
stand .
CAP XIX .
’AMS8 Néyw, K.7.1 ., ' But my meaning is, just as if I were

to ask what quickness is as a quality which we may display
alike in running, playing music, speaking, learning, and in
many other things ; in fact, it may be said that we have the
quality, as far as itis worth mentioning, either in the perfor
mances of our hands, our legs, our mouth and voice, or our
mind. Do you not agree with me ? '
Ει τοίνυν τις με έρoιτο . Socrates now represents the 192 A
question as put to him, not by him , which enables him to
give the answer to it with greater rhetorical effect. The skil
ful method in which Plato manages this transition is worthy
of study.
και εν πάσιν ονομάζεις ταχυτητα είναι. For είναι after ονομάζειν ,
cf. Theaetetus p. 160 B, BOTE ELTE tis elval Tl óvouášel.
Trepl, ' in relation to.'
'Opaws ye où déywv. 'Quite right of you. ' Cf. Charmides
p. 156 A , and p. 162 E, kalūs ye où ... Trow , where we may trans
late, I am very glad that you do,' and Rep. 474 A, kałûs y ...
εγώ ποιών.
Πειρώ δή , κ.τ.λ. So you must try now, Laches, to tell
me in the same way what single faculty.courage is, alike
under the conditions of pain and pleasure and all the others
that we enumerated just now, so as to be called by one name. '
From Thv åvopelav (put into the main clause by a common figure
already commented on more than once) supply ý åvopeia asthe
subject to ouoa , which we must construe as a finite verb,
making κέκληται subordinate to it. See note on τί όν εν πάσι
TOÚTOLS TaỦtóv £oTLV ( 191 E ) where the construction is the same
as here. εν άπασιν οίς is for εν άπασιν εν οίς. Lastly έπειτα
has an inferential sense in reference to τις ουσα δύναμις , κ.τ.λ.
Kaptepla tis , ' a sort of endurance. '
ει τό γε δια πάντων , κ.τ.λ. , if I am to say what is the
>
nature of courage in all these cases.
76 NOTES
192 C εί γε το ερωτώμενον αποκρινούμεθα, κ.τ.λ. , if at least

we are to give ourselves an answer to our question.'
TÒ épwTÁMevov is a cognate accusative. Stallbaum says that
this construction is only possible with neuter participles (as
here) or neuter pronouns, and that with Tòv Noyov, for instance,
após would be required.
Toivuv, ‘ further .' Socrates is of course about to overthrow
Laches' definition. Yet he does not start as if he meant to
overthrow it, but only as if he meant to add clearness to it.
Laches had defined courage as a sort of resolution ; Socrates
asks what sort,
TEKualpojal Sè évéve, lit. · And I infer ( it) from this ' (from
6
what is going to be stated), i.e. and this is my reason for
thinking so.
oxedov yáp tl olda, ' I am pretty nearly sure. ' The yáp is
not to be translated here, for it introduces the very subject
which is indicated by évőévoe, and is therefore not here in
ferential like our ' før. It is more like our colloquialyou
know. ' : The τι
ti of course belongs to.oxedov, which it qualifies.
Ουκούν ή μεν μετά φρονήσεως, κ.τ.λ. The argument that
follows is-As endurance combined with wisdom is noble,
and endurance combined with folly is base, then since courage
is noble, courage must be the former endurance and not the
latter. Then Socrates goes on to point out (192 e foll.) that
often endurance (or resistance) combined with prudence is
not courage, and that often a man is more readily called brave
for doing an action contrary to the dictates of discretion or
unaidedby knowledge than for doing an action which dis
cretion commends or knowledge makes easy. Thus Socrates
confronts Laches with the difficult question of the relation of
the intellect to moral goodness - or in this special case to one
particular virtue - and proves to him that he has never really
thought over the question.
Τί δ' ή μετ ' αφροσύνης, “ And what about the courage that is
combined with a want of wisdom ? '
D
Ούκουν δίκαιόν γε, ώ Σώκρατες, “ It would be wrong to do
so, Socrates. '
CAP. XX.
E
και η εις άπαντα, κ.τ.λ., “ Or shall we say that it is the
endurance which is prudent in relation to all things both
large and small ? '
NOTES. 77
TeoveKTÝDetai, ‘ he will gain an advantage. Rutherford 182 E

(New Phrynichus p. 408 ) points out that this is the true
reading, and consequently TeoVekteîv must be added to the
verbs that use indifferently the ' med. or act. form of the G
future. Bekker's reading Tréov ÉKTÝOETAL (fut. perf.), ‘ will
possess more ,'does not give a satisfactory sense here, though
it has been adopted by most editors. πλέον κτήσεται (fut. ) ,
' will get more , would be preferable.
'Αλλ ' οίον εί τις ιατρός ών, κ.τ.λ. , “ But suppose that a man
who was a doctor, when his son or some other patient was
suffering from inflammation of the lungs and kept begging
him to give him something to eat or drink , did not yield , but
resisted ? '
Ουδ' οπωστιoύν ουδ' αύτη , • That wouldn't be courage 193 A
either in the least. ' We should have expected oůd'ÓT WOTLOV
ουδε τούτον (άνδρείον αν καλοίμι ), but Ρlato is thinking of the
quality καρτερία .
cidóra uév . If the sentence is regular we must say that the
uév is out of place, and is to be translated as if it followed
βοηθήσουσιν. .
xwpla, ' positions ' or ' fortresses.'
και τον εν τω εναντίο στρατοπεδω. ή is here or as shown
by Laches' answer. The passage is a good instance of the way
in which the meaning ' or ' passes into the meaning " than. '
ŠLOTņuns. Notice that this word is here used in the same B
sense as Téxvms at the end of the section. Diogenes Laertius
says that Ρlato recognized three kinds of επιστήμη
(i. ) TOINTIKÝ, which makesvisiblethings, e.g. shipbuilding,
(ii. ) Paktikń, which acts, but does not make visible ob
jects, e.g. harp playing,
(iii. ) Dewpntikń, which reasons and knows, but does not
make or act, e.g. geometry ;
and three kinds of téxon-
(i. ) That which collects or fetches, but does not make
A new things, e.g. mining and wood cutting,
(ii. ) That which makes the raw material into something
new (UETAOKEVAOTLKÝ Téxvn ), e.g. carpentry,
B ( iii.) That which usesthings, e.g. the artofthe musician.
Now, it is obvious that divisions A and B of réxvn corre
spond to divisions (i.) and (ii. ) of ėmlotņun ;; and theonly TÉXvn
to which Plato would have refused the name of TOTÝUn
would be such fetching of material as required no skill at all.
Hence we have no word wide enough for all the senses of
επιστήμη, for science is strictly only θεωρητική, and such
78 NOTES.
183 B phrases as the appliances of surgical science 6

are inac .
curate, for it is ' art, not ' science, that does ' or ' makes. '
Unfortunately ' art ' is now seldom used in English, except in
the sense of 'fine art' (music, painting, sculpture, etc. ) ; and
>
the word craft,' which is otherwise a very fair equivalent for
6
Téxun , is slightly archaic.

C ush OvTES Selvol, ' without being clever at it. '
Palvovtal, “Clearly they do. ' Here onewould have thought
the argument might have ended. It is quite obvious that
there is a contradiction in admitting that, while courage is a
φρόνιμος καρτερία , the άφρονώς καρτερούντες are braver than the
φρονίμως καρτερούντες.
D 'Quodoyeito yáp. 6
It was indeed (allowed to be so ).
CAP. XXI.
Ουκ άρα που, κ.τ.λ. • Then we are not tuned , you and I, in
the Dorian mode you talked of, Laches, for our deeds are not
in tune with our words .' The allusion is, of course, to Laches'
speech , ch. xiv.
lépya uèv ráp, K.7.d., iie . Socrates and Laches were con
fessedly brave in action . It seems curious that Plato
should make Socrates thus praise himself, but Socrates'
valour was beyond all question, and he is besides identifying
himself with Laches. Further, the assertion is not so direct
as the co - ordinate structure with uév and dé would at first
sightmake it appear. Translate, ‘ For though people might
say, I believe, that we have discovered some courage in our
actions, I don't think they would say that we have discovered
it in our words, if they heard us conversing now. '
6
oŰrws ñuâs Slakelodau, that we should be in this condition. '
Boúhel oův « Néyouev, K.T.N. Shall we then believe in the
truth of what we are saying up to this point ? LACHES. Up
to what point do you mean, and what is it that we are to
believe ? SOCRATES. Why, the principle that bids us have
endurance.' The reference is probably tothe statement that
ή μετά φρονήσεως καρτερία is καλή κάγαθή. It is true that such
a definition is not the same thing as an exhortation to captepia,
but in morals the transition is easy from the statement of
approval of certain actions to the command to perform them.
For the idea that courage is necessary in philosophical
speculation compare Rep., bk. ii., p. 357 X, ó yàp Taúkwv åel
S
τε ανδρειότατος ών τυγχάνει προς άπαντα, και δη και τότε του

NOTES. 79
θρασυμάχου την απόρρησιν ουκ απεδέξατο ; and for the idea of 198 και
showing in the discussion a quality akin to the quality dis
cussed cf. Rep. 368 Β, δέδοικα γάρ , μή ουδ' όσιον ή παραγενό
μενον δικαιοσύνη κακηγορουμένη απαγορεύειν και μη βοηθείν έτι
εμπνέοντα και δυνάμενον φθέγγεσθαι, for I fear there may be a
sin, when justice is evil spoken of, in standing by and failing
to offer help or succour while breath or speech remain to me
(Jowett). In this passage also there is the idea of holding
out and not giving in , and it should be noticed that απόρρησιν
in the first passage is a substantive exactly corresponding to
απαγορεύειν in thesecond. In our dialogue we have kindred
ideas expressed by προαφίστασθαι (194 Α ) aud ανιέναι ( 194 Β).
ει άρα πολλάκις, if after all we should find that. ' 194 Α 3
It has already been said in the note on 179 Β, ει δ' άρα πολλάκις
μη προσεσχήχατε τον νούν τώ τοιούτω, that άρα suggests the
discovery of a result, while trollákis hints at its possibility:
Cf. Phaedrus, p. 238 C-D, where Socrates playfully says, tậ
όντι γαρ θείος έoικεν ο τόπος είναι, ώστε , εάν άρα πολλάκις νυμφο
ληπτος προϊόντος του λόγου γένωμαι , μή θαυμάσης .
έτοιμος, Sc, είμι .
μη προαφίστασθαι, not to abandon the inquiry pre
>
maturely.' Stallbaum quotes Phaedo p. 185 C, το μέντοι αύ τα
λεγόμενα περί αυτών μη ουχί παντί τρόπωελέγχειν και μη προαφί
στασθαι, πριν αν πανταχή σκοπών απείπη τις, πάνυ μαλθακού είναι
ανδρός.
αλλά τίς με και φιλονεικία , κ.τ.λ. , but a love of controvergy
has come upon me on hearing (πρός) what you have said .'
αγανακτώ ει. This is almost the same as αγανακτώ ότι, but
leaves the question of fact rather more doubtful.
ει ούτωσια νοώ μή οδός τ' είμι ειπείν, at being thus unable
to express my meaning' ( Jowett).
τον αγαθόν κυνηγέτην. Socrates continues and makes B
more definite the metaphor that Laches has, unconsciously
as it were , introduced in the words διέφυγεν and ξυλλαβείν.
Everyone must have met with instances of metaphors thus
developed in ordinary conversation.
ανιέναι , absol., « to give up.'
CAP . XXII.
χειμαζομένοις εν λόγω. Here the difficulties of the dis- ο
cussion are described under a fresh metaphor, for which
Jacobs compares Philebus p. 29 Β, χειμαζόμεθα γαρ όντως υπ'
απορίας εν τοις νυν λόγοις.
80 NOTES.
+
194 C τα ... ημέτερα: cf. 188 c.

και αυτός & νοείς τω λόγω βεβαίωσαι, and establish your
own view by thus expounding it. '
D Πολλάκις ακήκοα σου λέγοντος , κ.τ.λ. Socrates probably
overestimated the importance of the intellectual element
in moral virtue as much as we now tend to underestimate
it. Socrates' words however as given by Nicias are not
wisdom is goodness, ' but a man is good at just the
things at which he is clever, and bad at just the things about
which he is ignorant,' a maxim with which nobody could
strongly disagree (see note on kalóv te kåyadóv, 186 c). Xeno
phon, in his Memorabilia iv. 6 , 11 , relates that Socrates said,
* Those who know how to behave properly in reference to
dangers and risks are brave, and those who have not this
knowledge are cowards.' But when asked whether courage
came by teaching or nature, he replied that one man was
naturally braver than another, but that courage could be
increased madňoel kai jelét ( Mem . iii. 9. 1-3 ).
Taūta Sè kakós. Notice the repetition of the dé, which
cannot be literally translated.
Ποίαν, ώ Σώκρατες , σοφίαν; cf. Charmides 174 Β, ποιον, ή δ'
Ös, TTETTEUTLKÓV ( see next note) ; Theaetetus 180B, Trolols palntais,
w daquóvie ; and Aristophanes passim (e.g. Ach . 62, polov
Baoiléws) for the scornful sense of noîos. Here, as Socrates
takes it in his answer as being genuinely interrogative, we
6
may translate, ' What sort of cleverness, Socrates , I should
like to know ? '
E oủ yáp nou ħ ye aúlytikń, ' I suppose , at any rate,
it is not cleverness in playing on the pipe ' (not flute ').
The suggestion is ironical ; but such allusions to the arts,
ironical or otherwise, were very characteristic of Socrates.
See Xen. Mem . i. 2. 37 . The angry ποίον πεττευτικόν ;
quoted in the last note , is drawn from Čritias in the Charmides
by a question from Socrates whether the knowledge which
according to Critias makes its possessor perfectly happy is a
knowledge of the game of draughts.
Πάνυ μεν ούν ορθώς, κ.τ.λ. “ Now, that is exactly the right
way to question him, Socrates, and he must tell us what sort
of knowledge it is that he calls it. '
Taútņv
sci čywye,
ence '....
û Máxns, “ This is what I call it, Laches, the
195 A Προς τι τούτ' ειπες βλέψας, κ.τ.λ. , “ What makes you
say that, Laches ? ' (Jowett).
IIpòs 8 tl ; ' Do you ask what ? '
NOTES. 81
6
xwpls, different from .' 195 A
Ούκουν φησί γε Νικίας. "Well, Nicias says not. '
Oů jévtou. Supply onoi : ' Yes, so he does, and that is just
where his folly lies .'
CAP. XXIII.
åtrobaval, ' to prove that you are so. ' B

aútika, ' for example.” “ Nam ut statim exemplum afferam ”
(Stallbaum ).
αλλ' ουδέν τι μάλλον ούτοιάνδρείοί εισιν. We maytake this
criticism as a statement of Plato's own opinion, for he makes
Socrates commend the sentiment. Indeed, it corresponds with
Socrates' criticism of Laches (p. 193 ) , in so far as it means
that when a man is courageous from having a skill that makes
the danger less, though the fact helps him to feel confident,
it yet diminishes the moral value of his confidence. Aristotle
(see Appendix ) , no doubt with this dialogue in his mind,
ranks the courage of experience among the spurious forms of
courage. Nicias however is not thinking of the courage of
experience, but has in his mind a more philosophical theory
as to the nature of courage, which he isnevertheless unable
so to expound as to be proof against Socrates' dialectic.
FOLKE Névtou Néyelv Tl, there seems, you know , to be C
something in what he says .' Nicias replies with some hum
our : ' Yes, there is something in what he says, but it is not
true. '
ή το υγιεινόν ειπείν οίόν τε, κ.τ.λ. , 1.e.. και το υγιεινόν τε ειπείν
οιόν εστι και το νοσώδες.
τούτό εστι το υγιαίνειν. The words το υγιαίνειν are explana
tory of τούτο.
où slows, lit. ' do you assign ?' i.e. in your theory. D
Toùs pávtels. This no doubt conveys a slight sneer at the
superstitious nature of Nicias. See note on 199 A, ó vóuos
ούτω τάττει, μή τον μάντιν του στρατηγού άρχειν, κ.τ.λ.
Toùs åvopelovs. The article with the predicate is justi. E
fied by the consideration that (according to Laches) the
two classes - prophets and brave men — would be exactly co
extensive. Cf. Gorgias 491 Ε , τους ηλιθίους λέγεις τους σώφρονας,
' it is the silly whom you call the temperate. '
3 >
Ti dai ; " What ? '
82 NOTES.
CAP. XXIV .
195 Ε *Ωι εγώ λέγω, i.e. , τούτω (προσήκει ) δν εγώ λέγω.

επεί , “for do you think that ... ? ?
196 A τούτον ου μανθάνω ... και τι βούλεται λέγειν, “ I don't know
what he means.' The construction must be by this
time familiar to the reader.
6
el un el. Cf. the Latin nisi si. '
2
B ότι ουδέν λέγει , “ that he is wrong.'
στρέφεται άνω και κάτω. Cf. Ρlat. Ιon. p. 541 Ε , αλλ '
ατεχνώς ώσπερ ο Πρωτεύς παντοδαπός γίγνει στρεφόμενος άνω και
κάτω, and Rep. p. 405 C, ικανός πάσας ... στροφές στρέφεσθαι ...
ώστε μη παρασχεϊν δίκην.
επικρυπτόμενος . An imperfect present , trying to hide. ”
είχεν
sense in άν τιναthis.
doing λόγονταύτα
ταύταποιείν
ποιείν is ,there might
the subject be . some
to είχεν
νύν δε , “ but as things are. ”
Ουδέν ουδ' εμοί, κ.τ.λ. , “ Nor do I thinkthere is any reason
why he should, Laches. Socrates answers as if Laches had
said νύν δε ουδέν έστι δι' και τις ... αυτός αυτών αν κοσμοί .
μη Νικίας oίεται. When the objects of fear or caution are
present or past, un following verbs denoting fear or caution
takes the present or past tenses of the indicative (see Good
win’s Greek Grammar , p. 262 ). Cf. δρα μή παίζων έλεγεν ,
Theaetetus 145 B.
CAP. XXV.
D Τούτο δε, δ.e. το δεινόν και θαρραλέον.

6
παντός δή, cujusvis.”
οπότε γε, since you say that.'
μήτε ... μήτε ... μηδέ, neither ... nar ... or. '
Κατά την παροιμίαν, κ.τ.λ. , “ So really not “* any pig” (to
quote the proverb) “ could know that,” or could become
brave. According to the Scholiast the proverb in question
was käv KÚwV Kdv üs yvoln, ' any dog or pig could tell that.'
την Κρομμυωνίαν ύν. This animal devastated Crom
Ε
myon, and was killed by Theseus. Plutarch gives its

name “ Η δε Κρομμυωνία σύς, ήν Φαιάν προσωνόμαζον , ου φαύλον
NOTES. 83
ήν θηρίον , αλλά μάχιμον και χαλεπόν κρατηθήναι. Crommyon 196 Ε

was in the territory of Corinth.
6
åTodéxeolay, ' to admit .'
ή ξυγχωρείν θηρίον τι, κ.τ.λ. , lit. or else to allow that some
beast is so clever, that what few men know on account of the
difficulty of learning it, he asserts that a lion, ' etc. The sen
tence would be regular if the words from λέοντα το φάναι in
clusive were omitted .
ομοίως λέοντα και ελαφον και ταύρον και πίθηκον . These
substantives are in two groups, the sense of the passage
) being, ‘ But he who definescourage as you do is bound to say
that in natural disposition for courage deer are on a level
with lions, and monkeys on a level with bulls. '
Tâou évavtlouụEVOS, K.T.N .,, or do you venture, in 197 A
opposition to the opinion of everybody else, not to call them
courageous at all ? '
αλλ' άφοβον και μωρόν. Thus the bird called ' the Booby '
was so named on account of its absolute fearlessness. Darwin
(Naturalist's Voyage p. 398 foll.) gives some interesting facts
which show that fear of man is not found to exist in races of
wild birds when they are first brought into contact with him,
but, on the contrary, is acquired very slowly, and only as the
result of inherited experience.
το άφοβον και το ανδρείον ού ταυτόνέστιν , “ fearless- Β
ness and courage are different things.' The distinction is
a real one ; but see note on Prodicus, 197 D.
ανδρεία δε τα φρόνιμα. The neuter is used probably for the
sake of conformity with the first part of the sentence.
CAP. XXVI.
εαυτόν ... κοσμεί τω λόγω. Cf. τι άν τις έν ξυνουσία τοιάδε ο

μάτην κενούς λόγους αυτός αυτών κοσμοί, 196 Β.
σοφόν, ... είπερ έστε άνδρείοι. ανδρείον ... είπερ εστε σοφοί
would have been more satisfactory as a direct answer to
Laches ; but Nicias answers the thought rather than the
words.
Λάμαχον. Subsequently Nicias' colleague in the Sicilian
expedition. He was a brave and able general, and had he
not so soon fallen in battle the fate of the Athenian armament
might have been very different. Lamachus is the type of the
84 NOTES.
197 c warlike man in Aristophanes, who finds his name convenient

for puns οι μάχη , Ε.g.
ιω πόνοι τε και μάχαι και Λάμαχοι . ( Acharn. 1071.)
Cf. Peace 1291, where Trygaeus says to Lamachus' son on
hearing who he is—
αιβοί
ή γαρ εγώ θαύμαζον ακούων , ει συ μη εΐης
ανδρός βουλομάχου και κλαυσιμάχου τινός υιός.
9
έχων ειπείν , -though I have something that I could say ,
i.e. though I could if I liked. '
Αιξωνέα. The people of Laches' deme, Aexone, were noted,
according to one Scholiast, for abusive language ; according to
another, for pride.
D ουδε μή ήσθήσθαι, 6not to have perceived at all. Stall
baum however, following Godf. Hermann, regards the nega
tives here as making an affirmative.
τω Προδίκω, κ.τ.λ. Prodicus of Ceos was one of the
most famous Sophists of Plato's time. He published one
or more treatises on the distinctionbetween words apparently
synonymous, and for this he is ridiculed by Plato here and
also in the Protagoras, e.g: 337 A , where he is made to say
that those present at an argument ought κοινούς μεν είναι
αμφοίν τοϊν διαλεγομένουν ακροατάς, ίσους δε μή , έστι γάρ ( he
: explains) ου ταυτόν κοινή μεν γάρ ακούσαι δεί αμφοτέρων, μή ίσον
δε νείμαι εκατέρω , αλλά το μέν σοφωτέρω πλέον , το δε αμαθεστέρα
έλαττον ... “ to beimpartial hearers of both the speakers; remem
bering however that impartiality is not the same as equality,
for both sides should be impartially heard, and yet an equal
meed should not be assignedto bothof them; butto the wiser a 2)
Ι
higher meed should be given , and a lower to the less wise
(Jowett). He ends his speech by saying, “ And thus we, who
are the hearers, will be gratited and not pleased ” (ευφραινοίμεθα,
ουκ ηδοίμεθα ) « for gratification is of the mind when receiving
wisdom and knowledge, but pleasure is of the body when
eating or experiencing some other bodily delight ” (Jowett).
Subsequently we find ( p. 358 D) Τί ούν και έφην εγώ, καλείτε τι δέος
και φόβον και και άρα όπερ εγώ (προς σε λέγω, ώ Πρόδικε) και προσδοκίαν
τινά λέγω κακού τούτο, είτε φόβον είτε δέος καλείτε: ' Εδόκει
Πρωταγόρα μεν και Ιππία δέος τε και φόβος είναι τούτο, Προδέκω δε
δέος, φόβος δ' ου . See also Charmides 163 D. Plato is pro
bably unfair to Prodicus, and Grote well observes that a
teacher who took care , even punctilious, care, in fixing the
meaning of important words of his discourse must be con
sidered as guiding the minds of his hearers in a salutary
NOTES. 85
direction ; salutary, we may add, even to Plato himself, 197 D

whose speculations would most certainly have been improved
by occasional hints from such a monitor.” Prodicus how .
ever should be better known as the author of the pretty
3)
fable known as the “ Choice of Hercules,” which should be
read as related in Xenophon's Mem. ii. 1. 21-33.
τα τοιαύτα Kouyseveo dai, ' to make such refinements.'
åvopl &v in Tóls, K.T.); Laches, though still rather angry,
is yet mollified enough by Nicias' praise to return the com
pliment. Nicias' silence during all this time while Socrates
and Laches are discussing his behaviour is in accordance with
the gentleness of his character.
Πρέπει ... των μεγίστων προστατούντι, κ.τ.λ. Cf. Rep. p.
473 C-D, where Socrates is made to say that a perfect govern.
ment is only possible if philosophers are made kings, or kings
and rulers become philosophers, i.e. if those who possess
political power have high speculative ability , and have under
gone a training to develop that'ability.
δοκεί δέ μοι Νικίας άξιος είναι, κ.τ.λ., and it seems to E
me to be worth considering what is Nicias' point of view in
his definition of this word “ courage
CAP. XXVII.
Ουκούν και συ τούτο, κ.τ.λ. • Then did you not also 198 A
imply in your answer that this was a portion of virtue,'
etc. There is a similar construction below, p. 199 c, uépos
αρ' ανδρείας ημίν , ώ Νικία, απεκρίνω σχεδόν τι τρίτον.: ,
όντων δή και άλλων, κ.τ.λ.,“thereby admitting that there were
other elements, the combination of all the elements being
called virtue. '
πρός άνδρεία σωφροσύνην και δικαιοσύνην. 6
The four · vir
tues ' of the Republic are σοφία, ανδρεία , σωφροσύνη, δικαιοσύνη.
The first of these is an intellectual quality, but the other
three can be made to embrace the whole of moral virtue with
out an undue extension of meaning. Notice however that the
word åpérn has not primarily a moral meaning any more than
ảyao.bshas, and it is only in its application to themoral nature
6
of man that it can strictly bé translated by our word ' virtue.'
Exe Sń. Wait a moment.' B
Siságeis, " you shall set me right” (Jowett).

86 NOTES.
198 Β θαρραλέα, things not terrible. We have no single word in
e
English for this.

δέος γάρ είναι προσδοκίαν μέλλοντος κακού. This is a very
inadequate definition of fear. Aristotle in his Rhetoric ( ii.
5. 1 ) gives a more exact definition : "Έστω δή φόβος λύπη τις ή
ταραχή εκ φαντασίας μέλλοντος κακού φθαρτικού ή λυπηρού . See
Appendix .
ή ουχ ούτω και σοι δοκεί , ώ Λάχης ; Notice that Laches is
never left out of the conversation .
C Tà ... ñuétepa means little more than nuas (see 188 c),
and ήμάς ακούεις ότι φαμέν would of course be equivalent to
ακούεις ότι ήμείς φαμέν .
CAP. XXVIII.
D Εγώ δή φράσω, κ.τ.λ. In the following speech nothing
very difficult is propounded, though the phraseology is
difficult, for the reason that Plato had not at his command
6
any half-technical words like “ past,' ' present, ' ' future ,
science ,' subject-matter, ' and so forth . Socrates says that
of any given subject matter there will not be three separate
sciences accordingas it is past, present, or future, but only one
science under all these aspects .
Translate : “ Well, I will tell you . My friend and I, you
must know, think that in all matters of which science is cog
nisant there is not one science of the past, wherebywe know
how it has been, and another of the present to say how it is,
and another to tell us how what is still future can best be or
will be, but one and the same for all. For instance, in refer
ence to health with respect to any time, no other science
but the single one of meaicine considers both the present, the
past, and the probabilities of the future. '
199 Α μή τον μάντιν του στρατηγού άρχειν, κ.τ.λ. Here again
as in 195 E we have a gentle sarcasm aimed at Nicias' super
stitious character. For Plato's readers there is probably
an allusion to Nicias' conduct after the eclipse of the moon on
August 27th , 413 B.C. , when he delayed the retreat from
Syracuse in obedience to the soothsayers, and consequently
sealed the doom of the Athenian armament. It was certainly
8 case of the prophet ruling the general. και μελλόντων αυτών,
επειδή έτοιμα ήν, αποπλεϊν, η σελήνη εκλείπει ετύγχανε γάρ
πασσέληνος ούσα. και οι Αθηναίοι οι τε πλείους επίσχειν εκέλευον
τους στρατηγούς, ενθύμιον ποιούμενοι, και ο Νικίας (ήν γάρ τι και
άγαν θειασμώ τε και το τοιούτω προσκείμενος) ουδ' άν διαβουλεύ
σασθαι έτι έφη, πρίν , ώς οι μάντεις εξηγούντο, τρις εννέα ημέρας
NOTES. 87
μείναι , όπως αν πρότερον κινηθείη. και τους μεν 'Αθηναίοις μελ- 190 A
λήσασι διά τούτο ή μονή εγεγένητο (Τhuc. vii . 50, end ).
και έσομένων και γιγνομένων, κ.τ.λ. These words qualify
των αυτών , whether past , present, or future.'
6
"Έγωγε “ Yes, Ido (agree ).'
και πάντως εχόντων, and indeed under all possible con- Β
ditions. ' Possibly these words were not Plato's, but added
from Socrates' next speech by a copyist.
CAP. XXIX.
Μέρος άρα ... απεκρίνω σχεδόν τι τρίτον . Cf. 198 Α, ουκούν ο

και συ τούτο απεκρίνω ως μόριον ... ;
η περί πάντων αγαθών, 6 κ.τ.λ. Sc. επιστήμη.
και πάντως εχόντων, and under any condition of time. ”
The και joins πάντως εχόντων tο πάντων .
ούτως αν μετατίθεσθαι, κ.τ.λ. “ Do you say that you D
make this change in your definition , Nicias, or what change ?'
The aŭ marks a transition of thought which we seldom indi
cate in English. We might represent it by ' now ' in this
passage.
" Έμοιγε δοκεί , ο.ε. μετατίθεσθαι ούτως.
και παντάπασιν ως ... and exactly how .... ' The construc
tion here is not ειδείη τα αγαθά ώς γίγνεται , κ.τ.λ. , but ειδείη
τα τε αγαθά και ως τα αγαθά γίγνεται, κ.τ.λ.
6
ώ γε μόνη προσήκει, κ.τ.λ., “ (that man) who alone is in a
condition to distinguish with caution between things terrible
and the reverse in reference both to gods and men , and to
procure good for himself, because he knows how to behave
rightly towards them .” Schanz and Badham reject kai tà uń,
Gitlbauer rejects και ταγαθά . One or other of these correc
tions seems almost necessary to avoid very forced rendering
of εξευλαβείσθαι .
CAP. XXX.
Ei γε, ώ Λάχης, κ.τ.λ., “ I congratulate you, Laches, 200 A
because you think it no longer any consequence that you
yourself were proved just now to know nothing about cour
age, but are looking for my being proved to be in the same
case ; and it would seem that you will not at all mind being
ignorant in my company, of things which a man who has any
opinion of himself ought to understand .'
G
88 NOTES .
200 B ως αληθώς ανθρώπειον, κ.τ.λ. , “ to be doing a thing that is

very natural to all of us.
εγώ δ' οίμαι επιεικώς ειρήσθαι, “ I am of opinion that
enough has been said ” ( Jowett).
oŮ cú trov olel karayelâv, ' whom you, it seems, think you
may deride . '
βεβαιώσωμαι αυτά . Cf. 194 C, και αυτός & νοείς τώ λόγω
βεβαιώσαι.
δοκείς γάρ μοι, κ.τ.λ. , “ for you seem to me to be very much
in need of learning.
C Lopòs yap Tol où el. There is a slight sneer in this, but
Laches soon recovers his good temper.
χαίρειν εαν. A very common phrase, ' to say good-bye to. ?
See below, 201 B.
ταυτά αν ταύτ ' εποίουν , “ I should do the same ' (as I advise
them to do).
D Nikńpatov. Nicias' son , called after Nicias' father, accord
ing to the custom noticed in the note on 179 A.
αλλά γάρ, κ.τ.λ. , but the truth is that he introduces other>
people to me on each occasion when I mention it to him. ' So
Socrates had introduced Damon to Nicias ( 180 C-D ). In the
phrase állà yáp there is probably no ellipse, but both particles
exert what Riddell calls a simultaneous force.
TOÚTW, i.e. for Socrates.
Eupe mpo@ uuñoel ... ; ' will you help ... ? '
CAP. XXXI.
3 vûv & ópolws yáp. See note on 184 D.

τί ούν άν τις ημών τινα προαιροίτο, κ.τ.λ. , lit. “ why then
should a man choose any one of us before (the others ) ? I think
that ( he ought to choose) none ( of us ) . ' There is not an exact
correspondence between the question and the answer in the
Greek .
201 A
6
ουδείς γαρ έκφορος λόγος . The general sense clearly is
' (I don't mind making these humiliating admissions and sug
gestions ), because my words will not be reported to anybody
outside.' About the precise meaning of the words there is more
difficulty . The ms.reading is that given in the text,and, if it
is what Plato wrote, must mean , " for none of our conversa
tion is likely to be reported outside.” But ουδείς ... λόγος is
NOTES. 89
awkward . Consequently Stallbaum , Schanz, and C. F. Her- 201 A

mann read ουδεις γάρέκφoρoς λόγου( neque enim quisquam est qui
sermonem efferat - Stallb .). Stallbaum refers to Ār. Thesmo
phoriazusae, 472, where the mss. have aůtai gáp èouev, koỦdeui
čkpopos lóyou, ' for we are alone, and no one of us is likely to
divulge what I say.' For the passive signification of ik opos
may be quoted Eur. Hipp. 295 , ei dėkpopós col ovupopà arpos
đpo evas ; for the active Aesch . Eum . 910, Tv dvoceBoúvtwv 8'
εκφορωτέρα πέλοις. Whether we read λόγος or λόγου, the words
are probably a quotation from the drama. If so we might
guess that the words are Euripides', and are parodied in
Aristoph. loc. cit.
els Sidaokálwv, ' to (the house of) teachers.' Cf. ad Dianae. '
προβάλλεσθαι, lit. ' to put before ourselves ' (as a shield B
or excuse), i.e. ' to plead the authority of. '
ουκ αγαθήν .. αιδώ κεχρημένη ανδρί παρείναι. The line
occurs in od. xvii. 347. Plato here puts it in oratio obliqua.
He quotes it in its original form in Charmides 161 A
Αιδώς δ' ουκ αγαθή κεχρημένη ανδρί παρεϊναι.
εάσαντες χαίρειν. See above, 200 c.
6
κοινη ημών αυτών, κ.τ.λ. , “ will attend to our own needs as
well as those of the young men . '
állá pot. “ But, I beg. '
2
olkade, ' to my house.'

το δε νύν είναι. • But for the present . '
εαν θεός εθέλη. This use of θεός in the singular, without
reference to any particular god, is by no means uncommon in
Greek literature.
APPENDIX .
THE Laches is not meant to be an exhaustive treatise on
the subject of courage, but rather to give suggestions towards
an accurate consideration of the topic under the form of
a natural conversation , where character is not subordinated
to logic, and where the argument is developed by the free
action of one man's mind upon another.
It is therefore unfair on the dialogue to take away from it
its dramatic form. But it may nevertheless be of use to give
here a short summary of the argument in a more modern
shape.
66
It is curious that great men should often take such little
care of their son's education. Yet that education is most
important on its physical as well as its moral side. We
find however that even on the subject of physical education
there
men.
is great diversity of opinion among sensible experienced
A particular form of gymnastics is praised bysome and
blamed by others ; one man thinksit will probably be useful,
another suspects it to be altogether useless because it is
useless at times . Hardly anyone considers that bodily
exercise is at least as valuable to the mind as it is to the
body ; or attempts to base his theory of appropriate exercises,
in part at any rate, on the constitution of the mind and the
nature of the qualities he would cultivate in it. Indeed, as
tothe nature of those qualities many are altogether ignorant.
Take courage for instance —this being the quality which
above all others manly sports should cultivate. Have we a
clear idea what courage is ? The man who does not run
away in battle is ( presumably) brave ; but there are many
brave men who have never seen a battle in their lives.
Shall we say then that courage is a sort of resolution or
endurance ? If so, what sort of resolution is it ? Resolu
tion in investing money ? Clearly not, but, if resolution, it
ought to be some kind of sensible resolution, or resolution
combined with prudence. Yet, if courage is defined thus, we
must further ask who is the braver man of the two, the im
prudent man who fights against odds, or the prudent man
who fights with the advantage of numbers on his side ?
90
APPENDIX . 91
It is true that in all courage, which is not mere brute

courage, there must be an element of wisdom . But we must
not therefore say that courage is a sort of wisdom . For
instance, some people say that courage is wisdom as applied
to the consideration of dangers. But dangers are coming
evils, and the wisdom that judges of evil in the future cannot
differ from the wisdom that judges of wis
evildom
in the past and
courage. So
present, and no one would call suc
difficult is it to say what courage is, and so vague are our
notions on the very elements of the science of morals."
Though there is a great deal more in the dialogue than
the discussion of physical courage, it is only of that quality
that we shall now speak. In the Laches then we learn that
there is a physical element in courage and an intellectual
element, but that there is great difficulty in determining
the relation of these elements to each other. We learn
that in a sense “ discretion is the better part of valour,
but we are not told what this means ; on the contrary,
we are shown that when the discretion is narrowly self
seeking it does not add to a man's courage, but detracts
from it. Here it would be well to explain this contradiction,
and attempt to give an account of courage that shall har.
monise these conflicting views , which are entertained, we
believe, as much by Englishmen as they were by Plato.
For instance, no one reads the story of Nelson saying, “ I
never saw fear : what is it ?” * without admiring the boy for
his utter fearlessness ; yet most of us would agree with
Alan Breck Stewart that “ to be feared of a thing and yet to
do it, is what makes the prettiest kind of a man + ( kalov
κάγαθόν).
The truth is that we give to constitutional fearlessness
the same sort of admiration that we give to personal strength
or personal beauty ; whereas we admire courage that depends
onprinciple in the same way as we admire any other moral
virtue. The former kind of courage may exist without the
latter ; the latter perhaps never exists without some degree
of the former. But it will be convenient to speak of it as so
existing
Accordingly we may analyse the courage of the man who
from principle sacrifices or endangers his own life for the
good of others into two elements- (i.) The wisdom of pre
ferring a greater good to a smaller good : ( ii.) The sacrifice of
his own immediate desire.
*
Southey's Life of Nelson , chap . 1.
R. L. Stevenson's Kidnapped , p. 193
92 APPENDIX .
The same elements constitute the courage of a man who

endures danger or pain for his own sake. He does what is
wise and also does it by sacrificing his inclination of the
moment, which does not necessarily in that particular in.
stance tend towards his well- being even from a purely selfish
point of view, for fear, which is on the whole an instinct
tending to preserve, is yet so eminently unreasonable, and is
so heedless of anything except the nearest danger, that on
many occasions it has a tendency to destroy. Thus a man
suffering from a dangerous disease to be cured only by a
painful operation naturally shrinks from the operation ; and
is therefore praised for submitting to it, even though he
should do so merelyfor his own sake.
On the other hand we blame, and justly blame, as rash a
man who puts himself into situations which are clearly
dangerous for him unless he do so with a fair prospect of
obtaining a greater good either for himself or his fellow-men.
To repeat this distinction in a slightly different form , fear
will, as a rule, tend to preserve an animal from destruction ;
on the other hand there are many occasions on which a want
of fear will preserve an animal from destruction. Hence a
due balance between fear and fearlessness will be the best
quality for preserving an individual . This fact maybe verified
any day at a London crossing , where the over-timid and the
careless equally put themselves in danger of being run over.
Therefore we say that “ discreti is >the better part of valour , '
on
and we blame men who are “ rash .
But as courage may also be a social virtue, that is, be
exerted for thesake of saving the community, and not for the
sake of saving the individual only , we praise it even when it
brings manifest harm to him provided his action be one that
tends to the good of society . It is the latter point to which
we expect him to give his best attention ; if it be once settled
that he will benefit his friends , his country, or the world by
exposing himself to danger, then the more careless a man
is of his own safety the greater hero we think him.
In Plato's Protagoras Socrates forces Protagoras to admit
that courage is the σοφία των δεινών και μη δεινών , and that
cowardice is the corresponding àuaola (p. 360). In fact the
doctrine is the same as that alluded to by Nicias in the Laches,
and is given as that of the historic Socrates in Xenophon's
Memorabilia . There Xenophon relates that Socrates said that
“ those who knew how to behave properly in reference to
dangers and risks were brave, and those who had not this
knowledge were cowards ” (Mem . iv. 6. 11 ). Yet Socrates
acknowledged a physical basis to courage, for when asked
APPENDIX. 93
whether that quality came by teaching or nature, he answered

that one man was naturally braver than another, but that
courage could be increased μαθήσει και μελέτη ( Mem. iii.
9. 1-3). There could hardly be a better or simpler state
ment of the case than this .
In Plato's other dialogues we find various unreconciled
statements on the subject of åvòpela . In the Laws i. p. 633,
it spoken of as a resistance not only to fear and pain, but to
desire, pleasure, and flattery, in fact it is taken as manliness
in its widest sense, and there is the same extension of view in
the Republic, where it is defined as the power of keeping firm
under all kinds of temptations the right opinion concerning
things terrible and the reverse (Rep. pp. 429-430). And in the
Politicus (p. 306) we find the word dvopeia used as a term
under which to include all the qualities of strength or
activity in mind or body.
In the Laws (xii. p . 963) we have mention made of åvopela
in the narrow sense, and there it is said that a courageous
soul comes into existence by nature and without the help of
reason . This view is much the same as that put into Pro
tagoras' mouth (Prot. p. 351 A), Oápoos uèv gàp kal årò téxuns
γίγνεται ανθρώπους και από θυμού τε και από μανίας, ώσπερ ή
δύναμις, ανδρεία δε από φύσεως και ευτροφίας των ψυχών γίγνεται.
On the other hand, in the Gorgias p. 495, it is said that
some courage implies knowledge, though the two are distinct.
And lastly, in the Phaedo ( p. 68) we find the suggestion of
a higher courage where it is said that most brave men fear
death from fear of evils worse than death ( for example, slavery
or disgrace ), but that the philosopher will welcome it as a
release from the body that impedes the free action of his
mind.
We will conclude with Aristotle's account of courage.
In his Ethics (iii. 6. foll. ) he says that courage , like all the
moral virtues, is a mean between two extremes, cowardice
and fool-hardiness. It is concerned with matters of fear and
their reverse ,but more especially with the former. Matters
of fear are all future evils, but with many of these courage
has nothing to do. Thus, a man is not brave because he does
not fear poverty, or because he does not fear shame, except
in a metaphorical sense (here Aristotle clears the ground by a
most useful distinction ), nor is he brave for not fearing death
from drowning at sea or death in disease, but only for not
fearing death and dangers in war. (Here Aristotle makes an
absurd distinction , which we see was natural to the Greek
mind from what Laches says in our dialogue, where he defines
courage in terms that can apply only to the courage of a
94 APPENDIX .
Greek hoplite, p. 190 E) . Aristotle goes on to say that there are

things terrible beyond man's power of courage to endure, and
he considers that none but madmen, or men with no feelings,
or Gauls could fail to fear earthquakes or waves. Such
people show the extreme of fearlessness. He distinguishes
from this an excess of over -boldness, but the distinction is of
little importance ; except in so far as he says that the over
bold areoften mere braggarts, but in that case they are not
really bold.
The man who shows the extreme of fear and of want of
confidence is the coward ; but the brave man not only endures
what he ought, but does it toû kaloû čveka.
Further that there are five spurious forms of courage
(i. ) πολιτική ανδρεία, i.e. facing danger through obedience
to the laws, or for the sake of the applause of
society, or to avoid its censure.
( ii.) Experience of the particular danger.
(iii. ) The courage of anger.
(iv. ) The courage of the sanguine man (or of the drunken
inan).
(v. ) The courage of ignorance.
In his Rhetoric he gives a more popular definition, which is
meant to be good enough for ordinary purposes : Courage
is the quality by reason of which men are disposed to do
noble actions in times of danger, and as the law commands,
and in obedience to the law, and cowardice is its opposite
( i. 9. 8). And he says in the same treatise that fear is a
grief or disturbance arising from the mental picture (èK
pavraclas) of a painful or destructive evil about to come on
us and that soon ( ii. 5. 1 ).
INDICES TO THE NOTES .
( The pages referred to are those of the book. )
I. GREEK INDEX.
'Αγαθός, meaning of, 64. δορυδρέπανον, 55 .

αγανακτώ εί, 79. δωριστί, 68, 69.
αλήθεια, military sense of, 55.
αλλά γάρ, 88. εάν in protasis, followed by
άλλως και δή και, 49.
αμφότερα used adverbially, 65. έαν,pres.
60.
ind . in apodosis, 43.
ävpleonastic, 53, 59. εαν χαίρειν, 89.
ανδρείος, wide meaning of, 74. ει άρα πολλάκις, 44 , 79.
ανθρώπειον , 88. είπερ τις άλλος , 44 .
άξιον, construction of, 47. έκφoρoς, 88 , 89.
αποκρίνεσθαι, followed by cog- εν πίθω ή κεραμεία γιγνομένη, 65.
nate accusative, 76. εν τω Καρί κινδυνεύειν, 65.
αρέτη, meaning of, 85 . επαγγέλλομαι, 69.
αρμονία, 68. επιβάται, 55.
αύ , 87. επιεικώς, 88.
επιμεληθήναι, 43.
βεβαιούσθαι, 80, 88. επιστήμη, 77.
βουλομένοις υμίν εστί, 66. επίτηδες,54.
επίφθονος in passive sense, 58.
yáp not inferential, 76. εσφαιρωμένα (δόρατα), 42.
γέρρα and γερροφόροι, 73.
ηλίκος, 48.
δέ, 42, 78 ; redundant, 80 .
δειλία, how far discussed , 74. θαρραλέα , 86.
δέος, strictly speaking distinct θαυμαστόν όσον , 58.
from φόβος, 84 . θεός without article, 89.
διαβολάς ίσχειν, 57. θεραπεύειν, 44.
διδόναι λόγον, 66, 67. θητες , 55.
δίκαοις εί, 48. θρασύς , meaning of, 57.
δικαιοσύνη , one of the virtues
of the Republic, 85 . και , peculiar force of, 59.
δοκεί , changed construction of, καλόν τε καγαθόν, 64.
57 . κάν κύων καν υς γνοίη , 82.
95
96 GREEK INDEX.
καταγελάν , 88. πλείστα όσα, 58.

κελεύειν , meaning of, 45 . πλεονεκτήσεται, 77.
ποίος, in scornful sense , 80.
λέγειν τι, 81 ,
σαυρωτήρ, 56.
6
μάθημα, 53. σκοπείν, inquire,’ 70.
μάχεσθαι εν όπλοις, 42. σοφία, one of the virtues of the
μέν and δέ, 42, 78. Republic, 85.
μή, withindicative, 82. στρατηγία , 52.
μή ού, 69. στρέφεσθαι, 82.
μήστωρα φόβοιο, 73. στύραξ, 56.
μουσική, 47. συμβουλεύειν, 43, 70.
συμβουλεύεσθαι, 43.
νύν δε γάρ, 59, 88. συμβούλομαι, 69.
σχεδόν τι, 46, 71 , 76.
ξυμπροθυμείσθαι, help,’ 88. σωφροσύνη, one of the virtues
of the Republic, 85.
οικείσθαι, 60.
ονομάζειν, followed by είναι, 75. | τα ημέτερα, 86.
οπλομαχία, 52. Seealso 42. τέχνη, 77.
ορθοίς, 49. το εμόν, 67.
ορθώς γε συ λέγων , 75. το τί έστιν, 71 .
όσος, 58 .
ότι, redundant , 64 . υπαισχύνεσθαι, 44.
ουδέν λέγειν, 82. υπό after active verb, 48, 65.
ου πάνυ, 54, 70 .
ουσία, 71 . φέβεσθαι , 73 .
φόβος, strictly speaking dis
πάλαι, force of , 43. Anct fronι δέος, 84 .
πάππου, 43.
6
παρά, ( different) from, ’ 50. χαίρειν έαν, 88, 89.
παράσιτος and παρασιτώ, 44 .
παραμείβετο, 55. ώσπερ, introducing metaphor,
περιφέρει με μνήμη, 48. 59.
II. ENGLISH INDEX.
Accusative, reflexive with in- | Birds, slowly acquire fear of

finitive, 57. man , 83.
cognate, 76. Booby, the, 83.
double, 44. " Brave ' has more than one
Aexone, deme of, 41 , 84. meaning, 74.

Alopece , deme of, Socrates, Caesar quoted, 55.
Thucydides, and Aristides Carian , 65.
belong to it , 47. Changed construction , 57.
Agathocles, 47. Charoeades, Laches' colleague
Alcestis, 43. 6
in Sicily, 41.
Alcibiades, 49, 64, ' Choice of Hercules, ' 85.
Anacolutbon, 47. * Clouds ' of Aristophanes, 64.
harsh instance of, 44 . Courage, combined with want
Aristides the Just, 41 . of wisdom , 76.
the education he gave his does it come by nature or
sons, 45. teaching, 80.
Aristides, grandson of the necessary for philosophical
above, 42, 50. speculation, 78, 79.
Aristotle on courage, 74. of experience ; views of
on definition , 71 . Aristotle and Plato on it, 81 .
on music, 68. Cowardice, not discussed ex
on spears with rounded plicitly, 74.
heads, 42. Critias, 64, 80.
Art, 78 . Crommyon, 82, 83.
Artaxerxes' army, 73.
Article, with predicate, $ 1 . Damon, 47 .
' Arts, The, ' often alluded to Darwin's Voyage, 83.
: by Socrates, 80. Definition , 71 .
Athenian names, 43. Delium , battle of, 41 , 49.
Athens, her literary pre-emin - Deme of Aexone. See Aexone.
ence , 53. Demes, 47.
Attraction , 44 , 48. Diomed and Nestor, 73.
Dionysodorus, 52.
Bacon quoted, 60. Discretion, is it the better part
Battle of Delium, 41 , 49. of valour ? 76.
of Mantineia , 41. Dorian modė, 68 .
97
98 ENGLISH INDEX.
Double accusative, 44. Lysimachus, his unscientific

Draughts, game of, 80. method of inquiry, 45.
Dual and plural combined, 65.
Mantineia, battle of, 41 .
Eclipse of the moon on August Marines, 55.
27 , B.C. 413, 86. Medes, 73.
Educated opinion , value of, 46, Melesias, 41, 43, 49.
60. Memorabilia , Xenophon's, 42,
Education of boys, 66. 52, so.
Epexegesis, 46. Metaphors, 59, 79.
Essence, ' 71 . Modes, musical, 68.
Euthydemus, Plato's, 42, 52. Molière quoted , 51 .
Exercise more valuable to the Music, Greek, 68.
soul than to the body, 61,62. Music-masters, 47.
Fear inadequately defined, 86. Names, Athenian, 43.
of man slowly acquired by Nestor, 73.
birds, 83. Niceratus, son of Nicias, 88.
Nicias, his character, 41 .
Homer, far- fetched interpreta his generalship, 41 .
tions of, 73. his courage, 41 .
his reputation , 41 .
Indicative with un, 82. philo-Laconian, 42.
Intellect as related to morality, his good opinion of oth
76. μαχία , 52.
Irregular apodosis, 43. his superstition, 81 , 86.
his gentleness, 85.
his fatal delay at Syracuse,
Kings philosophers, 85. 86.
Peace of, 42.
Lacedaemonians, 53.
their intolerance of stran . Opinion, educated, 46, 60.
gers, 54 . uneducated, 46, 60.
Laches, account of, 41.
his military capacity, 41. Peace of Nicias, 42.
his character, 54. Pericles, 47.
his prejudice, 58, 62. Persians at Plataea , 73.
philo -Laconian, 42. Philosophical terms wanting in
his opinion of the Lacedae- Plato's time, 71 .
monians, 73. Philosophers kings, 85.
finds aa subject easy because Physical education, concerns
he has not thought about it, human soul and is very im
72. portant , 46.
out of temper , 85, 88. . Plato, his manner of showing
Lamachus , 83, 84 . that he thinks a subject
Lysimachus, 41 , 43. difficult, 61 , 71 , 75.
ENGLISH INDEX. 99
Plato, intentionally obscure, 61 , | Socrates, the practical good

71 . done by, 67.
- his skilful management of Solon quoted , 67 .
a transition, 75. Sophists, 63.
Plural anddual combined, 65. Sparta, her military pre
Present indicative in apodosis, eminence, 53.
43 . Spear, spike at butt-end of,
Prodicus, 84, 85 . 56.
Prophet, rules the general, 86. Spears, 42.
Protagoras, 47 , 84. Stesilaus, 42, 54.
Proverbs quoted, 65, 82. Strategy, teachers of, 42.
Qualities needed in philoso- Tactics, teachers of, 42.
phical discussion, 79. Theseus, 82.
Thucydides, son of Olorus, 41 .
Relation of courage to wisdom , Thucydides, son of Melesias,
76. 41, 43.
Roman cavalry, 56. the education he gave his
sons, 44 , 45.
Science , inaccurate use of the ides , son of Melesias,
Thucydyou
word , 78. the nger, 42.
Scythians, 73.
Ships of war, 55. Uneducated opinion generally
Sicilian expedition , 83, 86 . valueless as compared with
Socrates, his mock humility, educated , 46, 60 .
72. but sometimes useful, 60.
Socrates, the historic,
his opinion on courage, 80. Virtue, a knowledge of its
overestimates the intel.: nature essential in forming a
lectual element in morality, 6
theory )of education, 70.
80 . · Virtues of the Republic, 85.
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4 CLASSICS
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> 9
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AY 05 1930

The Laches of Plato

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GIFT OF THE HEIRS OF

WILLIAM HENRY WAIT, PH.D.

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

The text of Plato followed in this book is that of the

* In his Philologische Streifzüge ( Freiburg, 1886).

In writing the Introduction and Notes I have con

Note on the Language of the Dialogue, xxii

Indices to the Notes, 95

PLATO , the son of Ariston and Perictione, was born

Plato's intimacy with Socrates dates from his

then on the throne (B.C. 388) ; he is said to have

value, but treats of questions beyond the scope of this

there given is no doubt authentic, and there are

bitter enemies, but the better sort would come back

of the immortality of the soul, the Theaetetus of the

named Stesilaus, fighting in heavy armour, and

good masters ; if not, it is very unlikely that he will

man who is resolute in spending sensibly, or resolute

in refusing unsuitable food to an invalid, is not there

Laches calls this shuffling, but Socrates is inclined to

The date at which the conversation is supposed to

Tollákis, ' perhaps, ' 179 B and 194 A.

Hyperbaton , the figure by which a word is for the sake of

A remarkable combination of particles is that of νύν δε ...

These result in general either (a) from a wish on the part

Here και εγώ νύν παρακελεύομαί σοι is inserted to resume the

ΛΥΣΙΜΑΧΟΣ , ΜΕΛHΣΙΑΣ, ΝΙΚΙΑΣ,

179 Β ειδότες ούν και υμίν υιείς όντας ηγησαμεθα με

μάχεσθαι και επήνει τούτον ον νυν υμείς εθεάσασθε 170 E

επιδεικνύμενον κατ' εκέλευε θεάσασθαι. έδοξε δη

180 C ΛΥ. Πώς λέγεις, ώ Λάχης ; Σωκράτης γαρ όδε

IV . ΛΥ. Ούτοι τι, ώ Σώκρατές τε και Νικία

άλλως και δη και ότι οικεία τα τε σα ημίν υπάρξει 181 A

181 D μανθάνειν παρ' αυτών εάν δ' έχω τι άλλο παρά τα

και εν φυγή επιτιθεμένου άλλου αμύνασθαι αυτόν

περί τας στρατηγίας | ορμήσεις και ήδη δηλον 182 €

188 Α πλεονεκτοιεν των άλλων περί τον πόλεμον. ει

νύμενον και τα μεγάλα περί αυτου λέγοντα αå 183D

184 Β ουκ άξιον επιχειρείν μανθάνειν. και γαρ ούν μοι

μή τι θαυμαστόν όσον διαφέρει τη αρετή των

ΜΕ. Εκείνω είκός γε, ώ Σώκρατες. 184 E

ΣΩ. Αυτό άρ' αν μάλλον πείθοιο ή τέτταρσιν

185 Β Χ. ΣΩ . "Ωδε ίσως μάλλον κατάδηλον έσται.

NI. Naí. 185 E

ΣΩ. Εί τις άρα ημών τεχνικός περί ψυχής θερα

ΛΑ. Τούτο μεν αληθή λέγεις.

186, ο λέγω ότι | διδάσκαλός μοι ου γέγονε τούτου περι.

εκείνους Κωμεν και πείθωμεν ή δώρους ή χάρισιν ή 187 Α

187 D λέγει όδε, ότι περί του μεγίστου νυν βουλευόμεθα

οίόμενον αυτό το γήρας νουν έχον προσιέναι. 188 Β

188 Ε μεν λογων ουκ έμπειρός είμι, αλλά πρότερον, ως

πάνυ μέμνημαι. υμείς ούν λέγετε και διέξιτε προς 189 ο

190 Β ΛΑ. 'Αληθή λέγεις , ώ Σώκρατες.

ΣΩ. Τούτο τοίνυν πρώτον επιχειρήσωμεν, ώ 190 D

191 B ΛΑ. Και καλώς γε , ώ Σώκρατες περί αρμάτων

οι μεν εν ηδοναίς , οι δ' εν λύπαις , οι δ' εν επιθυμίαις, 191

oίμαι, δειλίαν εν τοις αυτούς τούτοις.