Skinheads

In 2013, the Metropolitan Museum hosted an exhibition of punk-inspired fashion entitled Punk: Chaos to Couture. The exhibition emphasized the 'spectacular' elements of the subculture, reflecting a narrative that dominates accounts of punk dress, whereby it is presented as a site of art school creativity and disjuncture with the past. This is an important aspect of punk dress, but photos of bands and audiences reveal that there was much more to British punk style in the 1970s than what was being sold on London's King's Road. Heeding calls to trouble the boundary between the spectacular and the ordinary in subculture studies, this article looks at the ordinariness of 1970s British punk dress, arguing that we should understand punk dress in terms of mass-market commodities, not just customization and designer fashion. Many of these commodities were worn by the skinheads who preceded punk, and this article explores this subcultural continuity by focusing on the role of the Dr. Marten boot and the Harrington jacket in first-and second-wave British punk dress. It does so through discussion of the Cockney Rejects, the 1979 BBC television dramatization of the Sham 69 album That's Life and the Undertones.

This essay examines the origins, diffusion and spread of organized groups of young football fans (so‐called ultras) in Spain. The first Spanish ultra groups emerged after the 1982 World Cup held in Spain. Mainly mimicry of both Italian and English supporter styles, the Spanish ultras separated themselves from the indigenous ‘peña’ culture emphasizing instead a more active and visible approach to football fandom. This movement, often heavily supported by the clubs, subsequently spread to other clubs in Spain’s First and Second Divisions. In the second half of the 1980s, mainly due to the increasing politicization of the ultra groups and the eruption of the skinhead youth subculture, violence became an intrinsic feature of the ultra movement and at times created widespread social panic. The escalation of violence finally resulted in the fragmentation and decline of traditional ultra groups and the emergence of alternative fan groups explicitly opposed to violence. These developments set in motion a complex pattern of rivalries and allegiances strongly influencing contemporary Spanish football culture.

This article analyzes the components of British Nationalism which have leading roles in Shane Meadows' "This Is England". The film depicts the consequences of Thatcher's oppressive politics and her implementation of iron fist-like administration through the perspective of the boy who loses his father in Falklands War which was fought between Argentina and Thatcher's England. The protagonist, Shaun, is an isolated boy who is bullied by other pupils. One day on his way back to home, he confronts with a gang which then encapsulates him by helping him with his problems. Then as they get to know each other better, Shaun becomes just like one of them. However, this strong bond between Shaun and the gang drags him to an entirely different and unusual lifestyle; as he experiences drugs, sex, and Doc Martens for the fist time. More important than all of these experiences, he faces with the notion of nationalism, which also has some components of fascism. Even with his childish and innocent perspective, he shares most of the opinions of Combo who leads Shaun to the Skinhead movement which bases itself on strict nationalism. In the years of Thatcher's hegemony in England, in the 1980s, her politics gave rise to various movements among the youth including the Skinhead movement as it can easily be seen in  "This Is England".

Exposing and illustrating how an ongoing engagement with nihilistic alienation may contribute to, rather than detract from, the value of life, Cinematic Nihilism both challenges and builds upon past scholarship that has scrutinised nihilism in the media, but which has generally over-emphasised its negative and destructive aspects. Through case studies of popular films, including Prometheus, The Dark Knight Rises, Dawn of the Dead and The Human Centipede, and with chapters on Scotland’s cinematic portrayal as both a site of ‘nihilistic sacrifice’ and as ‘nowhere in particular’, this book presents a necessary corrective, re-emphasising the constructive potential of cinematic nihilism and casting it as a phenomenon that need not be overcome.

The book is divided into four parts that describe the evolution of the skinhead style in Catalonia from its introduction in the decade of the eighties of the twentieth century to the present, with special emphasis on the incidence of the different musical genres associated with it.

El estilo skinhead, surgido a finales de los años sesenta en Gran Bretaña, se caracterizó en sus orígenes por una estética transgresora, una actitud desafiante y rebelde y una banda sonora de reminiscencias caribeñas. Aunque inicialmente se mantuvo alejado de cualquier posicionamiento político, alrededor de una década más tarde se constató la existencia de jóvenes que adoptando dicha imagen exhibieron la simbología y el discurso de la extrema derecha británica. Identidad, música y política, por tanto, fueron los elementos centrales de un estilo que se desarrolló y fragmentó a raíz de la irrupción de esta última en el mismo. El presente ensayo ofrece una panorámica histórica desde la concreción multiétnica en 1968 del estilo skinhead hasta su pervivencia 25 años más tarde como un fenómeno de ámbito glocal. A partir de su eclosión se aborda su compleja evolución, hecho que le ha conferido un carácter poliédrico en el que identidad, juventud, fútbol, política, violencia o comunidad interactúan para otorgarle la heterogeneidad que impregnó su desarrollo y permite que bajo una estética aparentemente similar coexistan planteamientos ideológicos dispares, totalmente alejados de aquellos que caracterizaron su concepción.

Gildas Lescop, sociologue, décrit minutieusement son travail de recherche et l’approche des mondes skin, alors que, longtemps compartimentée, sa vie de chercheur et sa position de skin-sociologue ou de sociologue-skin, constituèrent à la fois une immense richesse et un problème à résoudre. Il analyse dans ce travail l’une des problématiques essentielles des chantiers de recherche conduits en terrain sensible : jusqu’à quel point et à quel moment dévoiler son identité ?
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This paper discusses the history of the acronym A.C.A.B. in the Italian language. It examines the mechanisms that have brought the acronym from the streets to literature and the role of the Skinhead and football Ultras sub-cultures in the language contact between English and Italian.

Az 1988-as és 1989-es év több olyan csoportosulást, eseményt eredményezett hazánkban, amely "morális pánikra" ad-hatott okot. Az addig szilárdnak, biztosnak hitt diktatúra eresztékei recsegtek-ropog-tak, és olyasmik történtek meg, amik megrendítették az állandóságba, mozdulatlanságba vetett hitet. Többek között gondolhatunk a korabeli sajtó által előszeretettel tárgyalt sátánista és grufti csoportokra vagy a skinhead-veszélyre, esetleg a Fekete Lyuk szóra-kozóhely megjelenítésére a pokol tornácaként. A fiatalok számára hiányoztak az igazi közösségi élmények, amelyeket, úgy tűnik, szubkulturális mozgalmakban találtak meg. E tanulmányban eddig feltáratlan állambiztonsági és levéltári források segítségével vizsgálom, hogyan kezelte az állam az úgynevezett skinhead-veszélyt, miként ábrázolta a mozgalmat és annak tagjait. Tekinthető-e a csoportosulás szubkultúrának? Két fő írásos forrásom a skinheadekre vonatkozó állambiztonsági megfigyelés iratanyaga és az 1988. április 24-i kispesti metróverekedéssel kapcsolatos fővárosi ügyészségi iratok, amelyek tartalmazzák a tárgyalás jegyzőkönyvét is. 1 Az állambiztonság figyelme a kispesti metróverekedés nyomán irányult a hazai skin-head-identitással rendelkező fiatalok felé. Egy 1988. május 9-i javaslat szerint a "fiata-lokat tömörítő társadalomra veszélyes csoportosulás", s az ide tartozók körében közös-ség megsértése bűntett alapján ismeretlen elkövetőket kell felderíteni. A titkosszolgálati ábrázolás szerint a "skin-head"-csoportok 4-5 fős magból álltak, és erőszakos, valamint politikai jellegű bűncselekmények elkövetésére szerveződtek. A Budapesti Rendőr-fő-kapitányság III/III. alosztálya "Borzas" fedőnévvel nyitotta meg a Rendkívüli események dossziéját 1988. június másodikán.

While Supremacist groups in the United Stales share certain common elements and characteristics. In addition to a view of racial hierarchy, there is usually some form of antisemitism, dualism, apocalypticism, a reliance on conspiracy theories, a masculinist perspective, and antipathy towards gays and lesbians. They also share some common elements with all social movements. At the same time, there are distinctive differences among White Supremacist groups. There are several ways to illustrate these differences. In order to better explain how these groups operate in the public sphere, we separate them into the categories of political, religious, and youth cultural (racist skinhead, racist gangs, etc.) This typology, proposed by Vysotsky (2004), focuses on how these groups recruit and mobilize supporters around specific ideologies or cultural frames. We also look at several complexities and controversies in the study of White Supremacist organizations.

Since the election of President Trump and the rise in racist and white supremacist activity, the militant antifascist movement known as antifa has become increasingly active and high profile in the United States. This book analyzes the tactics, culture, and practices of the movement through a combination of social movement studies and critical criminological perspectives.

Based on extensive fieldwork and interviews with activists, this book is the first scholarly sociological analysis of contemporary antifascist activism in the United States. Drawing on social movement studies, subculture studies and critical criminology, it explains antifa's membership, their ideology, strategy, tactics and use of culture as a weapon against the far right. It provides the most detailed account of this movement and also cuts through much of the mythology and common misunderstandings about it.

Obra que radiografía la implantación y evolución del estilo skinhead en Cataluña, presentado al mismo como un fenómeno poliédrico de orígen foráneo con un ascendente relevante entre la juventud desde finales de los años ochenta del siglo pasado. El libro se divide en seis capítulos.

El primero – “Els orígens, de Jamaica a Anglaterra” – describe la gestación del estilo skinhead en Gran Bretaña a partir de los dos máximos referentes iniciales: las bandas de rude boys originarios de Jamaica y los hard mods locales. Se explica la fusión de ambos estilos y el híbrido multiracial que se convirtió en el cohesionador de los skins pioneros a finales de la década de los sesenta.

El capítulo segundo – “Les famílies skins. Arbre genealògic” – profundiza en la taxonomia de las diversas corrientes existentes tras una estética similar. Así se describe la aparición y evolución de los llamados skins originales, de los cabezas rapadas neonazis, de los redskins, de los skins antirracistas o SHARP, de los redskins agrupados en las siglas RASH o de los skins apolíticos.

El tercero – “Músiques skins” – trata sobre los diferentes géneros musicales que a los largo de las últimas cuatro décadas han asumido los skins como propios. Desde aquellos originarios del Caribe, como la música ska, el rocksteady o el reggae, hasta el punk rock aparecido a finales de los años setenta en Gran Bretaña y la música Oi!, o el posterior rock anticomunista (RAC) generado por los rapados neonazis.

En el cuarto capítulo – “Catalunya, epicentre subcultural” – teoriza sobre el papel central que han ejercido las bandas skins catalanas dentro de la llamada “escena” estatal como difusoras del estilo a otras zonas del territorio. Asimismo se concreta la implantación y dimensiones reales del estilo en Cataluña y se abordan las distintas vertientes que han emergido en los últimos años asociadas al mismo.

El quinto capítulo – “Tradició pel futbol, skins a les grades” – describe la función que desarrolla el fútbol como elemento difusor del estilo skinhead en Cataluña y el resto del Estado. Para ello se analiza un caso concreto, el barcelonés, donde a partir de la creación de los grupos radicales de los dos equipos de la ciudad (FC Barcelona y RCD Español) el estilo se divulga masivamente entre los jóvenes catalanes. Se narra el desarrollo del fenómenos d elos hinchas radicales, desde la implantación de los skins en las gradas hasta el surgimiento del llamado movimiento casual.

En el capítulo final de conclusiones se trata la verdadera dimensión de la extensión del estilo skinhead, como modelo transgresor o una simple moda comercial, así como se analiza el rol de los medios informativos en esta difusión y el impacto de la música e internet en el estilo.

The purpose of this research is to produce a reference guide on the White Power music composed by Skinheads. Also offers some methodological suggestions regarding the Organization of sound archives, with a focus on music. Developed as an instrument to support research, this guide is organized into articles identifying grupusculares organizations created by local White Power activists, since the end of the Decade of 1980 to the mid-2000, the bands linked to each organization and their respective repertoires of songs.

En el presente trabajo se pretende abordar los sucesos ocurridos durante la década de 1960 en lo referente a la influencia de la contracultura o cultura underground británica en Estados Unidos y viceversa. Para ello, nos centramos en el desarrollo, no solo en la estética, sino principalmente en la cultura musical de la década. Este es el motivo por el cual, debemos primero mencionar las primeras influencias durante los años cincuenta y entendiendo la evolución cultural de ambos países de forma genérica y, además, su evolución llegados incluso a la década de los setenta.

This paper explores the representation of political and ideological issues in music graphics in the United Kingdom from 1978 onwards. The analysis focuses on the music packaging of punk and postpunk bands engaged in the political ‘extreme’ – particularly the anarcho‐punk movement and the neo‐fascist scene.

Although for some historians punk represented a cultural rupture, it nonetheless (consciously or not) appropriated and reinterpreted graphic techniques, strategies and conventions from previous counter‐cultural and protest movements (particularly, though not exclusively, from the sixties) – as well as political movements. This paper aims to explore how such graphics influenced the visual language of politically engaged punk and post‐punk bands. It also addresses connections to art/political movements, such as Dadaism, Constructivism and the Situationist International.

The punk designers were sometimes trained but were more often practitioners of a do‐it‐yourself approach. By identifying which images they chose to ‘cut and paste’, it is hoped to demonstrate how ‘authenticity’ was constructed, and why certain aesthetic looks took hold while others did not.

A qualitative content analysis of lyrics by one of the most popular racist skinhead bands from the United States, the Angry Aryans, was conducted to assess themes used to recruit and shape a collective identity for the White Power Movement. Results indicate that lyrics portray ethnic minorities and homosexuals as inferior, subhuman and, along with non-racist skinhead whites, as oppressive and a threat to the white race. The Angry Aryans use song lyrics as a communication strategy to gripe, intimidate, and promote violence. Consequently, an ideology of violence and hate is justified through a vision of whites as victims at risk of extinction. Symbolic Convergence Theory (SCT) sheds light on the shaping of a collective identity of fear and hate created through marginalization and lies.

This article reviews the scholarly literature on music produced from the 1980s to the present by Western far-right political actors. Research on this topic has been conducted primarily by sociologists and political scientists rather than musicologists, the article claims, and these scholars often focus on the political, economic, and social consequences of the music, rather than its sound or performance. The article argues that the terminology in this literature is inconsistent, with some scholars using the term "White power music" to refer specifically to a style that originated from the British skinhead scene of the 1980s and other scholars employing it to refer to far-right music in general. Despite many attempts to address the phenomenon of far-right music holistically, the literature has overemphasized skinhead music while largely ignoring other genres, including those of more recent and politically successful far-right movements. The article argues that developing more detailed, rather than generalized, analyses and giving more attention to music beyond skinhead genres would serve the needs of scholars and anti-far-right activists alike, providing the detailed accounting necessary to map, analyze, or counteract far-right politics.

Film scholars have argued that the British social realist films of the late 1950s and early 1960s reflect the concerns articulated by British cultural studies during the same period. This article looks at how the social realist films of the 1970s and early 1980s similarly reflect the concerns of British cultural studies scholarship produced by the University of Birmingham’s Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies during the 1970s. It argues that the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies’ approach to stylised working-class youth subcultures is echoed in the portrayal of youth subcultures in the social realist films Pressure (1976), Bloody Kids (1979), Babylon (1980) and Made in Britain (1982). This article explores the ways in which these films show us both the strengths and weaknesses of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies’ work on subcultures.

This dissertation seeks to understand the tactical differences between two groups of anti-racist activists who confront white supremacists.  I dub these activists non-militant and militant anti-racists based on their tactical preferences.  Non-militant anti-racists engage in what are understood to be conventional and demonstrative tactics.  While militants are also likely to engage in similar tactics, their tactical repertoire also includes confrontational and violent approaches.  I am particularly interested in how the two groups of activists explain the differences in their tactical choices; and therefore, posit that each group will use ideological explanations and perceptions of threat to explain their tactical choices.
Using a snowball sampling methodology, I developed a sample of 24 anti-racist activists.  These activists were given a quantitative survey in order to establish their tactical preference.  The survey consisted of an original index developed to establish the militancy of the respondent.  Survey results yielded a bi-modal distribution of scores that suggests a distinct difference in tactical preferences among anti-racist activists and confirms the categorization of activists into non-militant and militant categories.  Additionally, interviews were conducted with all of the participants in order to 1) validate the results of the quantitative measure of militancy, 2) establish ideological orientation and test whether it had an influence of discussion of tactical preference, and 3) gauge the level of threat perceived and its influence on tactical preference.

The results of the survey and interview data indicate distinct differences in tactical preferences between non-militants and militants.  Non-militants worked with existing community and state institutions, developed educational campaigns, used symbols to demonstrate opposition to white supremacists in their community, and held explicitly non-violent and non-confrontational rallies away from the site of white supremacist events.  Militants are also willing to engage in such tactics, but their tactical repertoire also includes disruption of white supremacist activity, confrontational rallies at the sites of white supremacist events, acts of violence, and activity in subcultures where white supremacists operate and organize.
The interview data demonstrate a clear difference in how non-militants and militants explain their tactical preferences.  Non-militants adhered to a liberal ideology, but did not make explicit reference to their ideological position to explain their tactical preferences.  I posit that this is a result of hegemonic dominance of liberalism.  Non-militants need not use ideological language to explain their tactical choices because they are considered normative in contemporary, American society.  Conversely, militants, who self-identified ideologically as anarchists, were more likely to explain their tactics in ideological terms.  They were more likely to explain their militancy in terms of direct action and a hostility toward the state and formal institutions.

I conceptualize threat as taking three unique forms: 1) physical threat based on the anti-racists membership in a group targeted by white supremacists, 2) political threat based on the ideological difference between supremacists and anti-racists, and 3) spatial threat based on the contestation of physical and metaphorical subcultural spaces.  Non-militants perceived little to no threat; and therefore, their tactical preferences reflect the lack of threat that they perceived.  Militants, on the other hand, had a much stronger sense of threat.  The respondents in this study reported that they had been targeted for violence as a result of their sexual orientation or their categorization by white supremacists as “race traitors.”  Additionally, militants perceive white supremacists as a political threat because supremacists stand in direct ideological opposition to the militants and attempt to subvert their political activity.  White supremacists were also seen as posing a spatial threat because their presence in certain subcultures signals an ideological shift within the subculture which is also accompanied by increased levels of violence.

Článek se zaměřuje na identifikaci základních komponentů pro budování identity rasistických skinheads v českém prostředí po roce 1989. Vychází při tom z obsahové analýzy tvorby většiny českých relevantních skupin White Power Music (WPM) působících v období 1990-2010. Skinheadská subkultura, respektive její rasistická část, se stala významnou součástí české krajní pravice po roce 1989. Do roku 1998 tvořila jednu z jejích dvou hlavních složek, mezi lety 1998 až cca 2010 získala postavení dominantní. Její ideologické ukotvení při tom vycházelo do značné míry právě z působení WPM kapel, jejichž zkoumání zatím nebyla až na výjimky, věnována v českém prostředí větší pozornost.

Gang scholars for the last three decades have explicitly excluded youths who are active, overtly or implicitly, in white supremacy groups (e.g., neo-Nazis; racist skinheads; white separatists, nationalists, and identitists; the Alternative Right [referred to as “Alt-Right”]) from conventional street gang studies. More recently, gang scholars, however, have suggested that street gangs and white supremacy groups are more analogous to each other than originally thought. Inconsistently designating these White Power groups and making ad hoc decisions to include or exclude them from a gang study has impaired researchers, law enforcement, and policymakers and left them not only ill-equipped for understanding the risk factors impacting white supremacists but also disadvantaged for determining which intervention strategy is best to employ. As of 2017, a new wave of culture wars and identity politics has taken hold in the United States and throughout Europe with a growing concern by scholars and policymakers with the radicalization of individuals into these violent groups. The rise of the “Alt-Right” (a term coined in 2008 by white supremacist Richard Spencer) came about when young, white identitists, a group of leaderless, loosely organized, tech-savvy millennials, began to use facetious Internet jargon to recast and mainstream their white supremacist beliefs. A more inclusive characterization acknowledging that a substantial amount of similarity exists between White Power groups and street gangs is synthesized in the term “Alt-Right gangs.” Adapting the Eurogang definition, one of most widely adopted and utilized gang definitions, an Alt-Right gang is defined as a durable, public-oriented group whose adoption of signs and symbols of white separatists, nationalists, and supremacists and involvement in illegal activity is part of its group identity. This definition incorporates the description by political scientists of the Alt-Right as being a loosely structured, youth-oriented, right-wing political movement focused on white identity and nationalism with its core remaining a racist movement. Incorporating such a diverse set of literature into a singular definition provides a broad description that can be applied in a practical way. In the end, the risk factors driving marginalized youths, perceived or actual, to join a street gang or an Alt-Right gang are analogous. Just like any street gang, the Alt-Right is not a universal monolith, but rather is composed of various factions that regularly feud and have conflicts. Removing such restrictive categorizations allows for a broader understanding of youths involved in these racist groups and can provide scholars and policymakers with prevention, intervention, and suppression strategies that are not pigeonholed to only a subsample of Alt-Right gang members. This article addresses a collection of key characteristics that highlight the origins and subculture of White Power youth groups to highlight the substantial overlap between street gangs and Alt-Right gangs and exposes how well situated gang scholars are to examine these white supremacist groups.

Anarchist criminology has produced a strong critique of the system of criminal law, but has only recently started to theorize practical alternatives. The alternatives that it offers have been largely rooted in pacifism through the practice of restorative justice and deescalation of conflict. These models are generally effective so long as the individuals involved are committed to the process being applied. Ethnographic study of the anti-fascist movement in the United States demonstrates a potential model of anarchist response to threats of community and public safety in prefigurative subcultural spaces. The confrontational and violent tactics employed by militant anti-fascists serve as a form of policing based on anarchist principles of spontaneity, direct democracy, and direct action; and can serve as a starting point for theorizing proactive anarchist actions against individuals who threaten public safety and order.

Este artículo se pregunta por las relaciones entre el cuerpo (específicamente el cabello) y las culturas juveniles. A lo largo del texto, se explica cómo el pelo funciona como un mecanismo de expresión de ideas, así como una forma de manifestación de las identidades juveniles, muchas veces subalternas o disidentes. El estudio se centra en cuatro culturas juveniles que habitan las calles de Bogotá: rastas, metaleros, punks y skinheads.

This paper offers an insight into how political and ideological issues were represented in music graphics in the United Kingdom from 1978 to 1994. The analysis focuses on the music packaging concerning punk and post-punk bands engaged in the political 'extreme' – particularly the anarcho-punk movement and the neo-fascist punk and skinhead scenes, through two of its most representative labels, Crass Records and Rock-o-Rama Records. It aims to present an overview of the way persuasion and messages are articulated within systems of propaganda. It also seeks to deconstruct the propaganda graphic systems of extreme ideologies, and identify aesthetic and formal differences and similarities between contrasting political stances.

As a medium, rock music has been used to express dissent against, and support for, the establishment. However it was not until punk that it became the focus for groups of resistance. Previous subcultures appropriated music made by musicians’ external to the subculture, with politics distinct from their own. Punk rock was – and is – made by punks for punks with punk issues expressed in song lyrics. Music depicts the subculture and the subculture depicts the music. Music, the subculture and its politics are one and cannot be divided. Thus, if previous to punk, musicians and bands had engaged in political issues, the means of production with which they acted were limited. A virtual frontier was visible between actions, music and subculture. This analysis focuses on the followers of the punk tradition who were never co-opted by the mainstream, radically developing the proto-political concept that early punk (the Sex Pistols, etc.) suggested, and in so doing narrowing the gap between rhetoric and practice.

Visual media can offer a way of expressing a strong, direct, intelligible message, and therefore it is no surprise that politically engaged bands use music packaging as a propaganda medium (and music and graphics become powerful weapons to attempt to catalyze change). In this context, graphics have the function of informing and persuading, and iconic visual allegories become a representation of loyalty and allegiance. The music graphics reveal and divulge the political agenda. This paper addresses how content and stylistic devices – such as illustration and photography – are used for specific purposes, such as recruiting new supporters and strengthening the scenes, presenting a critique of contemporary realities or portraying utopian environments. It focuses particularly on music graphics as a propaganda tool and how political communication is achieved through visuals in a subcultural context.

This paper is part of a doctoral research project being developed at University of the Arts London. The doctoral research presents two main novel contributions to knowledge and to the research community. The first is the development of a methodology oriented towards the analysis of the dissemination of ideological and political content through graphic design objects in a subcultural context. The second is the analysis and interpretation of ‘extreme’ political music packaging produced by artists from the United Kingdom from 1978 to 2008, covering an under-researched field and time span.

Ekstremaalsete paremäärmuslaste temaatika on jätkuvalt aktuaalne, olles üheks negatiivseks
kaasproduktiks globaliseerumisele ja üha süvenevale multikultuursete riikide tekkele, millest
on Eesti Vabariik siiani suurel määral puutumata olnud. Samas on paremäärmuslased olnud
edukad nii Prantsusmaal, Taanis, Hollandis kui ka teistes Euroopa riikides, Euroopa
Parlamendis on paremäärmuslased moodustanud oma fraktsiooni. Teatud määral on Eestis
paremäärmuslus peale 2000. aastat aktiviseerunud – Lihula monumendi intsidendist ja
Pronkssõduri vastastest kampaaniatest, kuni homoseksuaalide paraadi vastu suunatud
rünnakuteni ning ühe USA tuntuima neonatsistliku liikumise esindaja Craig Cobbi elama
asumiseni Eestisse, siiski on rahvuslike paremäärmuslaste tegevust peetud siiani
marginaalseks. Teisalt saavutas paremäärmuslike vaadete poolest tuntud Eesti Iseseisvuspartei
2007. aasta Riigikogu valimistel napilt üle 1000 hääle.
Antud bakalaureusetöö püüab jätkata paremäärmuslike rühmituste tegevuse uurimist –
valdkonda, mis ühtaegu on praeguse Eesti sotsiokultuurilises taustsüsteemis võrdlemisi
huvipakkuv ka laiemale üldsusele, tänu nii siin elava rahvusvähemuse tegevuse
aktiviseerumisele kui ka sellele vastureaktsioonina toimivale Eesti paremäärmuslike
meeleolude tõusule, mis on lainetena leidnud kajastamist nii Eesti kui välismeedias.
Varemkirjutatust erineb käesolev töö selletõttu, et paremäärmuslike rühmituste kaardistamisel
on püütud rõhuasetus paigutada pigem just alternatiivsetele rühmitustele (sh. Virtuaalsed
rühimitused), kui ennast selgelt poliitiliselt identifitseerivatele kooslustele nagu näiteks Eesti
Iseseisvuspartei, mis ei tähenda, et Eesti Iseseisvusparteist juttu ei tuleks, küll aga on ka seda
parteid vaadeldud eelkõige läbi tema seoste väikeste paremradikaalsete rühmitustega.
Käesolev bakalaureusetöö püüab anda ülevaate Eesti rahvusliku paremäärmusluse tegevusest
21. sajandil ning selle võimalikest arengutendentsidest. Vaatluse all on radikaalse
paremäärmusluse tegevuse aktiviseerumine viimastel aastatel, millele annab uue dimensiooni
ning kontaktide loomine välismaiste paremäärmuslike rühmitustega.

The rationale for social movement tactical choices is rarely discussed in social science literature. This article presents the impact of perceived threat from a countermovement on the rationale of militant anti-fascist activists for their tactical choices. Threat is described as physical, political, and spatial. Physical
threat involves the fear of violent attacks by opponents, political threat involves the fear of being politically undermined by the activity of its opponents, and spatial threat refers to fear of losing literal and metaphorical subcultural space to opponents. Militant anti-fascists reported facing physical threats, political threats, and spatial threats from white supremacists who operated in similar
subcultures and have frequent contact.

Un esempio di incompatibilità tra discorso e cultura: la colonia arcadica Animosa di Venezia Rosina MARTUCCI -Università degli Studi di Salerno Le tre corone di Casacalenda: discorso e cultura nell'itinerario letterario di Pietro Corsi, Mary Melfi e Giose Rimanelli Florica DUŢĂ -Università Spiru Haret di Bucarest Metafore della condizione umana nel romanzo Le città del dottor Malaguti di Roberto Pazzi 15 00 -17 00 : Sala 336 Sezione: Letteratura comparata / Linguistica La parafrasi aggettivale dei verbi a completiva Svjetllana TITINI -Università "Aleksandër Moisiu" di Durrës La cultura italiana attraverso l'italiano nel panorama urbano albanese Silvia MADINCEA PAŞCU -Università Tibiscus di Timişoara Il testo giornalistico nella glottodidattica dell'italiano 6

For the last 30 years, gang scholars have explicitly disregarded white youth who are active in groups with overt or implicit ties to neo-Nazi/skinhead or white power ideologies from street gang research. This article argues that this decision to keep these two groups separate stems from a misinterpretation of the realities of these groups and this decision has had a long-standing impact on how researchers, law enforcement and policymakers understand and interact with youth active in these groups. The coining of the term ‘Alt-Right,’ and the re-emergence of white power youth in the international dialogue, underscores how the lack of systematic research severely limits our knowledge about youth involved in gangs with white power leanings. Based on these concerns, this article challenges the current understanding of both skinheads and their troublesome youth groups/gangs. By orienting the limited research on skinhead gangs within key street gang domains, this article draws attention to disconnects in the literature that have influenced how researchers approach the study of skinhead youth. This study’s conclusions support the purposeful inclusion of skinhead youth in future street gang research.

This paper will focus on the change in relations between punks and skinheads since their emergence in the former Czechoslovakia until now.
The first punks appeared in the former Czechoslovakia in the late 1970s and 1980s. In the mid-1980s, the first skinheads emerged amongst punks as a kind of small and unique part of the contemporary punk scene. From these beginnings, the sub-cultural ideologies of both groups were blurred and vague, partly because of the lack of information about both subcultures due to the existence of ‘the Iron Curtain’. Relatively harmonic relations started to radicalize and change rapidly after ‘the Velvet Revolution’ in 1989, leading to a split between both subcultures. At least for the first half of the 1990s, both subcultures opposed each other and were perceived as adversaries. Only in the late 1990s did an apolitical current of skinheads, drawing on traditional skinhead values, and a section of punks start to sympathise with each other again (although on a different basis). This led, in some cases, to a hybridization of these subculturalists as some of the punks and skinheads transformed into ‘skunks’.
Using this example of changing relations, we would like to ask to what extent a subcultural identity is formed by subcultural style and/or subcultural ideology. And also how different accents placed on one or the other creates such configurations that significantly influence the character of the subculture and possibly also its relations to another subculture. We will use the traditional concept of subculture (as defined by CCCS scholars) as an analytic tool, but, at the same time, we will try to critically assess its analytic potential for studying contemporary sub-cultural formations characterized by its fluidity and hybridity.

Skinheads are a kind of subculture 2 with well-defined aesthetical, iconographical and ideological connotations, which are deliberately shown and clearly flaunted. Those kind of people can be easily recognized on the basis of their behaviour, clothes, music styles and phrasing, expression. These aspects help Skinheads show their identities to the others and strengthen their own. It is quite hard to reconstruct in depth the history of this social movement from the start: Skinheads seem to have a magmatic, unclear nature which makes it extremely hard to analyze and difficult to identify its roots. The lack of official studies on this subject is great, even if, on the other hand, non-scientific sources, self-interpretations of Skinheads themselves and journalistic records are quite common. Despite this uncertainty, however, it is still possible to roughly piece together the key happenings which made this phenomenon rise.

The phenomenon of the far right began spreading in post-communist countries, including Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic, after 1989. In this period, right-wing extremist ideology was often associated with subcultural groups, which formed a major part of the far right. So-called 'White Power Music' (WPM) was the key element that connected the different groups of the skinhead subculture. Bands formed opinions and helped disseminate the right-wing extremist message. In my paper, I study this phenomenon specifically by means of content analysis. I would like to demonstrate how the different topics changed their presence within WPM over the past 20 years and what these changes can tell us about the development of the Czech far right.

After the end of the period of right-wing authoritarian regimes, Latin America experienced a period of political democratization. In each national context, this process proceeded with its implications, although there were similarities in temporal, general or particular characteristics. In this paper, our objective is to investigate the main strategies used by the extreme right in this political field and historical context, including the electoral goal. This issue will be analyzed from neo-Nazism during the democratic transition, addressing its diverse strategies and fields of action, which include urban youth cultures, anti-Semitic and the Holocaust denial literature also the attempts to organize political parties, with a particular analytical emphasis in the Brazilian aspect.

Despite drawing on a large body of different paradigms, subcultural studies have been conceptualizing subcultures rather uniformly as a world in itself, a reaction to dominant society or a combination of both. In our paper, we argue for more encompassing theoretical view, we call the relational perspective. Inspired by symbolic interactionism and studies on identity and alterity, while building on concepts devised in post-subcultural studies, we claim that particular subcultures are delineated in respect to many different actors. These can be roughly classified into categories of mainstream, other subcultures and enactments of one's own subculture. Grounded in empirical research of punk and emo subcultures and employing the concepts of in/authenticity (based on subcultural capital formed by subcul-tural style, ideology and practice), we will show the possibility of application of this perspective in studying contemporary subcultural formations both diachronically and synchronically. Acknowledgment Vznik tohoto textu byl podpořen z prostředků Institucionální podpory na dlouhodobý koncepční rozvoj výzkumné organizace (MŠMT-2018).

This paper will focus both on the historical and actual development of the anti-racist skinheads in the Czech Republic and also their importance within the skinhead subculture generally. Special attention will be given to the relationship of antiracism and leftist political ideologies (communism, anarchism). The ideology of the political left is generally perceived negatively in the post-socialist societies, which also reflects on the subcultural development. So for most Czech anti-racist skinheads, being distinctly anti-communist is an integral part of their political identity. Many of them also consider their anti-racism as a moral attitude rather than political, to avoid accusations of politicization of the subculture. This dual tension (to the left and toward politics in general) is what I will try to identify.