Zapatistas

Este ensayo analiza el papel decisivo de Diego Rivera y sus murales de la Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP) en la construcción del caudillo Emiliano Zapata como símbolo de la nación. A partir de la primera aparición de Zapata en la sección de Los Mártires Revolucionarios del Patio del Trabajo de la SEP, la activación gradual de este héroe es leída como parte de un programa mural nacionalista y socialista que, basándose en gran medida en formas católicas y en las teorías vasconcelistas, sirvió para reconciliar a las diversas facciones étnicas y políticas del país en los primeros años de la posrevolución. Asimismo, a través de la figura de Zapata, contrario a lo que la mayor parte de la historiografía discute, se demostrará que la entrada del historicismo a los programas murales es tan temprana como 1923.
Palabras clave: Emiliano Zapata, Diego Rivera, muralismo, José Vasconcelos, Posrevolución

The ultimate outcome of ultranationalism is the disappearance of the state altogether, and its replacement by power structures that do not recognize any form of democratic control by the very people these structures affect. Nor do these structures restrict themselves to what used to be known as national borders. This reality of globalism after the annihilation of the nation-state forms a dark and perverted version of that other dream of decentralized powers that reaches beyond the nation-state: the progressive project of stateless internationalism. I will introduce here a number of examples of the infrastructures proposed by groups advocating for different practices of stateless internationalism. These examples are gathered from my work as founder of the New World Summit—an artistic and political organization that develops parliaments for stateless and blacklisted organizations—and as cofounder (with BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, Utrecht) of the New World Academy, where stateless political groups have developed collaborative projects with artists and students, exploring the role of art in political struggles for representation. The aim of the New World Academy is to investigate artistic practice in relation to the stateless state, with the concept of “state” referring as much to a condition as to an administrative structure.

02:58:09 p.m. 2 A lo largo del capítulo haré referencia a ambos movimientos sociales en mayúscula, es decir, nombrándolos como "Movimiento" por tratarse de un actor histórico-político. Lo mismo ocurre en la demoninación "Sin Tierra". 3 MST, MST. Lutas e conquistas. 2a ed. São Paulo, Secretaria Nacional do MST, 2010, p. 33. (Cita traducida por la autora.) 4 João Pedro Stédile, "El MST y las disputas por las alternativas en Brasil", en Pegada [en línea]. 16 Ambos sectores fueron creados un año después de la oficialización del MST. Además de ellos, hay otros sectores para múltiples áreas de actuación del MST:

The Zapatista Army of National Liberation has been struggling for greater rights and autonomy for the indigenous Mayan peoples of Chiapas, Mexico for the last three decades. The iconography, semiotic system, and progressive myth-making the Zapatistas produce in the hundreds of murals adorning their communities disseminate a powerful anti-state and anti-capitalist ideology that mutually reinforces the Zapatista culture on which the functioning of their communities, economy, and overall sociopolitical campaign depend. We argue that their positive, forward-oriented and environmentally-sensitive art, and the broader political, social and pedagogical discourses it represents, are strongly congruent with Guattari’s later intellectual focus and political orientation towards developing an “ecosophy,” an ethico-aesthetic perspective that can enable greater freedom from the heavy chains of both the Mexican government and the global neoliberal capitalist system in which Mexico is embedded.

La cultura de los pueblos de Morelos en el siglo XIX descansaba primordialmente en la religiosidad, importante para las sociedades agrícolas en general, sin embargo, ha sido un factor olvidado por la historiografía “morelense” por lo menos desde el periodo de nacimiento del estado hasta los primeros años de la revolución zapatista, de tal suerte, considero necesario profundizar en la “economía moral” de los pueblos surianos morelenses durante los años 1862-1913. La intención es conocer, cuáles eran las expectativas de vida y su concepción del mundo, desde su propia perspectiva, que se manifestaba en el convulso nacimiento del estado de Morelos, entre rebeliones, problemas económicos, étnicos y políticos; las comunidades disfrazaron la protesta social y sus anhelos a través de las expresiones sociales representadas en este caso por una religiosidad popular. Heredera de la tradición cultural mesoamericana y vocación campesina, que no despareció cuando se llevó el paulatino proceso de la evangelización y el reordenamiento territorial que representaron las denominadas congregaciones de indios.

Tesis de  Maestría en Historia dedicada al desarrollo de la Rebelión Zapatista en Sinaloa entre los años de 1911 a 1913. Aborda al zapatismo a partir de sus actores locales, los miedos generados entre la población y la imagen de los zapatistas en la prensa.

Dinerstein offers a much-needed critical review of the concept and practice of autonomy. Defining autonomy as either revolutionary or ineffective vis-à-vis the state does not fully grasp the commitment of Latin American movements to the creation of alternative practices and horizons beyond capitalism, patriarchy and coloniality. By establishing an elective affinity between autonomy and Bloch’s principle of hope, Dinerstein defines autonomy as ‘the art of organizing hope’, that is, the art of shaping a reality which is not yet but can be anticipated by the movements’ collective actions. Drawing from the experience of four prominent indigenous and non-indigenous urban and rural movements, Dinerstein suggests that the politics of autonomy is a struggle that simultaneously negates, creates, deals with contradictions and, above all, produces an excess beyond demarcation that cannot be translated into the grammar of power. Reading Marx’s method in key of hope, the book offers a prefigurative critique of political economy and emphasises the prefigurative features of indigenous and non indigenous autonomies at a time when utopia can no longer be objected.

This book offers a much-needed new political theory of an old phenomenon. The last decade alone has marked the highest number of migrations in recorded history. Constrained by environmental, economic, and political instability, scores of people are on the move. But other sorts of changes—from global tourism to undocumented labor—have led to the fact that to some extent, we are all becoming migrants. The migrant has become the political figure of our time.

Rather than viewing migration as the exception to the rule of political fixity and citizenship, Thomas Nail reinterprets the history of political power from the perspective of the movement that defines the migrant in the first place. Applying his "kinopolitics" to several major historical conditions (territorial, political, juridical, and economic) and figures of migration (the nomad, the barbarian, the vagabond, and the proletariat), he provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary migration.

Insurgent Universality presents an intervention in current discussions on universal-ism, democracy, and property. It investigates other trajectories besides traditional ones of modernity and traces an alternative legacy for contemporary movements. This legacy exceeds the familiar juridical horizon of citizenship, individual rights, and the state by revisiting questions relating to power, democratic practices, and the modern conception of private property. Insurgent Universality investigates and displays alternative trajectories of modernity that have been repressed, hindered, and forgotten. These trajectories are not only embodiments of a radical hope and a new conception of universality that arose from insurgencies from below; they also alert us to possibilities in our present that have been underestimated or overlooked. Eventually, they show us alternative institutions by which to reshape our present. These experimental democratic practices and institutions are based on the pluralism of authorities instead of the monopoly power of the state. However, such an inquiry resists the utopian urge to clear the tables. Instead, the book examines more closely, and with a fresh perspective, those aspects of our intellectual inheritance that we have allowed to remain in the darkness. By doing this, Insurgent Universality aims to "decolonize" European history, offering an image of Europe that is not monolithic but, rather, composed of many layers and paths that have been repressed or forgotten. The aim of the book is to rebuild those roads not taken and bridge them with non-European trajectories and political experiments.

In Chiapas, nel cuore dell’America Centrale, la resistenza all’oppressione condivide con l’arrivo degli europei in Messico una storia lunga ormai più di cinquecento anni: una ribellione mai domata che, oggi, trova una degna incarnazione nella rivoluzione zapatista e nell’Esercito Zapatista di Liberazione Nazionale (EZLN).
Siamo ancora qui racconta l’evoluzione di questa insurrezione permanente: una straordinaria epopea popolare che, incarnando dal basso i valori di «democrazia», «giustizia» e «libertà», ha nelle sei Dichiarazioni della selva Lacandona le pietre miliari di una strada ancora lunga.
Dal motto «Unitevi a noi», pronunciato nel corso della Prima dichiarazione, fino all’«Insieme a quelli in basso a Sinistra», parola d’ordine della Sesta, gli zapatisti – incarnati dal passamontagna del Subcomandante Marcos nell’immaginario collettivo occidentale – hanno avuto la forza di aggiornare le proprie pratiche senza abbandonare mai i princìpi che, da sempre, ispirano la loro lotta, contribuendo a diffondere ovunque idee come quella della democrazia partecipata, della rotazione delle cariche politiche e dell’economia di comunione.
La narrazione di Ammetto privilegia l’aspetto indigeno dell’agire zapatista, inquadrandolo nel più ampio movimento di cui i ribelli del Chiapas sono parte. Una narrazione densa e informata che, grazie alla lunga esperienza sul campo dell’autore, tiene insieme il locale e il globale in un appassionante dialogo tra i fatti della selva Lacandona e i grandi eventi sociali e politici che stanno attraversando il Messico riconoscendo ancora una volta agli zapatisti un ruolo fondamentale.

Call for Paper per un numero monografico di Farestoria Rivista dell'Istituto storico della Resistenza e dell'età contemporanea di Pistoia Tra il 1999 e il 2003 lo scenario politico mondiale fu attraversato dal cosiddetto movimento "altermondista", un soggetto composito e internazionale che muoveva da istanze economico-sociali rivendicando una globalizzazione diversa e alternativa da quella che si stava imponendo dopo la fine della Guerra fredda, sintetizzata nello slogan "Un altro mondo è possibile". Definito anche come "il movimento dei movimenti", questa ondata di attivismo si caratterizzò per aver posto con forza una critica di sistema al modello di globalizzazione neoliberista (da cui l'altra definizione di "No global", fatta propria dagli attivisti) ma anche per una certa dose di indeterminatezza di prospettive. Al suo interno furono presenti numerosi aspetti, anche non lineari fra loro: dai Social forum agli "assedi" contro le grandi assisi degli organismi internazionali (WTO, G8, Consiglio europeo, Davos ecc.); componenti cattoliche, marxiste, ecologiste e anarchiche; uso dei nuovi media all'epoca emergenti (video e internet) e persistenza di forme di comunicazione politica novecentesca (volantini, musica attraverso la nuova formula dei sound system ecc.); un approccio spaziale alla dimensione dell'attivismo che tentava di coniugare la consapevolezza dell'interdipendenza planetaria con i limiti geografici di azione riassunta sempre con uno slogan, "pensa globale agisci locale"; crinale fra l'ultima mobilitazione del '900 e la prima del nuovo secolo ed incubatore di una nuova "estetica" della protesta e di forme di attivismo che si sarebbero poi manifestate di nuovo dopo la crisi economica del 2008 in Grecia e in movimenti come Occupy Wall Street e 15 Mayo (Indignados); infine, seppur intergenerazionale nella partecipazione-in particolare ai social forum-il movimento ebbe una forte componente e carica generazionale, tale da segnare i nati tra gli anni '70 e '80 del XX secolo. Un aspetto che tuttavia non sempre, e non ovunque, ha lasciato un'eredità e si è trasformato successivamente in una qualche forma di progetto e/o di organizzazione politica, come nel caso dell'Italia, paese tra i più coinvolti nelle mobilitazioni al tempo ma di cui è difficile ritrovare traccia di quel movimento e di quelle elaborazioni nello scenario politico già negli anni '10 del XXI secolo (a differenza di Spagna, Francia, Gran Bretagna, Stati Uniti, Grecia).

Our world is full of ideas about the way that humans should live. Some of these ideas create a more beautiful and equal world that we all want to live in, while other ideas create violence, hatred, inequality, and suffering. Some of us care an awful lot about beautiful ideas; we care enough to fight for them and spend our lives working towards them, and we care enough to resist. Resistance takes many forms, however, and there are many ideas about the most effective and correct ways to resist. “Elements of Resistance” attempts to transcend the false binary of nonviolent and violent resistance, and looks at the heart and soul of what it means to resist, why we resist, and what some different methods of effective resistance might look like. Drawing from recent work by social theorists and activists such as Derrick Jensen, Ward Churchill, Shane Claiborne, Johann Galtung, and Peter Gelderloos, as well as the work of Frantz Fanon, Henry Thoreau, Martin Luther King, Jr., Nelson Mandela, and Mohandas Gandhi, this book is an exploration into the history, theory, and necessity of resistance to oppression.

El objetivo del presente artículo es explorar algunas de las propuestas teóricas más importantes que se han desarrollado en torno a las ciencias de la emoción, que nos sirva en primer lugar, como recorrido epistemológico que ha dado conformación a este campo de estudios, retomando la propuesta que Edith Calderón Rivera hace del mismo. En un segundo momento, ampliamos los aportes sobre el continuum razón-emoción intregrando los debates más actuales en torno a la Complejidad y la Transdisciplina, desde la perspectiva de Edgar Morin. Finalmente, abordamos los planteamientos de la decolonialidad desde un enfoque crítico contemporáneo, para discutir sobre la existencia de una colonialidad estética, entendida como la dominación que se ejerce sobre la dimensión sensitiva-emotiva de los sujetos, y sobre las producciones artísticas desde la aesthesis crítica decolonial.

Palabras clave: Ciencias de la emoción, complejidad, decolonialidad, estética, aesthesis.

The aim of this article is to explore some of the most important theoretical proposals that have been developed around the sciences of emotion, which serve us first, as an epistemological journey that has given shape to this field of studies, taking up the proposal that Edith Calderón Rivera makes of it. In a second moment, we extend the contributions on the reason-emotion continuum by integrating the most current debates around Complexity and Transdisciplinarity, from the perspective of Edgar Morin. Finally, we approach the approaches of decoloniality from a contemporary critical approach, to discuss the existence of an aesthetic coloniality, understood as the domination that is exercised over the sensory-emotional dimension of the subjects, and about the artistic productions from the decolonial critical aesthesis.

Keywords: Emotion, complexity, decoloniality, aesthetics, aesthesis.

Inhalt
Urs Lindner, Jörg Nowak, Pia Paust-Lassen
Philosophieren in der Perspektive von Aufklärung und Befreiung.
Frieder Wolf zum Fünfundsechzigsten 9

Teil I

Philosophieren im Anschluss an Marx

Urs Lindner
Materialismus der Praxis und historische Sozialwissenschaft.
Zur doppelten wissenschaftsgeschichtlichen Bedeutung von Karl Marx 26

Kate Soper
Future Culture. Realismus, Humanismus und die Politik der Natur 54

Etienne Balibar
Die philosophischen Grundlagen des Wohlfahrtsstaats.
Von der Kritik der Menschenrechte zur Kritik der sozialen Rechte 70

Juha Koivisto.
Philosophie und ihre Wendung zur Hegemonialpolitik.
Hobbes, Locke, Shaftesbury, Hume 89

Danga Vileisis.
Geschlechterverhältnisse und gesellschaftliche Reproduktion.
Zur marxschen Rezeption von John Miliar 106

Gunter Gebauer
Anthropologischer Materialismus.
Überlegungen zu Wittgenstein und Bourdieu 119

Jacques Bidet
Foucault und der Liberalismus.
Rationalität, Revolution, Widerstand 130

Theofanis Tassis
Imagination und Autonomie.
Politische Philosophie und Psychoanalyse bei Cornelius Castoriadis 145

Teil II

Politik, Ökonomie und Geschlechterverhältnisse

Cornelia Moser
Material queer. Sexualität, Ökonomie und Perspektiven queerer
antikapitalistischer Politiken 160

Jörg Nowak
Neoliberaler Feminismus und konservative Sozialkritik.
Zur Klassenselektivität der neuen deutschen Familienpolitik 176

Pia Paust-Lassen
Warum nachhaltige Entwicklung auch eine Frage der Zeit ist.
Die Relevanz der (Re)Produktion für Ökonomie und Ökologie als Zeitfrage 195

Michael Heinrich
Grenzen des 'idealen Durchschnitts'.
Zum Verhältnis von Ökonomiekritik und Staatsanalyse bei Marx 212

Ingo Elbe
Rechtsform und Produktionsverhältnisse.
Anmerkungen zu einem blinden Fleck in der Gesellschaftstheorie
von Nicos Poulantzas 226

Ingo Stützle
Staatsverschuldung als Kategorie der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie.
Eine Forschungsnotiz 239

Alexander Gallas
Kapitalismus ohne Bourgeoisie.
Die 'Gentlemanly Association' und der englische Block an der Macht 263

Jan Hoff
Drei Forschungsfragen zu englisch-nordamerikanischen
Emanzipationsbewegungen des 17. bis 19. Jahrhunderts.
Ein Zwischenbericht über die Arbeit an einer Theoriebaustelle 288

Helmut Martens
Primäre und sekundäre Arbeitspolitik und Öffentlichkeit.
Zum Nutzen einer analytischen Unterscheidung in der Debatte
um die Revitalisierung der Gewerkschaften 303

Michael Löwy
Die ökosozialistische Alternative.
Zur Aktualität grüner Kapitalismuskritik 318

Teil III

Theorie und Praxis radikaler Philosophie

Detlef Georgia Schulze
'Removing some rubbish'. Radikale Philosophie und
die Konstituierung einer Wissenschaft vom Juridischen 332

Denis Maeder
Fragen, die stören.
Radikale Philosophie und die Frage nach der Frage 353

Heike Weinbach
Probehandeln im Denken oder im 'Palaver' mit anderen.
Philosophische Beratung aus der Perspektive radikaler Philosophie 365

Leo Seserko
Die Vertreibung aus dem Paradies hält an.
Freiheit und Nachhaltigkeit unter den Bedingungen der Gegenwart 383

Boaventura de Sousa Santos
Denken jenseits des Abgrunds.
Von globalen Grenzlinien zu einer Ökologie von Wissensformen 399

Bu yazıda, Meksika'nın Chiapas eyaletindeki Zapatist hareketi ile Türkiye' deki Kürt hareketinin, silahlı çatışmanın yatışmasının ardından, kendilerine özgü iki mekan olan Diyarbakır ve Chiapas'ı nasıl oluşturduğuna odaklanılarak, iki toplumsal hareket örneği incelenecektir. Amacım ilk olarak mekan inşa etmenin bu hareketlerin söylem ve pratiğine nasıl bir etkisi olduğunu açığa çıkarmaktır. Mekan oluşturmanın sadece yerellikle veya fiziksel ortamla ilgili olmadığını, kendi içinde bir mücadele şekliyle ve bir hareket inşa etmekle de ilgili olduğunu iddia edeceğim. İkinci amacım ise "uzamı kendine mal etme" olarak adlandırılabilecek olan edimin ne olduğunu genel hatlarıyla tartışmaktır. Bu, bir hareket tarafından açılan görünürlük ve dayanışma alanlarını içermekle birlikte hareketin yerel, ulusal veya küresel iktidar uzamlarında önem kazanması olasılığına da işaret etmektedir. Kürt hareketinin Türkiye demokrasisi üzerinde nasıl bir etkisi olduğuna bakıp, bu hareketi Zapatista hareketinin yerel ve ulus-aşırı etkisiyle karşılaştırıyorum. Bunu, uzama dair fiziksel ve metaforik birtakım kavramları, toplumsal hareket literatüründe kullanılan bazı diğer kavramlarla ilişkilendirerek yapıyorum. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma, kolektif eylemliliğin uzamsal bir bakış açısından anlaşılmasına katkıda bulunmayı hedeflemektedir. Buna ek olarak, içinde yaşadığımız neoliberal çağda varlığını sürdüren özgürlükçü toplumsal hareketlerin karşılaşabileceği çeşitli tehlikelere ve engellere işaret edecektir.

The centrality of anarchism to the praxis of contemporary anti-systemic social movements has been well documented. From the alter-globalisation movement to Occupy, many contemporary anti-systemic movements are defined by their commitment to some of the central tenets of anarchism, including the pursuit of decentralized, directly democratic and egalitarian organisational forms that are independent from and reject the state as an agent of social change. This stands in contrast to traditional anti-systemic forces which, as Immanuel Wallerstein identifies, have typically seen the state as the principle agent of social change. However, within the scholarly literature, only limited attempts have been made to develop an understanding as to why many anti-systemic movements now reject the state as an agent of change. This paper seeks to provide a theoretical and historical account of this. By tracing the historical failure of 'state-centric' anti-systemic movements (principally state communist, social-democratic and nationalist forces) this paper argues that an anarchistic praxis-though not a doctrinaire ideological programme-has become a primary point of reference for contemporary anti-systemic movements. It argues further that this can be seen, in many ways, as a response to the failure of ideologically motivated, state-centric anti-systemic forces to bring about substantial, transformative social change once assuming power. This argument will be substantiated and illustrated through two qualitative cases: the Zapatistas and the South African shack dweller's movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo.

La situación social, política, económica y medioambiental actual, en Francia como en el mundo, parece desesperante a muchas personas. Múltiples luchas se desatan aquí y allá, pero la represión es brutal. La voluntad de establecer alianzas lo suficientemente amplias para revertir la correlación de fuerzas se topa con la desorientación política. ¿Por qué proyecto luchar? ¿Con quién(es)? Las organizaciones de clase tradicionales (partidos, sindicatos) que otrora unieron multitudes y obtuvieron victorias importantes durante el siglo XX están desacreditadas, y muchxs se preguntan si el proletariado existe todavía-aunque la muy alta burguesía y lxs nuevxs ricxs este vivxs y coleando. Las luchas de las feministas, transformadas en demandas de paridad e inclusión de derechos LGBTQI 1 , parecen haberse convertido en un marcador del mundo "occidental", una "prueba de civilización" a nombre de la cual los gobiernos de los antiguos países colonizadores pretenden justificar sus agresiones contra los países del Sur, lxs migrantes y los barrios populares. En cuanto al racismo, frente a la mundialización-fragmentación del mercado del trabajo y la complejización de las migraciones, éste ha tomado tantas formas, en contra de tantos grupos humanos, que ya no está claro por dónde atacarlo: ¿luchar contra las políticas migratorias escandalosas y por la regularización de lxs indocumentadxs? ¿Contra la discriminación en la vivienda y el trabajo? ¿Combatir la islamofobia tan francesa, pero también tan presente a nivel internacional? ¿Pelear por descolonizar los movimientos que se piensan progresistas? En este contexto, cuando el término "interseccionalidad" apareció en Francia hace algunos años, desencadenó todo tipo de reacciones. Para algunxs se trata de una manera noble de nombrar finalmente el punto ciego tanto de las luchas antirracistas como de las luchas feministas (y más aun de las luchas de clase), es decir a las mujeres que son objeto de racismo. En lugar de la noción ciertamente insatisfactoria de "racializadas", las mujeres Negras 2 o árabes se vuelven visibles en tanto que "interseccionales". Otrxs se molestan por la importación de una jerga venida de Estados Unidos, que no necesariamente es adecuada para dar cuenta de las especificidades de la sociedad francesa. Algunxs ven aquí una moda académica o militante a la que sumarse para obtener notoriedad. Una pequeña minoría, cuya voz es inversamente proporcional a su peso estadístico, lanza gritos escandalizados al asimilar, desde la misma reprobación conservadora, a la "teoría de género" y a la interseccionalidad. En este escenario, la historia de las ideas está bastante distorsionada y el proyecto original ligado al concepto de interseccionalidad, es decir la lucha por la justicia social, parece lejano (Bilge, 2015). Pero al fin y al cabo, ¿de qué estamos hablando exactamente? 1 Lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, transexuales, queer, intersexuales y más. 2 En conformidad con ciertas tradiciones militantes y muy particularmente con las decisiones de las redactoras y editoras de la Declaración Feminista Negra del Combahee River Collective (del que hablaremos en el capítulo 3), retomo aquí la mayúscula que ellas escogieron utilizar para palabras como Black, Lesbiana o Judía, incluso cuando se trata de adjetivos, con el propósito de revalorizar a los grupos mencionados. Aqui, seguiré esta línea respecto de los términos que refieren a lxs Autoctonxs y al conjunto de grupos que son objeto de racismo. Para otras precisiones relacionadas con los términos que utilizaré para denominar a las personas Indígenas o Negras, invito a consultar la parte final de esta introducción, página XX.

The following paper is an attempt to understand and reflect uponon the construction of
Zapatista resistance in Chiapas, Mexico. The Zapatista uprising January 1st, 1994 was the
beginning of a struggle for autonomy and subsistence largely led by indigenous communities.
The author will attempt to ground the Zapatista resistance in the long history of resistances in
Chiapas and consider the new element in the oppressive structures in Mexico that is
neoliberalism. After discussing the historical context, the paper will read the Zapatista
organization and practices alongside theoretical conceptualizations ranging from Gramscian
and Laclau-Mouffian hegemony as well as Castoriadian discussions on the project of
autonomy to the theory of becoming posed by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. After
arguing that no theoretical conceptualizations can nor should adequately capture Zapatista
lived experience, the paper will engage with anthropological insights largely infused by the
Anthropology of Becoming presented by João Biehl and Peter Locke as well as the concept of
prefiguration explained by Marianne Maeckelbergh. These approaches finally present new
starting points for a positioning of anthropologists in contemporary social struggles that are
defined by action and a desire for another world

What is the relationship between metaphysics and political revolution? Despite being two of the most widely discredited concepts in contemporary European philosophy, this chapter argues that we are witnessing the return of both in the work of French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Alain Badiou. Their return, however, is no mere repetition of the previous forms of classical metaphysics and modern revolution- defined by totality and the state. Rather, it is a differen- tial return: a return that changes something fundamental about these concepts and breathes into them a desperately needed new life. Many contemporary Eu- ropean philosophers have announced the "end of metaphysics" and the "death of philosophy." They have buried the ideas of metaphysics and revolution many years ago, but continue to pursue the endless task of vilifYing them- Jest their specters return from the grave.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar o projeto revolucionário zapatista. Esperamos fornecer um panorama abrangente das principais questões enfrentadas por esse movimento em suas lutas pela transformação social, que servirá tanto aos que querem ter um primeiro contato com o movimento quanto aos que buscam entender suas mais recentes transformações. Adotamos as proposições teórico-metodológicas da análise de discurso para analisar 54 comunicados zapatistas escritos entre 21 de dezembro de 2012 e 25 de maio de 2014. O discurso é entendido como reprodutor e transformador da sociedade, é neste sentido que os comunicados são materiais privilegiados para entender os zapatistas. Como principais resultados da análise, afirmamos que o projeto revolucionário zapatista se exprime através daquilo que eles negam, do que eles afirmam e do que apontam como proposta. Em linhas gerais eles negam o capitalismo e afirmam a existência de " outros mundos possíveis ". A proposta, ou o projeto, é algo extremamente imbricado com o presente, assim a revolução não acontecerá num futuro distante, mas sim no fazer cotidiano. Concluímos assim que o projeto revolucionário zapatista se identifica com as teorias e as práticas autonomistas, ou seja, defende a autonomia e a ideia de que revolução é processual.

This paper explores two examples of collective action, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Kurdish movement in Turkey, by focusing on how two particular places, Diyarbakır and Chiapas, were constructed by them after the subsiding of armed conflict. My first aim is to show how this place-making has affected the discourses and practices of these movements. I argue that place-making is not only about locality or physical settings, but also about constructing a movement. It is a form of struggle in its own right. My second aim is to discuss the broad outlines of what may be called the “appropriation of space.” This refers not only to the spaces of visibility and solidarity opened up by a movement, but also to its chances of acquiring significance within local, national or global spaces of power. I look at how the Kurdish movement has had an impact on democracy in Turkey and compare it with the Zapatista movement’s local and transnational effects. I do this by relating physical and metaphorical notions of space to several concepts generated by the social movement literature. As such, this study intends to contribute to spatial understandings of collective action. It is also likely to indicate various pitfalls and obstacles in the way of emancipatory social movements in the present neoliberal era.

This work investigates the formation, in the second half of the 1990s, of what some activist groups have called global anticapitalism. The research analyzed the emergence of this new form of activism by studying the building of the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization that began to take shape in solidarity to the uprising of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Mexico, in January 1994, strengthened itself with the organization of the First and Second Intercontinental Encounters for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism, in 1996 and 1997, and culminated in the foundation, in 1998, of Peoples’ Global Action (PGA), a netowrk of social movements that created the global days of action and inspired the big demonstrations against multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, starting with the protests that shut down the inaugurarion of the third Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle, in November 1999. The aim of this work is to analyze the emergence and describe the main characteristics of a new kind of anticapitalism that grew out of the articulation of the struggles against neoliberal globalization in a global level and situate it within the long tradition of anticapitalist struggles of the 19th and 20th centuries, showing how the transformations of the capitalist mode of production gave birth to new forms of resistance. To do that, I have conducted a research in two levels, one theoretical and the other empirical. The empirical research was based on the analysis of documents produced by the movements that formed the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization between 1994 and 1998. The theoretical research consisted in the application of a theoretical model built upon the combination of two contemporary interpretations of the Marxian political economy in order to analyze the transformations of both capitalism and anticapitalism through the 19th and 20th centuries. This model was elaborated departing from the theory of class antagonism formulated by Italian workerist and autonomist intellectuals such as Antonio Negri and Mario Tronti, and from David Harvey’s theory of spatiotemporal fixes through accumulation by dispossession. By applying this theoretical model to the analysis of the empirical data provided by the textual sources produced by the movements that formed the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization it was possible to see the emergence of a new anticapitalism that took shape in response to the transformations of the capitalist mode of production since the accumulation crisis started in the 1970s and that gave rise to a new strategy to confront capital and to a new conception of the revolutionary subject. Since the research was based on the written declarations of the movements that built the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization, the results allow us to identify a new anticapitalist discourse, but don’t provide enough elements to prove the emergence of new anticapitalist practices rooted in the everyday life of the movements involved in the network. Thus, the work concludes suggesting the necessity of conducting oral history researches to verify if and how this discourse was reflected in the everyday practice of the movements that took part in the network.

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Este trabalho investiga a formação, na segunda metade da década de 1990, daquilo que alguns grupos ativistas denominaram anticapitalismo global. A pesquisa buscou acompanhar a emergência dessa nova forma de ativismo por meio da reconstituição do processo de construção da rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal que começou a se formar em solidariedade ao levante do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no México, em janeiro de 1994, ganhou corpo com a realização do Primeiro e do Segundo Encontros Intercontinentais pela Humanidade e contra o Neoliberalismo, em 1996 e 1997, respectivamente, e culminou na fundação, em 1998, da Ação Global dos Povos (AGP), rede de movimentos sociais que criou os dias de ação global e inspirou as grandes manifestações contra as reuniões de instituições multilaterais como a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) e o Banco Mundial a partir do protesto que impediu a realização da abertura da terceira Conferência Ministerial da OMC em Seattle, em novembro de 1999. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o processo de emergência e descrever as características centrais de um novo tipo de anticapitalismo que surgiu a partir da articulação das lutas contra a globalização neoliberal em nível mundial e situá-lo na longa tradição das lutas anticapitalistas dos séculos XIX e XX, mostrando como as transformações do modo de produção capitalista deram origem a novas formas de resistência ao longo desse período. Para isso, conduzi uma pesquisa em dois planos, um teórico e outro empírico. A pesquisa empírica se baseou no levantamento e análise de documentos produzidos pelos movimentos que integraram a rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal entre 1994 e 1998. A pesquisa teórica consistiu na aplicação de um modelo teórico elaborado a partir da combinação de duas leituras contemporâneas da economia política marxiana para analisar as transformações do capitalismo e do anticapitalismo ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX. Esse modelo foi elaborado a partir da teoria do antagonismo de classe formulada pelos pensadores operaístas e autonomistas italianos, como Antonio Negri e Mario Tronti, e da teoria dos ajustes espaçotemporais via acumulação por espoliação de David Harvey. Ao aplicar esse modelo teórico à análise dos dados empíricos fornecidos pelas fontes textuais produzidas pelos movimentos que formaram a rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal foi possível constatar a emergência de um novo anticapitalismo que surgiu em resposta às transformações do modo de produção capitalista a partir da crise de acumulação iniciada na década de 1970 e que deu origem a uma nova estratégia de enfrentamento do capital e a uma nova concepção do sujeito revolucionário. Como a pesquisa se baseou nas declarações escritas dos movimentos envolvidos na construção da rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal, os resultados obtidos permitem falar em um novo discurso anticapitalista, mas não fornecem os elementos necessários para atestar a emergência de uma nova prática anticapitalista capaz de se enraizar no cotidiano dos movimentos envolvidos. Por isso, o trabalho conclui sugerindo que é necessário realizar pesquisas de história oral para verificar se e como esse discurso se refletiu na prática cotidiana dos movimentos integrantes da rede.

The Paris Agreement seeks to address the problem of climate change, a pressingly urgent issue, and one that is extraordinarily difficult to tackle. A primary mitigation mechanism is the requirement that member countries report their nationally determined contributions ("NDCs") goals and provide metrics for measuring progress in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. This is a "bottom-up" mechanism that does not bind parties to particular emissions targets, but acts to shift party behavior by making progress transparent. To predict the potential effectiveness of this mechanism, this Comment investigates the effectiveness of a similar mechanism contained in Agenda 21, a plan of action for sustainable development adopted in 1992.