Pacifism

Questo non è un libro sull'Italia alla vigilia della Prima guerra mondiale, ma un'indagine su cosa la gente comune ha fatto per rimanerne fuori. Attraverso le vicende, spesso violente, occorse dall'agosto 1914 al maggio 1915 in oltre cinquanta città e in molte decine di paesi, si è, per la prima volta, portato alla luce la prassi del neutralismo in Italia, vale a dire l'altra faccia di quella strisciante guerra civile che di solito vede come protagonista l'interventismo. Emerge dal viaggio nelle piazze neutraliste una realtà a geometria variabile, per tempi, modi e caratteristiche sociali, ma sempre espressione di una più o meno ribelle o rassegnata «eccedenza» rispetto alla grande politica. Nei mesi in cui si gioca il destino del Paese, il neutralismo fa emergere un disagio che è un intellegibile, per quanto scomposto, segnale di dolente dissociazione popolare (l'affollata ritualità religiosa pro pace, la rilevante presenza pubblica delle donne, la vivace partecipazione dei soldati, l'incremento di azioni attribuite alla «teppa»). Che il segnale non abbia trovato una adeguata sintesi politica a livello nazionale nulla toglie alla forza, anche disperata, di quel movimento a cui, a cent'anni dagli avvenimenti, va restituito il giusto posto nella storia d'Italia.

The telling of the Great War (1914-1918), mainly through the point of view of combatants, is one of the best scenarios exemplifying how women have been obviated and censored throughout history. Moreover, the engagement of pacifist women has been doubly belittled due to a misinterpretation of the term pacifism. Consequently, this paper aims at re-examining the origins and values of pacifism and giving visibility to pacifists Jane Addams, Mabel St Clair Stobart and Rose Macaulay.

The message of peace and nonviolence was believed in the early church until the claim of Constantine's vision was endorsed by Eusebius and Lactantius. Scriptures and quotes from early church writers are reviewed, and thought questions challenge the reader.

Da qualche anno assistiamo a un curioso, ma ben comprensibile, comportamento da parte di alcuni stati, di osservatori ed esponenti politici europei e tedeschi, ovvero quello di richiamare la Germania a un maggiore impegno militare. Nel 2014, ad esempio, dalla Cancelliera Merkel al ministro della Difesa tedesco Ursula von der Leyen, al Capo dello Stato Gauck, tutti avevano ribadito la necessità per la Germania di “immischiarsi” negli affari internazionali anche con azioni militari. Lo stesso
ministro degli Esteri polacco Sikorski aveva detto di preferire una Germania forte e leader a una debole e incerta. In mancanza della prima, ai polacchi non sarebbe rimasto altro che rivolgersi alla difesa americana e creare, come poi avvenuto, una sorta di fascia cuscinetto con gli Stati Baltici e la Svezia in chiara funzione antirussa. Lo stesso Hollande ha chiesto e ottenuto, a seguito degli attentati di Parigi (13 novembre 2015), un impegno armato tedesco e la Germania ha inviato 650 militari in Mali e dei Tornado in Siria. Dello stesso parere erano testate importanti come Die Welt o Der Tagespiegel, che sottolineavano che era giunto il momento per il paese di uscire dalla pubertà e abbracciare il ruolo di potenza. Era questo un dibattito interno alla Germania, ma anche esterno ed europeo, dettato dalla profonda evoluzione avvenuta (e tuttora in corso) nel panorama geopolitico globale. La sensazione generale è che sia ormai giunto il tempo per la Germania di lasciare la «cornice Europa»1, ma essa, consapevole dei suoi limiti più culturali che fisici, continua a rimanere sul ciglio del balcone di casa, con lo sguardo rivolto verso l’interno nella speranza di poter tornare a far parte di un’Europa forte, nel suo classico ruolo di gregario.

This workshop has two aims: first, to bring considerations of gender into international history; second, to reconceptualise international Jewish history as having a gendered dimension. This focus on the experience of a particular group of actors will allow for a more systematic engagement with the conceptual issues involved in gendering internationalism.

At the beginning of World War I, the voice of the socialist leader Rosa Luxemburg
was one of those that most resonated within what is known as the peace movement; a
space that is in fact broad and complex. On the other hand, that fact that Luxemburg
did not belong to the feminist movement — at least not as we understand it today
—has for many years been an ongoing source of controversy within this movement.

Bizumic et al. (2013) have recently shown that attitudes towards peace and war reflect two distinct constructs rather than two poles of a single dimension. We present an attempt at validating the French version of their 16-item Attitudes toward Peace and War Scale (APWS) on five distinct (mainly Belgian) French-speaking samples (total N = 808). Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that attitudes toward peace and war, although negatively related, are distinct in terms of their antecedents and consequences. On the one hand, antecedents of attitudes toward peace included egalitarian ideological beliefs and empathic concern for others, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-peace behaviors. On the other hand, antecedents of attitudes toward war included national identification and authoritarian ideological beliefs, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-war behaviors. Furthermore, both attitudes toward peace and war were, respective...

The Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security signed between the United States and Japan in 1960 was a revision of the historic San Francisco Peace treaty of 1952 that had ended 7 years of postwar American occupation of Japan. Japan had gained back its sovereignty, however, due to the adoption of Article IX in its postwar pacifist constitution, de-militarized Japan's security came to virtually lay with the Americans, who were by the 1952 treaty not explicitly obligated to use their forces in Japan for Japan's defence. The treaty was not mutual and suffered from asymmetry; it was seen as Japan's subservience to the US. To alleviate this one-sided unequal 'big brother-little brother' relationship to an equal and respectable bilateral relationship of that between two independent, sovereign powers; the Japanese statesmen made use of patient, skilful diplomacy and compromise on limited rearmament as a means to their end, leading upto the signing of a new Security Treaty in 1960. The new revised treaty did not alter the US-Japan security relationship but only set down in writing the actual arrangements that had already evolved since 1951. Nevertheless, it stirred unprecedented political turmoil and heated public opposition. The year of 1960, characterised by student agitations, parliamentary and public debate over the nature of US-Japan relations, came to be remembered as one of the most turbulent years of postwar Japanese history.

The history of civil resistance in Italy is almost unknown beyond its frontiers. The iftieth anniversary of the Liberation in 1995 was the occasion to learn about a new historiography that emphasized the existence of an unarmed struggle
against the German occupation that gave prominence to women and underlined the importance of fostering social awareness and cohesion to face the barbarity of war. This historiography made possible relativizing the key role given to armed struggle for the Liberation cause and paved the way for discussing the potential of an unarmed civil defense.

Few subjects are as widely discussed in religious circles as War and Peace. Yet, as followers of Christ, we live in a world order run by sinners under the dominion of the Devil himself. Even so, religious people debate and argue over this multifaceted issue as if there is a more righteous position, condemning the world to its own trajectory. These positions range from Augustine's "Just Cause" to what is thought to be higher-minded notions like "Non-Resistance", "Non-Violence," or "Pacifism." As is usual, I will take you on a path right between all the thinking factions to present something that transcends the boundaries of the argument. I want to raise a more provocative thought as it relates to people whose aim it is to follow Christ and who see their citizenship to a different realm, yet while they live in this one.

Publié les 22-23 septembre 1914 dans les colonnes du Journal de Genève, « Au-dessus de la mêlée » compte parmi les plus spectaculaires manifestes de l’histoire des intellectuels européens. L’article, jeté dans l’arène au moment où le patriotisme atteignait son paroxysme, fit de Romain Rolland, non pas seulement, un pôle de répulsion, « l’icône bien trouvée du défaitisme » (Roland Roudil), il lui conféra également une autorité morale telle qu’il fut considéré dès lors, comme un point de ralliement privilégié pour les forces opposées aux contraintes mentales nées des cultures de guerre. D’abord censuré en France, le texte de Rolland put néanmoins circuler sous le manteau grâce à l’entremise de Gaston Thiesson, Charles Vildrac ou bien encore d’Amédée Dunois. L’année suivante, il fut repris dans une brochure éponyme qui parvint à passer la censure et parut chez Ollendorff et Attinger frères.
Cet ouvrage, issu d’une journée d’études organisée à la Sorbonne le 17 octobre 2014, s’attache à redécouvrir la singularité d’un « texte de combat » et à réfléchir à sa réception ainsi qu’à sa diffusion dans l’espace et dans le temps.

It is noted that Adolf Hitler lived his rise to power, connected to the realization and the military expansion of the Third Reich, with the conviction of being invested with a messianic task, a conviction wrapped in a halo of religious selfcelebration and characterized by an improper exploitation of religious symbols and, above all, by the propagation of a ‘new’ vision of the world and of humanity
based on the principles of National Socialism. Max Josef Metzger, theologian and Catholic priest, stands out among the persons against such a dangerous manipulation of religion and determined to oppose the pseudo-messianism of
Hitler. His resistance was not of the violent type, but rested on the intent of proposing to German society an alternative world view to that of the Führer, based on consummately evangelical values and animated by a renewed faith in the
Messiahship of Jesus. Such courageous action, that invited Christians to undertake a way of authentic conversion, sought to sow in the dark and vast terrain of the Third Reich ideals of brotherhood and tolerance, of peace and unity, educating toward a true and authentic ethic of the Beatitudes. Executed by guillotine for his untiring activity of wanting to give witness to the Kingdom of Christ as the one true Reich, Metzger represents also today a significant and actual example of someone taking up the Gospel position against the repeated temptations of the ‘world’ to restart the construction of the Tower of Babel and to force humanity to submit to the idols created by its own hands.

Points out how religion is power; power will be used by others--even the non-religious; when things go awry, then, religion is then blamed, often by the same ones who have exploited its power. This calls for critical and wary analysis of the rhetorical use of religion as a pawn, followed by its being blamed as a scapegoat.  Published in The Destructive Power of Religion; Violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, edited by J. Harold Ellens (4 volumes, Westport/London: Praeger Publishers, 2004), Vol. 2, 265-83.

An early perception of pacifism was known even in Latium, a small area in Ancient Rome. Its meaning, in the language then spoken, arose from the word (ficus) that personifies the very coming into being of harmonious relations between nations (pax). In other words, the term portrays creation of peace on a continuum from complete to moderate resistance to armed conflict while different arguments of abstract, spiritual and scriptural nature defend its core. Pacifism maxim that war is wrong as killing is wrong belongs to the primary theory virtues that the paper will attempt to visualize in sections of absolute, deontological, and consequentialist conviction as well as that of contingent belief and civil rights movements. Another hallmark refers to pacifists’ belief in nonviolence as what only defends the innocent or prevents breaking out the conflict. The theory disapproves armed dispute; it simultaneously means moderate opposition and denial of cruelty in building peace. It is concent...

The paper examines the changing conceptions of international arbitration in french pacifism in the second half of the 19th century. In these years pluralist interpretations of arbitration as a conflict resolution scheme comporting an element of consent and negociation replace hierarchical schemes centered on the supreme autority of the arbitrator.

In a sociological perspective, this communi- cation explores the artistic endeavour of an author like Stefan Zweig who let the rethinking of new politics take place in his literary imaginary. The pacifist discourse is a particular characteristic of the stereotype he impersonates, the “dandy”, following the classification of the German sociologist Max Weber: this social order is a typical status for the fin-de-siècle Viennese poet whose work is deeply influenced by war, peace and the creation of a new society based on aesthetic and artistic creation. The pacifist discourse of Stefan Zweig is admittedly diffused by his numerous biographies and historical miniatures. This essay looks into biographical writing, the use of histor- ical miniature and Zweig’s abundant correspondence as matter of analysis of pacifist discourse.

The article tries to understand the dynamics of Japanese national identity and Abe Shinzo's revisionism. It argues that although Abe has launched the strongest ever attack on Japanese pacifist identity, there remain institutional and emotional constraints that prohibit this change from materializing. Theoretically, it tries to reconcile social constructivist and post-structural approaches to Japan's policy change and presses forward a sedimentation model that can explain the contemporary dynamics. Methodologically, the article builds on narrative analysis – it uncovers the revisionist narratives and shows how these interact with societal pressures. This is shown on two particular case studies: Abe's push for constitutional revision and Abe's attempt to transform school education. Within these case studies, the article shows that although Abe commands strong popular support and a hugely revisionist mindset, his societal and political changes have been rather limited.

I diritti di traduzione, di memorizzazione elettronica, di riproduzione e di adattamento totale o parziale con qualsiasi mezzo (compresi i microfilm e le copie fotostatiche) sono riservati per tutti i Paesi. Le fotocopie per uso personale del lettore possono essere effettuate nei limiti del 15% di ciascun volume/ fascicolo di periodico dietro pagamento alla SIAE del compenso previsto dall'art. 68, commi 4 e 5, della legge 22 aprile 1941 n. 633. Le fotocopie effettuate per finalità di carattere professionale, economico o commerciale o comunque per uso diverso da quello personale possono essere effettuate a seguito di specifica autorizzazione rilasciata da CLEARedi, Centro Licenze e Autorizzazioni per le Riproduzioni Editoriali, Corso di Porta Romana 108, 20122 Milano, e-mail autorizzazioni@clearedi. org e sito web www.clearedi.org.

In discerning how best to fulfill their role as citizens of the United States, present-day American Anabaptists should take seriously sixteenth-century Anabaptism, which provides a model for courageous, uninhibited engagement with the wider culture. They would also benefit from recognizing the existence of two Americas, one characterized by participatory democracy, the second by imperial domination. Antipathy toward the latter should not lead Anabaptists to self-limitations in their involvement in the former.

Die Waffen nieder!" 1 -Mit diesem kategorischen Imperativ hat Bertha von Suttner ihr gesamtes literarisches und politisches Werk überschrieben, und dieser Imperativ hat bis heute nichts an Aktualität verloren. Während sich die Suttner an der Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert aber mit dem aggressiven Imperialismus der europäischen Großmächte konfrontiert sah, sehen wir uns heute in einen ebenso asymmetrischen wie undurchsichtigen "Krieg gegen den Terror" sowie in das Problem "humanitärer Interventionen" verwickelt. 2 Ging es damals um die koloniale Aufteilung der Welt, so leben wir heute in einer postkolonialen Welt, die nun allerdings von den verdrängten Gespenstern des Kolonialismus heimgesucht wird. Zur ideologischen Rechtfertigung des Kolonialismus wurde im 19. Jahrhundert neben der immer noch einflussreichen christlichen Missionsidee, welche vermeintlich "Primitiven" und Andersgläubigen das Seelenheil bringen sollte, die säkulare Modernisierungsdoktrin herangezogen, mit welcher den kolonialisierten Völkern der zivilisatorischen Fortschritt versprochen wurde. Tatsächlich wurden die Kolonien jedoch vor allem als Rohstofflieferanten und wohlfeile kapitalistische Absatzmärkte erschlossen. All dies spiegelt sich auch im Werk von Bertha Suttner wieder. Da die Dialektik von imperialem Anspruch und humanitärer bzw. zivilisatorischer Hilfe auch heute zu den Zentralproblemen der weltweiten Friedensbewegung zählt, möchte ich die friedenspolitischen Positionen der Suttner von hier aus erschließen.

In Dietrich Bonhoeffer's writings, Martin Luther is ubiquitous. Too often, however, Bonhoeffer's Lutheranism has been set aside with much less argumentative work than is appropriate in light of his sustained engagement with Luther. As a result, Luther remains a largely untouched hermeneutic key in Bonhoeffer interpretation. In Bonhoeffer's Reception of Luther, Michael P. DeJonge presents Bonhoeffer's Lutheran theology of justification focused on the interpersonal presence of Christ in word, sacrament, and church. The bridge between this theology and Bonhoeffer's ethical-political reflections is his two-kingdoms thinking. Arguing that the widespread failure to connect Bonhoeffer with the Lutheran two-kingdoms tradition has presented a serious obstacle in interpretation, DeJonge shows how this tradition informs Bonhoeffer's reflections on war and peace, as well as his understanding of resistance to political authority. In all of this, DeJonge argues that an appreciation of Luther's ubiquity in Bonhoeffer's corpus sheds light on his thinking, lends it coherence, and makes sense of otherwise difficult interpretive problems. What might otherwise appear as disparate, even contradictory moments or themes in Bonhoeffer's theology can often be read in terms of a consistent commitment to a basic Lutheran theological framework deployed according to dramatically changing circumstances.

Table of Contents
0. Introduction: An Argument for Bonhoeffer Interpretation
-Taking Luther’s Ubiquity Seriously
-What is ‘Lutheran’? Issues of Definition and Method
-Arguing for the Lutheran Character of Bonhoeffer’s Thinking

1. On the Way toward Christocentrism
--Karl Holl: Luther’s Religion of Conscience
--Christ or the Conscience?
--Conscience against Conscience
--Meager Christology
--Justification as the Unconditional, Effective Word of Christ’s Personal Presence as the Church

2. Christology in Conversation with Barth and the Lutheran Tradition
-Once more, Barth and Bonhoeffer on whether the Finite is Capable of the Infinite
-The History and Pre-History of the (in)capax Phrases
---This Man Is God
---This Is My Body
---The Finite is Capable of the Infinite
-Barth’s Rejection of the capax and the Majestic Genus
---The Finite is Not Capable of the Infinite
---The Common Actualization of Divine and Human Essences in Christ
-“The is may not be interpreted any further”: Bonhoeffer’s Christology

3. Caricatures of the Two Kingdoms
-Denials of Bonhoeffer’s Two-Kingdoms Thinking
-From Luther’s Two Kingdoms to the Doctrine of the Two Kingdoms
---The Two Kingdoms in Luther’s Theology
---Church and State from a Lutheran Confessional Perspective
---Church and State in Confessional Comparison
---The Twentieth-Century Doctrine of the Two Kingdoms
---Troeltsch and the Niebuhrs

4. The Twofold Form of Christ: Bonhoeffer’s Two-Kingdoms Thinking
-Early Two-Kingdoms Thinking
---“The Nature of the Church”
---“Lectures on Christology”
---“Thy Kingdom Come!”
---“The Church and the Jewish Question”
-The Two Kingdoms in Discipleship
-Late Two-Kingdoms Thinking
---“Protestantism without Reformation”
---“Heritage and Decay”
---Green, Rasmussen, Hauerwas
---“Ultimate and Penultimate Things”

5. Anabaptists and Peace
-Bonhoeffer’s Non-Commitment to Nonviolence
-The Doubly Curious Association of Bonhoeffer with Anabaptism through Yoder
---Yoder on Bonhoeffer
---Bonhoeffer on Anabaptists
-Bonhoeffer on Peace
--Peace and Preservation
--Orders of Preservation
--The Sermon on the Mount as Concrete Commandment
-Peace in Bonhoeffer and Anabaptists
-Interpreting Bonhoeffer on Peace
-Ecumenical Lutheranism and Lutheran Ecumenism

6. Lutheran Resistance Resources
-Luther to Hitler
-Lutheran Subservience and Bonhoeffer’s Resistance
-Luther on Resistance to Authority
-The Interims, Flacius, and the Magdeburg Confession
-Formula of Concord X
-Bonhoeffer and Lutheran Resistance Resources

7. Struggle and Resistance
-Resistance through the Confession of the Ecumenical Church
---Status confessionis
---Threats to the Gospel from outside: The State that Disregards its Mandate
---Threats to the Gospel from Inside: Heretical Legalism
---Confession, ‘the Jews,’ and Race
-Resistance through the Suffering Obedience of the Discipleship Community
---The Second Battle of the Church Struggle
---Cheap and Costly Grace
---Justification
-Resistance through the Responsible Action of the Individual
---Between Compromise and Radicalism
---Active Resistance
-Conclusion: A Lutheran Theology in Accord with Reality

For more than thirty years after World War II, the unconventional economist Kenneth E. Boulding (1910–1993) was a fervent advocate of the integration of the social sciences. Building on common general principles from various fields, notably economics, political science, and sociology, Boulding claimed that an integrated social science in which mental images were recognized as the main determinant of human behavior would allow for a better understanding
of society. Boulding’s approach culminated in the social triangle, a view of society as comprised of three main social organizers – exchange, threat, and love – combined in varying proportions. According to this view, the problems of American society were caused by an unbalanced combination of these three organizers. The goal of integrated social scientific knowledge was therefore to help policy makers achieve the “right” proportions of exchange, threat, and love that would lead to social stabilization. Though he was hopeful that cross-disciplinary exchanges would overcome the shortcomings of too narrow specialization, Boulding found that rather than being the locus of a peaceful and mutually beneficial exchange, disciplinary boundaries were often the occasion of conflict and miscommunication.

Friday, January 3, 2020.
The dramatic contrast between our surgical bombings around the globe and those blind mass shootings at home calls for the mobilization of parents and teachers alike: we are citizens, after all. We must set aside our political or religious differences; we can’t wait for the Washington smarties to find a solution.
Update May 24, 2021.
According to the Gun Violence Archive, at least 117 people were killed and 303 wounded in shootings across the country over 72 hours.
https://edition.cnn.com/2021/05/10/us/us-weekend-mass-shootings/index.html
Keep up the good work, folks.

Roland B. Gittelsohn, the first Navy rabbi assigned with U.S. Marines, served in the Pacific during World War II.  In his wartime memoir, written in 1946 but only published in 2021, he related his odyssey from doctrinaire pacifist to "pacifist no more," his training, and his ministry to Marines and sailors on Iwo Jima.  His sermon at the dedication of the 5th Marine Division cemetery riveted all Americans, even though it would only be heard by a small gathering that day.  Woven though his account are reflections on morale, service, leadership, and interfaith understanding.  Donald M. Bishop edited the volume, which includes a foreword by Rear Admiral Harold Robinson, Chaplain Corps, U.S. Navy (Retired) and a preface by Ronit Y. Stahl, Assistant Professor of History at the University of California, Berkeley.  (Copies of the print book may be ordered from the Marine Corps University Press at no cost. Email [email protected].

Theologian." Although his critics are numerous, his influence cannot be ignored. As one of his former students and fellow theologian puts it, "He [Hauerwas] is one of those rare theologians who has spawned a new (both positive and pejorative) adjective: 'Hauerwasian.'" 1 Although Hauerwas has written on a plethora of "hot" issues, the overarching theme of his work is found in reawakening the emphasis on ecclesiology. His position in regard to the relationship between the church and the state is unique insofar as it is most concerned with the question of what it means to be the church, in itself, rather than being concerned with the church's role in or relationship to society. The "Hauerwasian" schoolof-thought is best summarized by his controversial yet oft cited dictum, "the first ethical task of the church is to be the church -the servant community." 2 Put differently, the church is not first and foremost in the business of making the world more just, but rather primarily focused on making the world the world. This does not, of course, mean that the

In the early 1960s, thousands of Black activists used nonviolent direct action to challenge segregation at lunch counters, movie theaters, skating rinks, public pools, and churches across the United States, battling for, and winning, social change. Organizers against segregation had used litigation and protests for decades but not until the advent of nonviolence did they succeed in transforming ingrained patterns of white supremacy on a massive scale. In this book, Anthony C. Siracusa unearths the deeper lineage of anti-war pacifist activists and thinkers from the early twentieth century who developed nonviolence into a revolutionary force for Black liberation.
Telling the story of how this powerful political philosophy came to occupy a central place in the Black freedom movement by 1960, Siracusa challenges the idea that nonviolent freedom practices faded with the rise of the Black Power movement. He asserts nonviolence's staying power, insisting that the indwelling commitment to struggle for freedom collectively in a spirit of nonviolence became, for many, a lifelong commitment. In the end, what was revolutionary about the nonviolent method was its ability to assert the basic humanity of Black Americans, to undermine racism's dehumanization, and to insist on the right to be.

O capítulo de livro, publicado pela editora Almedina no livro "Guerra e Paz no século XXI: políticas e direito internacional", introduz temas como o pacifismo jurídico e a paz pelo direito internacional, em suas imbricações juridicas, políticas e filosóficas.

Советские хиппи, которые сегодня не очень любят, когда их называют советскими, тем не менее, разделяли со своими соотечественниками некоторые общие черты, среди которых было и отвращение к политике. «Политика -грязное дело», -повторяли они расхожий лозунг, причем под политикой понимались любые попытки участия в общественной жизни и даже просто трансляции своих идей и ценностей в публичное пространство. «Политической» анґажированности противопоставляется позиция чистого эскапизма -полной невключенности в советскую действительность. Поэтому в жизни хиппи (как и художников-нонконформистов, советской богемы, религиозного андеграунда, отчужденных интеллектуалов, отчасти рок-музыкантов и тому подобных аутсайдеров) решающую роль играли стратегии ухода, самоисключения из «большого» общества и разнообразные практики отрицания, негативной свободы.

Pacifism is often painted into a corner as an absolute rejection of all violence and war. Such a dogmatic and negative formulation of pacifism does leave us with pacifism as a morally problematic position. But pacifism is not best understood as a negative claim. Nor is pacifism best understood as a singular or monistic concept. Rather, there is a "pacifist tradition" that is grounded in an affirmative claim about the importance of nonviolence, love, community building, and peaceful conflict resolution. This more positive conception of pacifism aims to transform social and political life. When understood in this way, pacifism is a robust and useful critical social theory. This paper explores the philosophy of pacifism in an attempt to reconceptualize pacifism as a tradition of normative critical theory. The paper argues that pacifism ought to be understood on analogy with other critical theories-such as feminism; that pacifism should be understood in terms of the "pacifist tradition"-along lines familiar from interpretations of the "just war tradition"; and that pacifism should be seen as offering interesting themes and ideas that are worthy of philosophical attention.

« Il n’y a pas, en ce moment, de plus grand crime que de penser à la Paix, que de vouloir la Paix  ». – Madeleine Vernet, 1917
 
Depuis quelques années, des historiens se sont intéressés au concept de « sortie de guerre » [Horne, 2002 ; Cabane, 2004 ; Audoin-Rouzeau & Prochasson, 2008]. Ils ont montré toute la complexité des processus de démobilisation militaire et culturelle dans les sociétés d’après-guerre où persistent les représentations haineuses forgées durant le conflit [Cabane & Piketti, 2007]. Sortir de la guerre ce n’est donc pas simplement signer l’armistice et retourner à ses activités du temps de paix. Toutefois, pour « sortir de la guerre », il faut d’abord y être entré. Entre 1914 et 1918, la population française adhère massivement au discours de défense de la patrie. L’historiographie a d’ailleurs montré que la guerre n’est plus uniquement l’affaire des hommes : femmes et enfants y participent maintenant activement [Thébaud, 1986 ; Pignot, 2012]. Toutefois, un petit nombre de femmes pacifistes semblent échapper à cette définition. C’est justement à ces femmes qui militent, à leurs risques et périls, pour la paix en temps de guerre que je souhaite m’intéresser dans le cadre de cette conférence. 
Pour les pacifistes françaises, la « sortie de guerre » ne correspond pas à celle de la majorité de la population française. En 1919, elles vont à contre-courant de l’opinion générale en parlant de rapprochement franco-allemand alors que la France entière souhaite garder le plus loin possible de soi l’ex-ennemi. Ce discours ne nait toutefois pas de la fin de la guerre. Bien au contraire, il existait déjà pendant le conflit et n’a guère changé depuis la création du Comité de la rue Fondary en 1915. Dans le cadre de cette conférence, je propose donc une nouvelle analyse des temporalités de la guerre. À partir des documents produits par le Comité de la rue Fondary, par Madeleine Vernet et par Marcelle Capy, j’examinerai le discours de ces quelques femmes qui militent pour la paix en temps guerre afin de montrer que qu’elles ne peuvent « sortir de guerre » à la fin du conflit, car elles n’y sont jamais réellement « entrées ». Le discours et les actions d’après-guerre des pacifistes françaises apparaissent plutôt comme une continuité du travail entrepris avant et pendant le conflit. Déjà pendant la guerre, elles posent les premiers jalons du travail pacifiste et réconciliateur qu’elles continueront activement après le conflit : elles veillent au désarmement de la haine en montrant aux mères françaises que leurs souffrances sont également celles des mères allemandes et elles travaillent à l’élimination des causes de la guerre. Malgré les accusations de trahison et de défaitisme, ces femmes continueront à imaginer la paix et à la préparer. En s’intéressant à leurs discours et actions pendant le conflit, cette conférence fait lumière non seulement sur un aspect encore peu connu du mouvement pour la paix pendant la guerre, c’est-à-dire le pacifisme féminin, mais offre également une nouvelle perspective du concept de « sortie de guerre ».