West Germany

Na terenie okupowanych Niemiec, a następnie w RFN, funkcjonowało wiele cennych i ważnych inicjatyw środowiska polskich uchodźców. Do grona najciekawszych i najcenniejszych można zaliczyć działalność Komitetu Obrony Solidarności/Towarzystwa Solidarność w Berlinie Zachod- nim, które prowadziło działalność wydawniczą, publicystyczną oraz wspierało podziemie soli- darnościowe w PRL. Wielopłaszczyznowa aktywność tej organizacji, mimo dużego znaczenia dla środowiska uchodźców oraz opozycji w PRL, pozostaje niesłusznie zapomnianą inicjatywą.

East-West German Transborder Entanglements through the Nuclear Waste Sites in Gorleben and Morsleben
Author: Astrid Mignon Kirchhof
Pages: pp. 145-173
Available open access:
https://doi.org/10.1484/J.JHES.5.116797
Open-access
Abstract

PDF
Abstract
This article examines the porosity of national borders using the examples of two nuclear facilities at Gorleben and Morsleben located at the West German municipality in the state of Lower Saxony as well as the former Börde district of Saxony-Anhalt (former East Germany). Gorleben and Morsleben became known for their final nuclear waste repositories located directly at the German-German border. Debates and protests surrounding the facilities began in the 1970s and continued after the wall came down. Since opponents had to deal with two different political systems, protests differed in their duration, effect, and methods, even though the border as such was not the problem since West Germans were allowed into the GDR. Transboundary relations were much rather limited by the dictatorial regime on the one side, by the absence of anti-nuclear groups in the GDR until the mid-1980s, and by sufficient coalition partners for West German activists in their own country. Since the disclosure of environmental data by the East German government and the Chernobyl accident a few years later, transboundary relations increased and activists interconnected in many ways. With their protest they indicated that even if the border was a fact, concerns of people in both states transcended it and that borderlands are often characterized by relationality and entanglement.

Anhand der politischen Bildung fragt der Aufsatz danach, welche Gefahren für die Demokratie im Westdeutschland der 1970er- und 80er-Jahre diagnostiziert und welche Projekte zur Stimulierung individueller Handlungsmuster aufgelegt wurden, um diese Krisen abzuwenden. Er argumentiert, dass die politische Bildung Demokratie als moralisches Problem betrachtete und bearbeitete. Während liberalkonservative Bildungskonzepte ethische Grenzen aufrichten wollten, versuchten Linksliberale mit einer spezifischen Didaktik demokratisch-moralische Denkmuster einzuüben. Mit der Analyse dieser Positionen zielt der Beitrag darauf, oftmals unterbelichtete Widersprüche in der westdeutschen Demokratiegeschichte in ein neues Licht zu rücken.

Am 1. September 1948 trat der Parlamentarische Rat in Bonn zusammen, um die Verfassung eines westdeutschen Teilstaates auszuarbeiten. Die feierliche Unterzeichnung des Grundgesetzes, dem Resultat dieser Beratungen, erfolgte bereits am 23. Mai 1949. Während der relativ kurzen Beratungszeit kam es zu teils intensiven Auseinandersetzungen über die zukünftige Gestaltung Deutschlands und zu einer Positionierung Konrad Adenauers, die in ihrer Öffentlichkeitswirkung von der SPD nicht rechtzeitig erkannt wurde. Die Arbeit zeigt die ambivalente Politik der SPD während dieser Grundgesetzberatungen 1948/1949 auf und analysiert sie vor dem Hintergrund der Niederlage bei der ersten Bundestagswahl 1949. Anhand des Umgangs der SPD-Führung mit dem Parlamentarischen Rat, der inhaltlichen Arbeit der Fraktion im Rat sowie formaler Entscheidungen den Rat betreffend, lassen sich grundlegende politische Weichenstellungen aufzeigen. Diese waren, so wird deutlich, wenige Monate später mit ausschlaggebend für die Wahlniederlage der SPD bei der ersten Bundestagswahl.

Социальное неравенство. Изменения в социальной структуре: европейская перспектива / Под ред. Виктора Воронкова, Михаила Соколова; пер. с нем. К. Тимофеевой. - СПб. : Алетейя, 2008.- 160 с. - (Серия "Левиафан").

Аннотация
Сборник статей ведущих немецких социологов, занимающихся сегодня исследованиями социальной структуры, знакомит российского читателя с дискуссией, ведущейся в социологическом сообществе ФРГ. Эта дискуссия касается связи между общественным неравенством и изменениями в области образования и занятости, в стилях жизни, в соотношении приватной и публичной сфер, в значении социальных сетей, в тенденции к индивидуализации и др. Книга адресована широкому кругу интересующихся социальными науками.

Содержание
Предисловие редактора
Предисловие к русскому изданию
П. А. Бергер. Индивидуализация и изменение значения социальных неравенств - недопонимание и предложения по его устранению
М. Фестер. Социальные мильё, классы и стили жизни в Западной Германии
М. Дивальд. Изменения в социальных сетях ФРГ и трансформация в Восточной Германии
Х.-Г. Ноль. Исследование социальных показателей и мониторинг: методы измерения и анализа качества жизни
В. Людвиг-Маййрхофер. Рынок труда и его проблемы в Германии в сравнительной перспективе
М. Зидлик. Воспроизводство социального неравенства в биографиях
М. Риттер. Гендер и социальная структура: значение приватной сферы в исследованиях социального неравенства
Р. Гайсслер. Неравенство шансов на образование - причины и следствия

Adorno’s Minima Moralia was part of a publishing boom in the genre of advice literature in postwar West Germany. The combination of economic resurgence and attempted cultural restoration resulted in a widespread wish to master forming models of social intercourse; this craving for guidance accounts for the volume’s commercial success. But while Adorno participates in the culture of counseling, he couples practical suggestions with repeated announcements of the demise of the self-determining subject, the projected recipient of advice. He addresses problems that appear in the individual’s frame of attention but consistently disputes that this is a meaningful scene of action in the age of total administration. Minima Moralia both inhabits and violates the conventions of advice literature in order to dramatize the experience of the discrepancy between societal logic and the individual’s resources.

This is a history of 1968 written from a
new perspective —that of centre-right
activists in West Germany. Based on new
archival sources and oral history interviews,
it examines the ideas, experiences, and
repertoires of centre-right students in this
age of protest. Across six chapters, the book
analyses student protest, cultural revolt,
internationalism, debates about the Nazi past
and left-wing violence, the trajectories of ’68
activists, and the memory wars of the 1980s
and beyond. Writing centre-right activists
back into the history of 1968 and its afterlives
reveals that this was a broader, more
versatile, and, ultimately, more consequential
phenomenon than the traditionally narrower
focus on a left-wing minority allows.

The Other ‘68ers demonstrates that we
need a more nuanced history of the 1968
generation. Student activists comprised
individuals from across the political spectrum,
who often had ver y different ideas about how
to address the shortcomings of West German
democracy. The years around 1968 were a
moment of intense political conflict, but one
that also played out within the student body
and nurtured contrasting identities.

This book shows that the centre-right
involvement in 1968 had a lasting impact.
Many of its protagonists would go on to
pursue high-profile political careers and leave
their mark on West German political culture.
The Other ‘68ers sheds fresh light on how
West Germany’s centre-right dealt with the
crisis of hegemony and political identity it
experienced in the wake of 1968, how it coped
with generational change, how it transformed
and modernized after losing power at the
national level for the first time in 1969, and
how it managed to re-emerge so successfully
in the 1980s.

Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2004
ISBN 9783515085540

Ausgezeichnet mit dem Hedwig-Hintze-Preis des Verbandes der Historiker und Historikerinnen Deutschlands 2004.

Ausgezeichnet mit dem Friedrich-Meinecke-Preis fuer eine hervorragende geschichtswissenschaftliche Dissertation des Jahres 2003 am Fachbereich Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften der Freien Universitat Berlin im Juli 2004.

Kampf um die Akten behandelt die Rueckgabeverhandlungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik und den Westalliierten ueber beschlagnahmtes deutsches Archivgut. Hunderte von Tonnen an Schriftgut aus den Registraturen und Archiven der Reichsministerien, militarischen Stellen und Parteiorganisationen waren bei Kriegsende in alliierte Haende gefallen. Die Geschichte der Aktenrueckgabe ist ein bisher vernachlaessigtes Kapitel der politischen Emanzipation der Bundesrepublik. Die Verhandlungen waren neben der Wiedereroeffnung von Konsulaten, der neuerlichen Aufnahme von Aussenhandelsbeziehungen oder der Regelung der Auslandsschulden nicht einfach ein weiteres Sachgebiet der jungen bundesdeutschen Aussenpolitik. Die Forderung nach ihrer Rueckkehr wurde auf der symbolischen Ebene schnell zur versuchten Wiederaneignung von verlorener Souveranitaet. Die Geschichte der Aktenrueckgabe ist zugleich eine Auseinandersetzung um die Deutungsmacht deutscher Geschichte. Der temporaere Verlust der diplomatischen Akten fuer die (west)deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft und der ungehinderte Zugang zu diesen Quellen fuer amerikanische und britische Historiker loeste eine Auseinandersetzung um die legitimen Sprecher in der Deutung deutscher Geschichte aus. Die Studie zeigt den Zusammenhang zwischen Rueckgabeverhandlungen und den Anfaengen westdeutscher Zeitgeschichtsforschung auf und arbeitet dabei besonders die transnationale Dimension der Diskussion heraus.

"Das Buch von Frau Eckert liest man wegen der spannend erzaehlten Passagen und der eleganten Formulierungen mit Vergnuegen […] Dieses Buch ist ganz und gar mit dem Methodenarsenal der alten Zeitgeschichte geschrieben - und gerade deshalb so vorzueglich." Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

"Dieses Buch ist, entgegen der Erwartung, die man angesichts des Themas haben konnte, alles andere als aktenstaubtrocken; es fuehrt mit groaem erzahlerischen Schwung in die Welt der Archive und Archivare ein." Neue Zuercher Zeitung

“Kampf um die Akten ist eine der bemerkenswertesten zeitgeschichtlichen Einzelstudien der letzten Jahre.” Zeitschrift fuer Geschichtswissenschaft

"Eckert hat ein hervorragendes Buch geschrieben, das auch von Laien mit Genuss zu lesen ist. Historiker, die sich mit der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland befassen, werden an einer Lektuere ohnehin nicht vorbeikommen." sehepunkte

"Dieses Buch gehört in die Fachausbildung im Archivwesen! Eckerts Buch ist eine willkommene Bereicherung für eine Debatte, die in Zukunft noch verstärkt zu führen sein wird. [ ] Eckert gebührt das Verdienst, in einer spannenden und anschaulichen Weise die unterschiedlichen Motivationen das deutsche Archivgut in Besitz zu halten oder zu bekommen dargestellt zu haben. [ ] die Studie zeigt sehr deutlich, dass auch die Positionen der westalliierten Historiker zum Teil nicht stets redlich waren und natürlich machtpolitische Erwägungen auf beiden Seiten eine zentrale Rolle in den Rückgabeverhandlungen spielten." (H-Soz-u-Kult)

This paper reconstructs the history of the reception across the Italian Catholic world of the first sex education film ever screened in Italy, the documentary “Helga” (Erich F. Bender, 1967). Most Catholics were initially fearful and skeptical about the film and its pedagogical potential, and condemned in particular the decision by the national censorship board that the film was “suitable for all”. However, as the weeks went on, and while the film surprisingly topped the box office, their position became less hostile, and more and more nuanced, to the point that some Catholic teachers started testing “Helga” with teenage classes on sex education.

Seit 1968 und den Konflikten um die Studentenbewegung wurde der Zivildienst mehr und mehr zum Politikum. Auf ihrem "langen Marsch durch die Institutionen" machte die APO die Kriegsdienstverweigerung zum politischen Kampfinstrument und zwang die sozialliberale Koalition unter Willy Brandt zu weitreichenden Reformen. Patrick Bernhard schildert nicht nur die Diskussion um die "Demokratisierung des Dienstes" und die Abschaffung des "inquisitorischen" Prüfungsverfahrens, die Öffentlichkeit und Parlament erregte. Als wichtiger Beitrag zur jüngeren Gesellschaftsgeschichte der Bundesrepublik bilanziert die Studie auch, wie die Reformen den Sozialstaat langfristig veränderten.

The role of individual characteristics, parental behaviours and peers for occupational exploration was examined in a sample of 192 German ninth graders (80 girls, 112 boys) from middle-track schools. The adolescents completed questionnaires at two points of measurement which were 6 months apart. The results showed that individual characteristics which reflected an active and constructive approach to developmental demands were correlated with more intense occupational exploration. Child-centred parental behaviours were also correlated positively with information-seeking behaviours. Moreover, parental behaviours predicted change in exploration over the observed time period. Concerning the role of peers which was often neglected in career development theory, the results showed that frequent talks with peers about careerrelated issues were significantly associated with the intensity of information-seeking behaviours and, at the same time, predicted an intensification of occupational exploration during the following 6-month period. The findings suggest that it would be fruitful to consider more thoroughly the role of peers in future research on adolescents' career development.

For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.


Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.

https://academic.oup.com/gh/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/gerhis/ghy067/5091968?redirectedFrom=fulltext

My review of the first two academic monographs on Krautrock, published in the journal "German History": (1) Alexander Simmeth's "Krautrock Transnational: Die Neuerfindung der Popmusik in der BRD, 1968-1978" (Bielefeld: transcript, 2016) and Ulrich Adelt's "Krautrock: German Music in the Seventies" (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016).

Eric J. Schmaltz.  "Carrots, Sticks...and Demonstrations:  Yuri Andropov's Failed Autonomy Plan for Soviet Kazakhstan's Germans, 1976-1980."  Journal of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia (Lincoln, Nebraska), Vol. 39, No. 3 (Fall 2016):  pp. 1-21.  (Revised and expanded reprint version.) 

The original article appeared in the Eurasia Studies Society Journal of Great Britain and Europe, Vol. 3, No. 1. (Jan. 2014):

https://eurasiahistory.files.wordpress.com/2013/12/eric-schmaltz-tess-eurasia-studies-soc-journal-vol-3-no1-jan-20141.pdf

Copyright permission is granted from original journal publisher.  This revised version contains updates, additions, and minor modifications.  Research on the topic grew out of one of the author’s dissertation chapters completed in 2002 for the fulfillment of his Ph.D. at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.  German- and Russian-language translations are the author’s unless otherwise noted.  The author included some of these findings in his presentations at the 2016 AHSGR Convention, held in July in Concord, California.

Many scholars are unaware of the resources available at the AHSGR.  See link to AHSGR Website for this and so many other fine research materials: 

https://ahsgr.site-ym.com/store/default.aspx?

In 1955, the West German Walter Hallstein had installed the Hallstein doctrine in West German foreign policy to weaken its East German counterpart by preventing the diplomatic relations of the latter with states of the 'First' and the 'Third World'. The doctrine said that a diplomatic recognition of the GDR would implicate its recognition as 'a' German state and thereby undermine the West German claim of representing 'the' German state as a whole. To prevent such a development, the West German Foreign Office was allowed and equipped to initialize counter-measures coming down to a full termination of diplomatic relations with each state threatening this doctrine. Since the 1950s, scholarship has outlined this policy – and its counter policy by the GDR – as the integral parts in German foreign policies' history. To this day, the German-German contradiction is one of the most popular myths in German history. But did economic motives actually had to step back behind this sheer political interest? After all, 'flag follows trade' is a common saying to paraphrase the process of European imperialist expansion during the first scramble for Africa even today. So, should the saying in the case of the German expansion during the second scramble for Africa really have to be transformed to 'trade follows Hallstein'?

In the run-up to the 1978 World Cup, the West German section of Amnesty International launched a campaign called ‘Yes to Football, No to Torture!’ which sought to raise awareness of human rights violations in Argentina by taking advantage of the popularity of the XI World
Cup. This article demonstrates that the Football Federation (Deutsches Fussball Bund) and its president Hermann Neuberger, in connivance with the West German Government, actively opposed one of the first
large-scale human rights campaigns in 1970s West Germany, but were unable to prevent its success. ‘Yes to Football, No to Torture!’ sparked a significant discussion on the relationship of sports and politics, and rallied tens of thousands of people for the cause of human rights
violations in Argentina.

The first indication of ecologically focussed citizen initiatives in West Germany can be traced back to the Whyl anti-nuclear protests during 1973. Petitions for other causes continued to spread through the Federal Republic after this time, and by 1977 nearly 1,000 groups with over 300, 000 members were affiliated with the Federal Association of Citizen Initiatives for the Protection of the Environment (BBU). Many were limited to local issues such as the prevention of highway construction or deforestation of local areas. Nevertheless, the increased awareness of the need for environmental protection enabled these groups to reach populations within the international sphere...

The purpose of this chapter is to consider the challenges Lufthansa faced after 1955 in offering its passenger services and encouraging foreign tourism in West Germany. In so doing, I examine the role of the airline in advertising air travel and the role of another governmental agency, the Deutsche Zentrale für Fremdenverkehr (German Central Office for Tourism -- DZF), in promoting West Germany as a place of tourism in the late 1950s and early 1960s.  Most broadly, this task constituted one element of the overall transformation of West German society in the wake of Nazism. More specifically, Lufthansa’s efforts shaped and reflected the development of a modern form of consumerism and advertising through the sale of air travel. By 1963, the airline, initially limited in its public relations efforts, had become a major purveyor of West Germany’s image abroad.

[Eng] The end of World War II polarized Europe into two opposite political blocks. Among the huge mass of displaced Polish persons who were present in the western occu- pation zones of Germany and then in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), intelligence institutions were looking for candidates for the mission of so-called
“communication with the country”. Simultaneously, the security apparatus of com- munist Poland was developing its potential by infiltrating not only Polish circles in the western occupation zones and in the FRG, but mainly for any signs of activ- ities unfavourably affecting the communist regime. From the first post-war years, the mass nature of the intelligence actions was the reason why the western allies managed to achieve many successful missions within the territory of Poland. On the other hand, the mass aspect and poorly chosen group of collaborators in the spy networks very soon contributed to their quick detection, arrest and liquidation. Consequently, many candidates participated in suicide missions and immediately got into the hands of the communist security services.

[PL] Zakończenie drugiej wojny światowej spowodowało podział Europy na dwa przeciw- stawne bloki polityczne. Wśród ogromnej masy polskich dipisów, która znajdowała się w zachodnich strefach okupacyjnych Niemiec, a następnie w RFN, instytucje wywiadowcze poszukiwały kandydatów do tzw. misji łączności z krajem. Równolegle aparat bezpieczeństwa komunistycznej Polski rozbudowywał swój potencjał, infiltru- jąc nie tylko polskie środowiska w zachodnich strefach okupacyjnych oraz w RFN, ale przede wszystkim wszelkie przejawy działalności godzącej w komunistyczny reżim. Od pierwszych powojennych lat masowy charakter działalności wywiadowczej do- prowadził do tego, że aliantom zachodnim udało się zrealizować wiele udanych misji na terenie Polski. Jednak masowość i źle dobrana grupa współpracowników siatek wywiadowczych bardzo szybko przyczyniły się do ich szybkiej dekonspiracji, areszto- wań i likwidacji. W rezultacie wielu kandydatów brało udział w misjach praktycznie samobójczych i natychmiast trafiło w ręce komunistycznej bezpieki.

Nuclear energy is intertwined with developments in social, economic, environ- mental, political, and cultural spheres. Therefore, it is a complex social and technological phenomenon that influences societies but is also shaped by societies as can be explored in this chapter about the history of the relations between nuclear energy and society in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG, West Germany).
In the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s, when the United States had launched the Atoms for Peace program and the first nuclear power plant went on- line in Germany, nuclear power seemed to be a modern solution to humankind’s energy problems. Just over a year after the Federal Government had adopted the Atomic Energy Act in 1959 on the peaceful utilization of atomic energy and the protection against its hazards, the first nuclear power plant went online at the border of Hesse and Bavaria. With it, nuclear power in West Germany started as an industrial business. In the 1960s a phase of development and planning followed that was hardly noticed by the public. The first commercial nuclear reactor went on the grid in 1961, but it took many government incentives to convince energy companies to switch to nuclear power completely. The planning and building of nuclear power plants, radioactive waste disposal facilities, or reprocessing plants in the federal states of Baden-Württemberg (Wyhl), Schleswig-Holstein (Brokdorf), Lower Saxony (Gorleben), North Rhine-Westphalia (Kalkar), and Bavaria (Wackers- dorf) provoked massive and recurring protests throughout the 1970s and 1980s. The protests against the construction of the plant in Wyhl (Kaiserstuhl) on the French border in Germany’s southwest gave power to the nascent environmental movement when – in 1975 – 30,000 people demonstrated, occupying the site and developing protest structures.
Where nuclear sites were close to two or sometimes three different countries – for instance this was the case in protests against nuclear plants in Wyhl, people of diverse nationalities usually had similar interests. Furthermore, since the travel distances were rather minimal, it was easier to join and support local protests. Through activists, but also experts, politicians, organizations, and the media there was an exchange of knowledge and ideas. Women were often at the forefront among critical citizens and since the 1970s they had raised their voices louder than
ever. Especially the Chernobyl nuclear power plant catastrophe in April 1986 led to an upswing of intensified debates in Germany and also gave rise to the Mothers against Chernobyl movement. As a result, a Ministry for the Environment was founded at the federal level and citizens’ initiatives – many initiated and run by women – sprang up in high numbers. In 1998, the red-green coalition agreement decided to phase out nuclear energy within 20 years. Two years later, the Federal Government and electric supply companies signed an agreement about the future operation of German nuclear power plants. After a tsunami and partial meltdown at the Japanese nuclear power plant Fukushima Daiichi in 2011, the topic received renewed attention with continued protests. Chancellor Angela Merkel announced the shutdown of all German power plants by 2022 with eight of the 17 operating German reactors shut down immediately. Until March 2011, these 17 reactors produced 25 percent of the country’s electricity. In 2016, the remaining eight reactors produced 16 percent, while half of Germany’s electricity was generated from coal.

Von November 1951 bis März 1952 standen fünf ehemalige Beamte des Reichsjustizministeriums vor dem Landgericht Wiesbaden, die sich wegen der Ermordung von über 15.000 als "asozial" geltenden Justizhäftlingen zu verantworten hatten. Die Angeklagten hatten sich an ihrer Auslieferung aus dem Strafvollzug an die Gestapo zur "Vernichtung durch Arbeit" in Konzentrationslagern beteiligt. Das Gericht sprach die Angeklagten frei. Felix Wiedemann ordnet den Wiesbadener Prozess in die vergangenheitspolitischen Debatten der damaligen Zeit ein, untersucht die Narrative über Täter und Opfer und fragt nach dem Fortleben nationalsozialistischer Moralbegriffe in der frühen Bundesrepublik. nnnn Felix Wiedemann "Anständige" Täter -"asoziale" Opfer Der Wiesbadener Juristenprozess 1951/52 und die Aufarbeitung des Mords an Strafgefangenen im Nationalsozialismus I. Einleitung Dass der gelernte Former Joseph Schmidt aus dem westfälischen Städtchen Werne einmal wichtiger Zeuge der Anklage in einem Mordprozess werden sollte, hätte er vermutlich selbst nicht erwartet. 1 Eigentlich gehörte er nämlich zu jenen, die Michel Foucault einmal als "infame Menschen" bezeichnet hat: Existenzen, "die dazu bestimmt sind, ohne Spur zu vergehen" -es sei denn, es kommt zu einer Berührung mit der Macht. 2 Das war bei Schmidt gleich mehrfach der Fall: Zwischen 1916 und 1920 war er einige Male wegen versuchten Betrugs und Diebstahls belangt worden. Aus dieser Reihe kleinerer Delikte sticht jedoch deutlich seine Verurteilung von 1936 vor dem Schwurgericht Frankenthal (Pfalz) zu zwölf Jahren Zuchthaus wegen Mordversuchs an seiner Ehefrau hervor. Über die Hintergründe dieser Tat ist nichts bekannt -nur, dass er zugleich vorhatte, selbst aus dem Leben zu scheiden, und während der Haft mehrere weitere Suizidversuche unternahm. 3 Im Herbst 1942 erhielt das Zuchthaus Bruchsal, wo Schmidt seine Strafe absaß, Besuch von einem Ministerialbeamten aus dem Reichsjustizministerium. Nach einem kurzen Blick in die Akten und einer oberflächlichen Muste-1 Der Beitrag basiert auf meinem im Mai 2018 am Fachbereich Geschichts-und Kulturwissenschaften der Freien Universität Berlin gehaltenen Habilitationsvortrag. Für Hilfe bei der Recherche möchte ich mich herzlich bei Manfred Pult und Johann Zilien vom Hessischen Hauptstaatsarchiv Wiesbaden (künftig: HHStAW) bedanken. 2 Michel Foucault, Das Leben der infamen Menschen, Berlin 2001, hier S. 13 f. 3 HHStAW, Abt. 468, Nr. 426-1, Bl. 26-36; hier auch Auszüge aus dem Strafregister Josef Schmidts. Laut Schreiben der Staatsanwaltschaft Wiesbaden an die Staatsanwaltschaft Bochum vom 21.10.1948 sind sämtliche Akten des Schwurgerichts Frankenthal durch Kriegseinwirkungen verloren gegangen (ebenda, Bl. 97).

Malgré l'avènement de la bombe atomique à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le char va rester une arme d'intimidation très efficace durant toute la durée de la Guerre froide. Les deux blocs vont en produire et en déployer des milliers dans diverses régions du globe, et plus particulièrement en RFA et en RDA. Comme d'autres armées occidentales, la Belgique participe à cet effort de dissuasion par le déploiement de forces blindées importantes en RFA. Il faut dire que, durant toute la Guerre froide, la Belgique peut se targuer de posséder une arme blindée conséquente. Bien entendu, la présence de chars ne passe pas inaperçue. Malgré la mise à disposition de vastes domaines militaires, il est nécessaire pour les charistes d'effectuer des manœuvres hors des casernes, sur les terrains qu'ils seront amenés à défendre. C'est pourquoi de nombreux exercices FTX (Field training exercise) sont organisés. Lors de ceux-ci, les chars belges évoluent au milieu des civils allemands. La tolérance de ces derniers face à ces blindés chenillés dans les rues des villes et dans les campagnes est assez ambivalente. Même si les citoyens sont bien conscients que ces chars sont ceux qui seront amenés à les défendre face à un raz de marée soviétique, leur patience est mise à rude épreuve. Si certains se montrent compatissants, d'autres, par contre, expriment leur mécontentement par des actions parfois violentes. Malgré les mesures prises par les militaires belges, les véhicules causent beaucoup de dommages aux infrastructures et aux biens privés. Le but de cette contribution est de présenter les relations entretenues entre charistes belges et civils allemands lors des exercices en terrain civil en répondant à cinq questions : Pourquoi organiser de tels déploiements de blindés en milieu civil? Quels sont les dégâts causés par le déploiement de chars? Quelles sont les réactions des civils par rapport à la présence des chars des FBA dans leur environnement de vie? Sont-elles identiques partout? Quels moyens sont mis en place pour limiter le mécontentement des populations?

Hartmut Esslinger was Apple's first lead designer and worked with Steve Jobs from 1982-86. Originally from the Black Forest, Esslinger founded frog design, a firm that has worked with numerous corporations, including Sony, Wega, and Microsoft. This biography for "Immigrant Entrepreneurship" traces his life from a small pietist community in the Black Forest, to his global career as an industrial designer from Tokyo to Silicon Valley, including his work with Jobs in forging the first design language for Apple.

Link:
http://www.immigrantentrepreneurship.org/entry.php?rec=236

This book, a version of my Master thesis, describes the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Portugal in the 1960s. During this period, Portugal was a right wing dictatorship and fought colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea. On the other hand, the international position of FRG became more «normalized» and it was able to develop a foreign policy on its own. However, the political and military support to its ally in NATO, Portugal, brought some criticism from the Third World countries. When the SPD arrived to power, in 1966, the federal government began to distance itself from the colonialist regime.
Nonetheless, the military support of Bonn was one of the reasons for the lasting Portugueses colonial wars.

This article focuses on sexually explicit texts and images that were prevalent across a spectrum of self-published and underground journals in West Germany. In these publications, sex became a vehicle of protest: protest against the flattening tendencies of late capitalism, protest against authoritarian government, protest against the persistence of patriarchy. Pornography as an expression or practice of emancipation, however, quickly showed its limitations. Pornography's potentially liberating value diminished as emancipatory sex became prescriptive in its own way. As it became clearer that sexual liberation had not created a new revolutionary subject, that issues concerning normative sexuality and the commodification of desire were not being adequately addressed, or that practical issues such as non-hierarchical relationships between men and women, shared child-rearing, and reproduction rights still demanded attention, activists regrouped and new collective forms emerged. In the end, these images did not shatter the existing social order, but they did provoke women and men to analyze critically what sexual difference meant and how it came to order social relations.

How do securitisation moves affect a nation’s foreign policy agenda? This article (re-)directs critical security studies’ attention to the discipline’s core concern with interstate relations. Drawing on the notions of subjectification and subject-positioning, it reformulates securitisation theory and argues securitisation to endanger, order and condition international relations. By defining who (or what) threatens whom and how, so the article’s central claim, securitisation moves not only set out problem situations and thus a need for policy responses. They also populate the international with a variety of actors and relations. Securitisation moves seen this way articulate and project abroad local conceptions of antagonistic international order(s), and make, if accepted as truthful, foreign policy-making contingent on the imageries thus created. The article develops this relational/positional rendering of the securitisation process and illustrates it with two empirical case studies, French national security controversies of the post-war era and West German security discussions during the Ostpolitik years. The case studies show how contending articulations of national insecurity helped produce different antagonistic systematisations of the international, and how this latter feature helps explain the foreign policy behaviour of either country.

Published in the Jahrbuch für historische Kommunismusforschung 2011, this essay explores the German reception of Soviet internment camps in occupied East Germany in West Germany and reunited Germany and assesses their significance for (West) German anticommunism.

https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/GregorDreams This article explores the history of Kraftwerk parodies in the United States. I first trace the influence of Kraftwerk and German technopop across the 1970s and 1980s, which resulted in the creation of Mike Myers's Dieter, a Kraftwerk-inspired character on the comedy TV-series "Saturday Night Live."  Appearing on SNL between 1989 and 1993, these comedic sketches depicted Dieter as the host of a fictional West German talkshow called "Sprockets." Myers's parodic construction of German techno and club culture later became an important influence on additional parodies, especially the fictional technopop band "Autobahn" in the Coen brothers' film classic "The Big Lebowski." My article thus concludes with an analysis of how "The Big Lebowski" explores the legacy of German techno in American pop culture and its effects on Hollywood film history.

During the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their leader, leaving members from the previous regime in power. However, two very different approaches to reconciliation were taken. Germany prosecuted the leaders of the old regime, implemented collective guilt across the population, and either destroyed fascist memorials and insignias or actively challenged them with counter-memorials. As opposed to following the German path to reconciliation, the fruits of which could be seen during the democratisation of Spain, the new democracy decided to implement the 1975 Pact of Forgetting, an unwritten agreement to not bring up the atrocities committed under Franco for fear of retribution. In order to understand the events that led to two very different outcomes through the use of interviews, analysis of the Suárez’s cabinet, and analysis of the use of memorials in both cases, this paper will ask why did Spain choose to avoid a similar reconciliation process to the one taken by West Germany thirty years prior despite being in a similar state and what role did public history play?

Bu çalışmanın amacı, literatürdeki kaynaklardan yararlanarak savaş ve barış kavramlarını tanımlamak, savaşa götüren koşulları incelemek ve bunları İkinci Dünya Savaşı üzerinden Alman toplumuna nasıl etkilerde bulunduğunu analiz etmektir. Akademik literatürde bu konuda boşluğun bulunması araştırmanın daha ayrıntılı hale gelebilmesini bir ölçüde sınırlamış olsa da, çalışmanın somut veriler sunması sağlanabilmiştir.
Bu amacı yerine getirebilmek için birçok kaynaktan yararlanılmış, zaman zaman tarih anlatıcılığına başvurulmuş ve teorik açıklamalar yapılmıştır.

West Germany and the Iron Curtain takes a fresh look at the history of Cold War Germany and the German reunification process from the spatial perspective of the West German borderlands that emerged along the volatile inter-German border after 1945. These border regions constituted the Federal Republic’s most sensitive geographical space, in which it had to confront partition and engage its socialist neighbor, East Germany, in concrete ways. Each issue that arose in these borderlands—from economic deficiencies to border tourism, environmental pollution, landscape change, and the siting decision for a major nuclear facility—was magnified and mediated by the presence of what became the most militarized border of its day, the Iron Curtain. In topical chapters, the book traces each of these issues across the caesura of 1989–1990, thereby integrating the “long” postwar era with the postunification decades. At the heart of this deeply-researched study stands an environmental history of the Iron Curtain that explores transboundary pollution, landscape change, and a planned nuclear industrial site at Gorleben that was meant to bring jobs into the depressed border regions. As Eckert demonstrates, the borderlands that emerged with partition and disappeared with reunification did not merely mirror larger developments in the Federal Republic’s history but actually helped shape them.

The violent decolonization of Portugal’s colonial empire in Africa was not fought on the battlefields of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea‑Bissau alone. An important part of the African liberation movements’ struggle was the search for political and material support, which they received from independent African countries, socialist states and numerous non‑state actors in the West. As part of a broader wave of internationalism, a solidarity movement in support of the liberation movements in Portugal’s African colonies emerged in West Germany as well. This was partially a response to the West German governments’ close cooperation with the Estado Novo regime (Salazar’s New State) in Lisbon. This article gives an overview of the development and participants of West Germany’s solidarity groups and their activities during the 1960s and early 1970s.