Personifications

Персоніфікована професійна освіта в сучасних умовах набуває великого  значення для соціалізації особистості. Вона розглядаєть як безперервний інтегрований педагогічний процес, що спирається на певні принципи змістовно-смислової та організаційної побудови. Певний акцент надається персоніфікації професійних знань, який ми визначаємо, як процес змінювання системи  професійних знань  особистості;  засвоєння та висвоєння знань в професійній діяльності;  організації знань та керування власною системою знань  в  професійній діяльності.

This article reexamines Samuel Johnson’s discussion of Milton’s Sin and Death in Paradise Lost, which scholars typically understand as an argument against allegory. The discussion is in fact much more about representational consistency than about the supposed decay of allegory after the seventeenth century: Johnson writes about how Milton could have properly managed Sin and Death, in the process giving contemporary writers advice on keeping personified abstractions (what Johnson calls “allegorical persons”) distinct from literal characters. We are right to see Johnson’s comments as part of a more general shift in the understanding of allegory in the eighteenth century, but we would be wrong to see them as indicative of allegory’s decline.

For free access to the advance access version of the article, use this link:
http://litimag.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2016/02/04/litimag.imv060.full.pdf?keytype=ref&ijkey=aCLYvQdj24XoMIz

Research on metaphor has consistently proven that metaphors always involve a degree of perspectivation, where certain features are highlighted while others remain obscured (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 153). The awareness of this partial mapping is crucial for the construction and reproduction of ideology. Specifically, this study claims that the nation is a person metaphor plays a crucial role in the mass media coverage of conflicts. Through a thorough analysis of a corpus of 17 articles from The New York Times reporting on the Iranian Green Revolution (June 2009), this paper intends to unravel the extent to which both tropes allow the inclusion of the Iranian protesters into the Western “Friendly Us” while rejecting the Iranian government as an “Evil Them.” This work is theoretically framed within critical metaphor analysis (Charteris-Black 2004), a fruitful intersection between critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk 2001) and conceptual metaphor
theory (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). The synthesis of the results shows evidence of the potentiality of metaphor as an essential resource in the construction and reproduction of ideological discourses in the news.

"L'autore del saggio, partendo da un'analisi storica ed etimologica del termine "cute", intesse relazioni e addita parentele nella poesia del Novecento. Il "cute", categoria estetica mai prima d'ora utilizzata in studi letterari, corrisponde a tutte quelle immagini che evocano tenerezza, inferiorità, ma anche quotidianità e che può indicare inoltre realtà "di scarto". Tra il Kitsch e il "cute" Carpi si aggira tra i versi di Gozzano, il poeta della "buone cose di pessimo gusto" e di Valerio Magrelli.
Sintesi da http://www.italinemo.it/"

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions

Personification is an influential figure of speech which is widely used in literature. It is a literary device that functions as a way of creating symbolic images that bear hidden meanings which should be deciphered through dismantling personification into segments in order to obtain the masqueraded meaning attended in each personification. The basic objective of this paper is to key out the mechanism that Emily Dickinson employs in generating personifications, and how the poet constructs the meaning of each personification. Successively, it also aims at unearthing how the elements that the poet hires in configuring personification are blended together though they are borrowed from different and incompatible fields that never meet together unless they are mapped out together metaphorically.The Conceptual Blending Theory was eminently exploited in the practical aspect of the research because it fits the purpose of the research. This theory is basically based on the cognitive construction of meaning which is an output of blending different elements to integrate them together to attain one concept. The mathematical relation (X + Y = Z) was applied to the personification so as to unscrew its elements, then blend them together conceptually to reach the essence of the personification. However, a bundle of sundry poems were selected from Dickinson‘s collection of poems randomly. Eventually, it has been noticed that Dickinson‘s personification depicts a rhetorical image to conceive metaphoric states that broaden the reader‘s imagination towards issues and themes which simulate his own daily life‘s experiences.

proprietà artistica e letteraria riservata per tutti i paesi È vietata la traduzione, la memorizzazione elettronica, la riproduzione totale e parziale, con qualsiasi mezzo, compresa la fotocopia, anche ad uso interno o didattico : ritratto della madre 3 Sergio Audano, Rileggendo il De divinatione di Timpanaro 13 Renato Badalì, «Oh via, ora ci si dà del tu!» 25 Michele Bandini, Una δευτέρα φροντίς senofontea (Xen. Mem. 1.4.8) 33 Margarethe Billerbeck, Sebastiano Timpanaro und die Kritik der ‚Seneca-Tragödien' 37 Michele R. Cataudella, Lesefrüchte 'timpanariane' 47 Federico Condello, Sul testo di Soph. OT 1025, con alcune osservazioni sul Lapsus di Timpanaro 59 Paolo De Paolis, Sic vos non vobis. A proposito di un episodio sospetto della biografia virgiliana del Donatus auctus 97 Rita Degl'Innocenti Pierini, Ennio, Scipione e la patria: interpretazione e fortuna (Virgilio, Orazio, Claudiano) di Ennio Var. 6-8 V. 2 (= VI op. inc. Sk.) 115 Lucietta Di Paola Lo Castro, Il medico condotto Augusto Murri e l'«oscuro medico condotto della critica testuale»: riflessioni a margine di due scritti di Timpanaro sr e di un manoscritto rinvenuto tra le carte dell'Archivio familiare 133 Tiziano Dorandi, Il De probacione virginitatis beate Marie et sacerdocio Iesu tra Roberto Grossatesta e Matteo Paris 151 Alessandro Fabi, Gli interventi di Timpanaro sul testo di Frontone 167 Giovanni Fiesoli, Lettori e lezioni lucreziane: gli inusitati connubi tra scienza, filologia e poesia 183 sommario VIII Gian Franco Gianotti, Studi classici e libertà: Augusto Rostagni e Leonardo Ferrero 205 Walter Lapini, La Tavola di Cebete e la vittoria sui vizi (22.2) 233 Luigi Lehnus, Postille inedite di Paul Maas a Pindaro, Epinici e frammenti 239 Giuseppina Magnaldi, Note in margine al De finibus di Cicerone (2.61, 2.118, 3.2, 4.9, 5.15) 253 Daniela Manetti, Le Memorie di Erofilo e dei membri della sua casa di Bacchio di Tanagra: una nota addizionale 271 Paolo Mari, Gli ultimi contributi filologici di Sebastiano Timpanaro 277 Elio Montanari, L'abbozzo incompiuto di Timpanaro in replica a Reeve 303 Piergiorgio Parroni, Nazioni ai confini del mondo tra realtà e tradizione classica 339 Rosario Pintaudi, Girolamo Vitelli e Francesco D'Ovidio: a proposito di Alfieri 'tragico' e per la versificazione 'barbara' di Carducci 355 Giuseppe Ramires, Timpanaro editore di Servio 365 Giovanni Salanitro, Tradizione indiretta virgiliana e poesia centonaria 399 Annamaria Vaccaro, Un inedito manuale di critica del testo 403 Recensioni L. Lehnus, Incontri con la filologia del passato (V. Ortoleva) 415 P. Parroni (a c. di), Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica.

Weeping is a powerful non-verbal behavior by which people signal their pain and distress, and communicate a need for comfort and assistance. The book of Lamentations verbalizes the phenomenon of weeping to describe the tears of ‘daughter Zion’ and the empathetic tears of the narrator who addresses her in chap. 2. Thus, the eloquence and power of the poetry is augmented by verbal descriptions of a non-verbal behavior. In Lamentations 1–2, the motif of weeping is inextricably bound up with the personification of Zion as both a daughter and as the mother of the people. This article examines the personification of Jerusalem and its functions within the poetry in order to understand the expression ‘daughter Zion’ and how ‘daughter Zion’ heightens the emotional impact of the poetry and becomes a source of comfort in the midst of deep despair. As a daughter, Zion stands in solidarity with the suffering children of Lamentations, and as the mother of the community, she intercedes on their behalf and weeps for her suffering and missing children. All the instances of weeping occur with reference to the death of children.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

G li antropologi dei primi del novecento furono per lo più concordi nell'assegnare alle personificazioni di forze ed elementi un posto ben preciso nella scala ascendente del divino. Appartenenti a una fase secondaria del dispiegamento genealogico, le divinità antropomorfiche sarebbero un epifenomeno dell'affermarsi dell'uomo come unità distinta. 1 L'antropomorfizzazione degli dèi, in altri termini, non sarebbe altro che un aspetto del processo di umanizzazione dell'uomo, che -qualunque segno gli si volesse dare -corrispondeva a un processo di separazione dalla natura. 2 La stagione delle 'divinità personali', individualmente definite e organizzate in pantheon, sarebbe sopraggiunta più tardi, con la comparsa della polis. 3 * Un ringraziamento particolare al prof. G. Cerri per la lettura di queste pagine. La sua ricostruzione del proemio parmenideo è stata per me spunto di riflessione e ha dato sostanza ad alcune delle idee qui sviluppate.

Errata

On page 52 we read:

First, we have a votive relief of pentelic marble (ca. 400 BC), found behind
the theatre of Piraeus, which could have been the location of the Asklepieion at
Piraeus.136 We see Asklepios bending over a lying woman, which is covered by a
skin. On the left, we see adorants with a child, possible relatives of the woman.
Leventi argues, that on the right, we see Hygieia resting on her left leg, although
this figure could also be identified as Epione or Iaso. Leventi identifies this scene
as an incubation scene.137 Renberg disagrees with Leventi, keeping this question
unanswered.138

This has to be:

First, we have a votive relief of pentelic marble (ca. 400 BC), found behind
the theatre of Piraeus, which could have been the location of the Asklepieion at
Piraeus.136 We see Asklepios bending over a lying woman, which is covered by a
skin. On the left, we see adorants with a child, possible relatives of the woman.
Leventi argues, that on the right, we see Hygieia resting on her left leg, although
this figure could also be identified as Panakeia or Iaso, according to Holtzmann. Leventi identifies this scene as an incubation scene.137 Renberg agrees with Leventi, describing her as Hygieia.138

Also, the footnotes are not correct concerning to reference to the pages. Please, mind the right annotation below.

137. R 13. Piraeus Museum 405 (Plate 15) in Leventi., Hygieia, 133-134.
138. Figure 29 Cat. No. Ask.-Peir.1 (Peiraeus Mus. 405) in Renberg, Where Dreams May
Come, 636.

The footnotes have been restored.

My sincere apologies.

This is a more elaboret and developped version of the first paper published in Polish : M.T. Olszewski, Uwagi na temat mosaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr), Menander XLII, 9-10, 1987, pp. 421-438 (translated to English : The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory (In Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus), see on academia.edu

The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographical and iconological programme of five panels mosaic from the House of Aion at Nea Pahos in Cyprus. He proposes reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; ; 3. Apollo and Marsyas; 4. The Dionysian thiasos; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception (Leda and a Swan)  and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis (the apotheosis of Cassiopeia).
The author rejects the interpretation of W.A. Daszewski, (Dionysos der Erlöser, Mainz am Rheim 1985) proposed in 1985 and his order of interpetation the five mythological pictures (1. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 2. Leda and Zeus; 3. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia; 4. Apollo and Marsyas 5. The Dionysian thiasos). Daszewski would like see in Dionysos - a newly born supreme god, the universal savior.
see also a new article: M.T.Olszewski, The iconographic programme of the Cyprus mosaic from the House of Aion reinterpreted as an anti-Christian polemic, in: Et in Arcadia Ego. Studia memoriae professoris Thomae Mikocki dicata, Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw, Warsaw 2013, pp. 207-239, Pls 74-86.

issn 039 -3 issn elettronico - * Inviare i dattiloscritti e i volumi per recensione, omaggio o cambio a « Italianistica », presso Dipartimento di Studi Italianistici, Facoltà di Lingue, Via dei Mille 1 , 1 Pisa, tel. e fax ** * Sono rigorosamente vietati la riproduzione, la traduzione, l'adattamento, anche parziale o per estratti, per qualsiasi uso e con qualsiasi mezzo e ettuati, compresi la copia fotostatica, il micro lm, la memorizzazione elettronica, ecc., senza la preventiva autorizzazione scritta della Fabrizio Serra · Editore , Pisa · Roma, un marchio dell'Accademia editoriale , Pisa · Roma.

In the early modern period, the image of Cleopatra oscillated between that of neo­ Stoic heroine or loyal wife and the whore-queen who with her beauty and seductive arts plunged men into ruin. This second view was dominant until well into the late sixteenth century not only in literature: the critical aspects of contemporary visual depictions of Cleopatra have been overlooked. In particular the motif of the vipers at the breast with its allusion to nursing plays an important role here. Associations with the monstrous, and with well-known pains of hell and personifications of the vices seem quite intentional. This article looks at the origin of the motif from the point of view of the logic of punishment for sin and shows with what pre­cision the idea of a self-inflicted punishment could be implemented using the snakes and other visual clues. A thought pattern paradigmatic in Dante's "Inferno" became a pictorial concept that at the same time promised to take account of both artistic and social challenges.

In Tantric traditions, mantras are not only used to invoke deities, but are generally considered deities themselves. They are often visualised accompanying their recitation, usually in an anthropomorphic form. When and how did the notion that mantras are deities in their own right emerge? How do we explain the fact that mantras, i.e. essentially fixed sound sequences, were and are worshipped as deities in the religious systems of South Asia? To answer these questions, I propose an interdisciplinary approach that combines philological and historical analyses with perspectives and insights from religious studies. In my presentation, I first analyse what is probably the earliest historical case of a deified mantra: the mantra/goddess Sāvitrī. In the emergence of this mantra deity, identifi cation of the mantra with a pre-existing deity seems to have played a major role. At the same time, when looking at the topic of deification from the perspective of religious studies, we observe that the ascription of divinity in many cases also entails the ascription of personhood and agency, i.e. personification. This could also affect the deification of mantras, which, in many ways, can be said to have "divine, " i.e. superhuman, powers. The question arises as to what the driving force behind the emergence of mantra deities in general was: the identification of mantras with deities or the personification of divine mantras?

Sundials in Roman and Byzantine Mosaics (1st – 9th Century AD). A scientific monograph. The sundials on ancient mosaics have not been the subject of scientific studies so far. The author has gathered together  in this  publication  the sundials  already known (Torre Anunzaiata, Sarsina, Trier, Saint-Romain-en-Gal, Antiochia and Brading; Figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9) and those which have  not  previously  been  identified.  Thanks  to  the author’s  new  identifcations,  the  catalogue  has  been enlarged  by  six  new  sundials (Grand,Tarsus, Antioch – interpreted by H. Pamir; Figs.  3, 6,  8, and 10. Tayibat al-Imam, Jerusalem and Umm al-Rasas (Sebastis); Figs. 10, 11, 12) and three monumental gnomes-columns with multiple functions that were used as monumental sundials [Madaba (Jerusalem), Umm al-Rasas (Kastron Mefaa) and Rome (Jerusalem); Figs. 13–15]. In addition, recognizing fully John H. Humphrey’s  interpretations,  the  author  enriches  the catalogue  by  eight  ancient  mosaic  representations  of obelisks in  circuses (Lyon, Barcelona, Volubilis, Piazza Armerina - two mosaics, Girona, Carthage and Gafsa; Figs.  16–23).  They  performed the roles of monumental sundials. In this way, the catalogue includes  twenty-three  mosaics with  the representations of sundials. They come from the Western and Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire. The first mosaic is dated to the beginning of the 1st century AD and the last dates to the 9th century AD. The author, after  a  short  description  of each monument,  summarizes the issue discussing the role of sundials in Roman and Byzantine society, their complex signifcance and symbolic difficult linked with the progress of time on which nature and human life are dependent.

Portraying the noblest of Christian virtues as an antiquity on the verge of animation, Maarten van Heemskerck conceived Caritas for an audience eager to extol sacred art’s centrality for worship. Van Heemskerck’s choice to depict the embodiment of this particular virtue in this particular manner establishes the image debate, the status of good works, and the instructive capacity of art as the painting’s discursive axes. Unlike contemporary images of Caritas, Van Heemskerck’s painting broadcasts its transcendence of the materials of art, and thereby embodies and enlivens its ostensible subject, implicitly challenging the Reform notion of sola fide and the Reform contention that sacred art is only wood, paint, and stone that distracts from true spirituality. Drawing from his first-hand knowledge of a range of sculptural sources, Van Heemskerck used his skill at mimicking surface textures to portray Caritas as if hewn from marble, even as he left visible traces of paint and mobilized the personification and its allied figures, making them move in a lively manner. Portraying stone figures as if they were animated suggests art’s most problematic aspect for Reformers: the idol worshipper’s belief that the portrayed inhabits the object. But this same device highlights the painting’s status as a manipulation of material that refers to its prototype. With Caritas, Van Heemskerck thus deployed the personification of this virtue to enact and confirm art’s edifying capacity.

In this paper the covering of the breasts of the Charity statues Bernini designed for two sepulchral monuments at Saint Peter's is reconsidered from the perspective of a campaign of censorship that took place in the nineteenth century. It has been assumed that both statues were already covered at the end of the seventeenth century. From their unveiling onwards, Bernini's statues evoked strong reactions, being discussed in terms of affection and desire, and related to sexual arousal. Even though contemporary sources suggest strong responses occurred, these cannot be directly linked to a covering. Drawings and prints, as well as travel accounts, inform us that both Bernini's Charity statues must have been covered in around 1850. Though moral concerns played a role, the campaign of covering to which both statues fell victim must be regarded primarily from the perspective of church politics.

Pagrindinė modernios reklamos idėja – bet kurios prekės ar paslaugos reklamavimas rinkoje, net ir pats elementariausias, smarkiai padidina jos patrauklumą ir perkamumą.Tačiau šiais laikais reklamos menas gerokai nutolo nuo paprastų būdų paskelbti apie produktų ar prekių egzistavimą.Iš tikrųjų jis virto įtikinėjimu, o reklamos retorikos kategorijos persmelkė visą šiuolaikinį  socialinį diskursą, t. y. reikšmių, kuriomis kasdien keičiasi visuomenės nariai, turinį ir perteikimo būdus. Reklama šiandien tyrinėjama kaip tam tikra retorikos forma, siekianti tokių pačių, kaip ir retorika, tikslų: paveikti protą, valią, jausmus, pasiekti persvaziją.Retorika, suprantama kaip mokslas apie efektyvios  komunikacijos sąlygas ir formas,  įtikinimo būdus,  taikomus ne tik iškalbos, bet ir visokiausio žanro tekstams, kurių autoriai siekia efektyvios, arba paveikios, komunikacijos, yra artimai  susijusi su reklama.

Author: Tina Ostrander
Publisher: CBE International

In the Old Testament book of Proverbs, God’s infinite wisdom is personified as a woman. The association of divine wisdom with the feminine is not accidental. Social relationships in Israel reflected spiritual relationships between Israel and Yahweh. As a result of this basic analogy between the earthly realm and the heavenly realm, one can look to the feminine images of Hebrew scriptures to better understand personified wisdom. The Law and the Prophets provided the writer(s) of Proverbs with many feminine images (including home-maker, counselor and wise woman, and lover) that influenced their use of female imagery for divine wisdom. By better understanding the images of women portrayed in the Old Testament, one can gain insight into the nature of God’s wisdom.

The book is available to order from: https://reichert-verlag.de/schlagworte/altaegyptischer_stil_schlagwort/9783954902439_ancient_engraved_gems_in_the_national_museum_in_krakow-detail

This book is a catalogue raisonée of a rich collection of ancient engraved gems housed in the National Museum in Krakow. It offers a thorough insight into ancient glyptic art through the considerable range of almost 780 so far unpublished objects – cameos, intaglios, scarabs and finger rings of various styles, workmanship and cultural circles: Egyptian, Near Eastern, Minoan, Greek, Etruscan, Italic, Roman, Sassanian and early Christian, dated from the second millennium BC to the seventh century AD.

Many pieces in this cabinet are notable not only for their top quality in terms of craftsmanship and design, but also for the materials used and engravings involving complex iconography illustrating religious beliefs, political allegiances, needs and desires that ancient people wished to be fulfill, fears, dangers and terrors from which they sought protection and even their daily occupations. The collection provides with a fascinating gallery of portrait studies presenting Hellenistic rulers and their queens, Roman emperors and members of their families as well as some private individuals. Some specimens are exceptional and unparalleled like the onyx cameo portraying Drusus Maior, likely executed by the hand of Eutyches, son of famous Dioscurides (cover) or a tiny but remarkably cut emerald cameo with a laureate portrait bust of Livia Drusilla as goddess Venus. Some objects have been preserved in their original settings (gold, silver, bronze, iron rings), which contributes to the study of ancient gems’ chronology and indicate their users, while others have been later re-set into eighteenth- and nineteenth-century collectors’ rings and sometimes more elaborated mounts. There are also pieces discoloured due to contact with considerable heat, which may suggest them to have been burnt with other personal objects on the funeral pyres and later deposited in burials. Noteworthy is the number of Greek and Latin inscriptions appearing on intaglios and cameos forming this cabinet. They span from owners’ names to the subtle messages communicated between lovers and invocations to the God.

Each gem is thoroughly analysed, described and exhaustively commented as to the device it bears, chronology and possible workshop attribution. A vast number of parallel objects is referenced too. This combined with provenance study presented in the first part of the book enabled to establish where a number of intaglios and cameos were manufactured, including almost 140 objects most likely to origin from the most important Roman workshop located in Aquileia. It ought to be singled out that many gems in this volume once constituted a part of distinguished collections formed by such personalities as Tobias von Biehler, Alessandro Gregorio Capponi, Auguste le Carpentier, Alessandro Castellani, Comte de Caylus, Count Nikolai Nikitich Demidoff, Baron Albert de Hirsch, Jean François Leturcq, Sibylle Mertens-Schaaffhausen, Dr. George Frederick Nott, Benedetto Pistrucci, James-Alexandre de Pourtalès (Comte de Pourtalès-Gorgier), Paul von Praun, Andrey Kirillovich Razumovsky, Jacques Meffre Rouzan, Philipp von Stosch, Antonio Maria Zanetti and many more. They seemed lost for more than 130 years, but now have been brought back and are accessible to everyone. Consequently, the volume presents three intriguing stories of collectors whose donations contributed to the Krakow assemblage. They not only provide the reader with a sort of background for the objects discussed further, but also illustrate nineteenth- and early twentieth-century collecting practices and the art market for engraved gemstones, contributing to our knowledge of the history of scholarship and collecting. In summary, this book is intended to be useful not only for scholars interested in gems, but also those who study the history of the art market and collecting as well as all the enthusiasts of Classical art and archaeology.

Girolamo Dente signed the Four Seasons as "Girolamo di Tiziano", but he painted it independently from Titian. This paper investigates the career of one of the most important assistant of Titian inside and outside the workshop of Biri Grande.

Abstract: Le village de Shahba, devenu la colonie romaine de Philippopolis, est situé à quatre-vingt dix kilomètres au sud de Damas et à vingt kilomètres au nord de Suweida’ en Syrie du Sud. Sa notoriété et son développement sont dus à l’empereur Philippe l’Arabe qui a transformé la petite bourgade où sa famille s’était installée, en une petite, mais riche cité de 244 à 249 lors de son règne.
La mosaïque polychrome qu’on pourrait appeller mosaïque de la « Fête Nocturne Pannychis » - à cause de sa représentation personnifiée - a été quelque peu oubliée par la littérature scientifique. On trouve cependant quelques brèves descriptions dans les travaux de J. Balty, de J.-Ch. Balty, de H. Hatoum, de L. Abad Casal, de H. Sichterman et d’A. Kossatz-Deismann. À ma connaissance, elle n’a été publiée que par petits fragments. Seul J.-Ch. Balty, dans un article du LIMC consacré à la personnification abstraite d’Euphrasia, propose une rapide interprétation de la mosaïque en expliquant le sens des mots « pannychis » et « euphrasia ».
La mosaïque de Pannychis n’est plus malheureusement en place, on peut néanmoins supposer, vu le thème représenté, qu’elle devait probablement orner une salle à manger (triclinium ou œcus).
Cette mosaïque rectangulaire, abritée au musee de Shahba, est composée d’une large bordure géométrique, de six petits panneaux représentant des personnifications inscrites sur les cotés courts du tapis, et d’un grand tableau central avec une effigie des trois Grâces (Charites) mis en valeur dans une belle bordure géométrique de ruban torsadé. Les tableaux angulaires représentent les Quatre Saisons. En commençant par l’angle gauche dans la rangée inférieure et en suivant le mouvement contraire à celui des aiguilles d’une montre, les Saisons sont placées en ordre suivant : Theros (l’Été), Methoporon (l’Automne), Heimon[e] (l’Hiver) et Ear (le Printemps). Entre l’Été et l’Automne, l’artiste a placé le buste de la personnification féminine de Pannychis – de la Fête Nocturne. Entre les personnifications du Printemps et de l’Hiver, le portrait en trois quart de la personnification féminine d’Euphrasia – (la Gaîté, la Joie dans un festin, la Réjouissance) a été placée.
Quel sens se cache derrière toutes ces images et à quelle idée elles font allusions ? Si le tableau central est le plus grand, il n’est que complémentaire par rapport aux panneaux latéraux. La clé du programme de la mosaïque est la personnification de Pannychis – de la Fête Nocturne. La personnification de la Gaîté – Euphrasia fait son pendant.
Que sait-on de ces faites nocturnes que les citoyens romains hellénisés en Orient célébraient en se réunissant en grand nombre ? Une source inestimable dans la recherche sur l’histoire des mentalités grecques sous la domination romaine est l’auteur grec d’Éphèse connu sous le nom d’Artémidore de Daldis, spécialiste de l’oniromancie. Il est célèbre grâce à son manuel d’interprétation des rêves (Onirocriticon) rédigé probablement à Éphèse à la fin du IIe siècle. Artémidore parle des Fêtes nocturnes vues dans les rêves. La fête nocturne est célébrée très joyeusement par ses participants. C’est une fête bruyante avec danse et musique. C’est l’occasion pour tout le monde de se rassembler et de faire de nouvelles connaissances. De plus, cette fête permet aux jeunes de dépasser certaines interdictions et d’exprimer leurs sentiments. Les nouveaux couples formés durant cette fête nocturne peuvent confirmer leur engagement par un mariage. Artémidore effectue des rapprochement entre la Fête nocturne et la réunion de personnes, le mariage, la gaîté, la bonne humeur, l’abondance et l’acquisition des biens (pour les pauvres). Le Pannychis et l’Euphrasia sont présents ensemble dans le texte d’Artémidore comme sur la mosaïque de Philippopolis. Sa description met l’accent sur des éléments caractérisant la Fête Nocturne : la joie, la bonne humeur et l’abondance (de la table et des boissons) que les fêtes offrent aux participants. La signification des Charites est complémentaire de celle qui est évoquée par les personnifications de Pannychis et d’Euphrasia. Le tableau de la mosaïque de Philippopolis fait sans doute allusion aux fêtes nocturnes que le propriétaire envisageait d’organiser, et sans aucun doute organisait dans sa demeure.
La mosaïque de la Fête Nocturne de Philippopolis qui ornait probablement un triclinium rappelle ce qu’on rencontre dans d’autres salles à manger chez les riches propriétaires. La théorie du caractère allusif à la vie de l’aristocratie de l’époque romaine (et de ses nouveaux riches) dans la décoration interne des maisons et des villa a de plus en plus de partisans parmi les chercheurs. La mosaïque de Philippopolis ressemble à la décoration des salles à manger qui évoquent la fête, les festins, la boisson, la bonne nourriture, la musique et la danse, tout les ingrédients d’un banquet réussi.

Sur une stèle de l’agora d’Athènes, datée de 336 av. n. è, portant une loi anti-tyrannique, une clause spéciale garantit à ceux qui tueraient un tyran, réel ou en puissance, l’exemption de toute souillure. Si l’on replace cette stèle dans le contexte d’autres lois ou mesures anti-tyranniques et de situations de faits impliquant un ‘régime politique’ dans un acte de souillure potentiel (affaire Kylon etc.), se pose alors la question de l’autorité à même de décréter ou de lever l’état de souillure. Sans même passer par l’expression verbale, cette même question est soulevée par des monuments, tel le groupe des tyrannicides Harmodios et Aristogiton (et ses multiples réutilisations), ou encore, plus modestement le relief ornant la stèle de l’agora et sa loi anti-tyrannique et présentant Dèmokratia couronnant Dèmos. Entre texte et image, il s’agit ainsi de s’interroger sur l’acception ‘politique’ de la souillure et sur les manipulations qui en permettent l'exemption.

Through the analysis of the pseudo-Senecan epigram AL 409 R2 (= 12 Zurli), where the addressee is the city of Cordova personified as a woman (v. 1 Corduba, solve comas), the present paper’s aim is to propose the study of a peculiar type of hymn, i.e. that specific hymnic composition addressed by an author to his own hometown. The poem, which is shaped on the topoi of the epicedia and reflects the pattern of maternal mourning (Cordova is portrayed as ‘mother’), is carefully structured on a series of allusions not only to the Seneca’s consolationes, but also to Ovid’s lament for Tibullus’ death (am. 3,9 ) and to other elegiac texts (particularly Consolatio ad Liviam). One of the most characteristic features of the epigram’s hymnic allocution to the homeland is the presence of elements echoing Catullus 31 (addressed to a personified Sirmio); parallel can also be traced with Lucanus, who depicts Roma as a maestissima mulier in the first Bk of Pharsalia, and Rutilius Namatianus’ De reditu, with its passionate, elegiac farewell to Rome

This article examines the Greek goddess Hygieia by looking at her identity, cult status in the ancient world and subsequent scholarly reception. Should she be viewed as a goddess or a personification? By studying Hygieia primarily as a concept of health within ancient medicine, as well as a personification and a goddess, it will be argued that religious and mythological figures should be viewed as deities within ancient Greek culture, rather than personifications. The article will consider Hygieia's role in the cult of Asklepios and examine whether she is of greater importance because of her function as a goddess of healing, as well as discussing her role within emergent Christianity.

"17 und 23 n. Chr. ereigneten sich schwere Erdbeben im Hermostal, bei denen 14 kleinasiatische Städte zerstört wurden. Der Aufsatz beschreibt die von Kaiser Tiberius veranlaßten Hilfsmaßnahmen. Zum Dank ehrten die Städte ihn auf vielfältige Weise, etwa indem sie ihre Stadt nach dem Kaiser umbenannten oder ihn zum neuen Stadtgründer erklärten. Zu den Ehrungen gehörte auch ein großes Moment auf dem Forum Iulium in Rom. Es bestand aus der Statue des Kaiser, umgeben von den 14 Stadtpersonifikationen der wiederhergestellten Städte. Eine Kopie dieses Monumentes wurde auf dem Forum von Pozzuoli entdeckt (heute im Archäologischen Museum in Neapel).. Dieselbe Art, mit der sich die Städte mit ihren guten Eigenschaften in Rom präsentierten, läßt sich in der Münzprägung dieser Städte in Kleinasien wiederfinden.

This article is based on an examination of the iconography of those eight personifications on the base of Pozzuoli which are distinguished either by their still existing attributes or their generally sufficient state of conservation. We were able to trace the methods and ways of how these cities decides on their representation in Italy; how they would wanted to have been seen by their contemporaries and which qualities their would stress. Virtues and qualities the citizens would have related to their home town are incorporated into each figure. In addition we experience also a competition between the cities involved as a communal monuments forced each city to focus on iconographical schemes which would sufficiently differentiate from neighbouring communities. It is truly unfortunate that five of these personifications today lack their attributes. We certainly would have learnt more details of specific intentions and messages.

In result we may summarize three main topics at which these cities were aiming when designing this monument and each personification:
- prosperity and fertility is stressed in the case of Mostene, but also Tmolus, Temnus, Ephesus and Aigai take care to point at this economically important aspect although in second rank. Tmolus and Temnus: growing of vine; Ephesus: corn and favourably situated at a river; the latter also in the case of Aigai; Myrina and Hierokaisareia proudly advertise their sanctuary which too played an economically important role.
- five cities identify themselves in the figure of their main civic deity: Tmolos and Temnos feature Dionysus; Myrina selects Apollon Gryneius; Ephesos naturally Artemis Ephesia, and Hierokaisareia goes for Artemis Persika. Showing the civic god or goddess to incorporate the whole community is an old and familiar method already known from stele and earlier civic coinage of the archaic and classical periods. One could expect respect for this tradition and the Romans at the Forum or at Pozzuoli would have not felt different when being confronted with this divine personnel.
- a third aspect is stressing the admirable age of a community and its origins from the local region. Cibrya and Ephesus are using this argument by showing amazons, who were known to originate from Asia and play an important role in a number of mythological stories. Sardis makes its point even stronger by praising the city’s merits for the colonisation of the Peleponnese and construction a relationship with Rome.

These are the three qualities cities from Asia minor selected as their individual self-assessment when presenting them to the Roman public. The iconographical scheme were chosen by civic boards and sculptors from the Greek east who were given the commission for the designs of this communal honorific monument in the Forum of Caesar at Rome. It’s twin at Pozzuoli relays on these prototypes from Asia minor but was carved by a local artist as may have been the monument in Rome.

Representations of civic personifications appear in Roman art already from the third century BC onwards. In triumphal procession these personifications were carried among those of subdued nations and tribes, featuring as captives or begging for mercy and clemence. The images in use developed into iconographical topoi and were continued well into Late antiquity. But during the reign of Augustus we experience a new language and new images. Now provinces, cities and peoples were no longer solely victims of war, but each with its local characteristics were used to vividly underline the geographical extension of the Roman empire. Pax Romana ruled the known world and each of the communities represented was enjoying the advantages of Roman rule. It was within this ideological framework that the Roman onlooker understood this monument. The emperor Tiberius seated among or rather above his subject still made visible the dominance of Rome and the personal generosity of the princeps.

The cities of Asia Minor on the other hand played to this Rome-centred appreciation when presenting themselves at Rome. But they also were part of a tradition of honouring distinguished individuals, citizens and rulers, who through their deeds deserved merit and admiration. These euergetoi had in the past been granted statues and civic privileges within the socio-cultural political life of communities. The fourteen cities from Asia minor certainly continued this tradition and understood their decision as one of independent, autonomous communities who played a much more active role as a contemporary Roman visitor of the Forum would have thought."

[Below also in Italian]
This article revisits the issue of dating and interpreting the áureus of Pompey the Great (RRC 402), one of the most elusive Roman coins. The lack of any archaeological context and ambiguous imagery hampered the efforts to date the coin. In this study, first, I review all the dates proposed in previous studies. Then, I analyse the imagery focusing particularly on the female head with elephant's skin on the obverse. Subsequently I present earlier coins bearing similar image as well as elephants related both to Asia and Africa. Finally, I propose that given the circumstances in which the Romans minted gold emissions in the late Republic, i.e civil wars, we can narrow down the many possibilities of dating Pompey's áureus to just two. The two most popular among scholars alternatives date the coin to 71 or 61 BCE. The former does not fit both contextual and iconographical analysis. The latter may be accepted in terms of imagery but not so much in terms of the context. There is no reason why Pompey would issue an aureus in 62 or 61 neither in the East nor in Rome. 76-75 or 48 should be regarded as strong possibilities, if not the most plausible dates, of the RRC 402 emission.

[Italiano]:
La datazione dell’aureo RRC 402, uno dei rari esempi di emissione romana ad opera di Pompeo Magno, costituisce ancor oggi un problema cronologico di non facile soluzione. Le varie ipotesi finora proposte dagli studiosi oscillano infatti tra l’81 e il 46 a.C. Riesaminando singolarmente gli elementi iconografici raffigurati su ambo i lati della mone- ta nel contesto più ampio della monetazione antica d’epoca ellenistica l’autore giunge a formulare, scartandone altre, una nuova ipotesi di identificazione del particolare contestostorico nel quale l’aureo RRC 402 fu emesso.