Pastoral Power (foucault)

For Hannah Arendt, spontaneous, ‘initiatory’ human action and interaction are suppressed by the normalizing pressures of society once ‘life’ – that is, sheer life – becomes the primary concern of politics, as it does, she finds, in the modern age. Arendt’s concept of the social is indebted to Martin Heidegger’s analysis of everyday Dasein in Being and Time, and contemporary political philosophers inspired by Heidegger, such as Jean-Luc Nancy, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, and Giorgio Agamben, tend to reproduce her account of the withdrawal of the political in modernity. In this article, I complicate Arendt’s theory by turning to Michel Foucault’s parallel but diverging understanding of the nature of power in modern society to show, surprisingly, that Foucault’s narrative of the emergence of modern power pictures a society that is more, not less, politicized.

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Dette kapitel intrdoucerer Michel Foucault som tænker, herunder hans begreb om kritik, institutioner, disciplin, guvernementalitet, diskurs og politisk aktivisme.
Kapitlet er fra: Andersen, H. & Kaspersen, L. B. (2013) Klassisk og moderne samfundsteori. København: Hans Reitzels Forlag.

Foucaults spätes Interesse an der Herkunft der politischen Sorge um den Einzelnen (»omnes et singulatim«) und der damit verbundenen Form der »Regierung« im Unterschied zur souveränen Herrschaft führt ihn zurück in die Antike. Dort erkennt er den Ursprung dieses nicht-souveränen Gemeinschaftsverständnisses als Gegenentwurf zum griechischen Polis-Denken im frühen Christentum. Er analysiert sowohl das biblisch-christliche Verhältnis von Hirt und Herde als auch einige frühchristliche Bußpraktiken (exhomologese, exagoreusis als von-sich-selbst-Zeugnis-geben), deren performative Gesten der Offenlegung nicht nur die Frage des Subjekts aufwerfen (Wer bin ich eigentlich?, Selbstwahrnehmung als Grundlage von Subjektivität), sondern auch die Frage des Verhältnisses dieses Selbst zur Gemeinschaft. Foucault erkennt im sog, »Pastorat« des frühen Christentums (der Hirt, der sich um eine Gemeinschaft zu sorgen hat) eine nicht-souveräne Form von politischem Handeln. Diese fällt zwar im Zuge der späteren kirchlichen Praxis der Pastoralmacht wieder in eine souveräne Herrschaftsform zurück, das »Pastorat« bleibt aber zugleich das Kriterium, um diese Pastoralmacht von innen her kritisch zu entlarven und in Frage zu stellen. (Vgl. dazu seinen Vortrag »Was ist Kritik?«)
Foucaults späte Analysen legen damit einen Grundzug der politischen Kultur des Abendlandes offen, der stets - allerdings nur unterschwellig, in kritischen Praktiken eines Gegen-Verhaltens gegenüber souveräner Macht - wirksam war. Von diesen Beobachtungen her lassen sich die quasi-souveränen Herrschaftsformen der Pastoralmacht und der Biopolitik, die das gegenwärtige politische Handeln prägen, nicht nur wirksam dekonstruieren, sondern es wird auch ein Gegenmodell politischer Gemeinschaft denkbar, das es zu entfalten gälte.

This article examines the technologies of power and subjectification in China's Social Credit System through a theoretically informed analysis of policy and legal documents as well as narratives of social credit practitioners, including both local officials and representatives of business partners. It is suggested that the ongoing project is best understood as an assemblage – a heterogeneous ensemble of discourses, regulations, policies, and any number of programmes aiming to govern social and economic activities through problematizing, assessing, and utilizing the "trustworthiness" of individuals, enterprises, organizations, and government agencies. Drawing on governmentality studies, the article explicates the operation of governmental and disciplinary-pastoral modalities of power in the project, which are interrelated in their logics and overlapped in the tactics employed. While the former is oriented towards achieving effective economic governance and improving regulatory compliance through a "technological fix" based on data sharing and quantification, the latter aspires to shape individual behaviours and dispositions as well as the collective mores of a locality. The idea of social credit is envisioned to not only produce, but also channel the (neo)liberal homo aeconomicus with the socialist-traditional homo moralis. However, the relationship between liberal and socialist subjectivities and that between rationalization and moralization is by no means a coherent one. The assemblage of social credit government is characterized by contradictions and contestations.

Abstract: The following dissertation argues that the relations of power operative in the investigation and silencing of Fr. Leonardo Boff, O.F.M. by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF) can be adequately understood through the application of a model derived from the works of Michel Foucault.  Drawing on the affirmation of the Second Vatican Council that the Catholic Church receives both charismatic and hierarchical gifts, the basis of this model is two elementary forms of power: charismatic power and pastoral power.  The category of pastoral power includes, but goes beyond, the traditional ecclesiological concepts of office, law, hierarchy, or institution and includes all forms of ministries and modes of service set over the good of each and all members of the faithful.  In order to accomplish this broader task, Foucault’s distinction between sovereignty, discipline, and governmentality are employed as three strategic logics of the Christian pastorate.  Charismatic power is then understood as the free gifts of the Holy Spirit that uplift and perfect the talents of each member of the faithful in order to participate in the loving service of the church’s mission in dialogical relation to each respective strategy of pastoral power.  In order to defend the claim that each of these strategic relations of power can be observed in the Boff case, this dissertation offers a historical review of the theological concepts entailed therein, genealogical analyses of the discursive and non-discursive practices carried out by both Boff and the CDF, and an explication of Foucault’s thought on power relations.  This dissertation concludes with an interpretation of the Boff case that shows how the fundamental arguments of both parties are theologically sound, although with respect to different strategic logics.  The conclusion also offers a preliminary outline for a generalized theology of power in the Catholic Church based on the lessons learned from this particular case study.

This paper contributes to inquiries into the genealogy of governmentality and the nature of secularization by arguing that pastoralism continues to operate in the algorithmic register. Drawing on Agamben's notion of signature, I elucidate a pair of historically distant yet archaeologically proximate affinities: the first between the pastorate and algorithmic control, and the second between the absconded God of late medieval nominalism and the authority of algorithms in the cybernetic age. I support my hypothesis by attending to the signaturial kinships between, on the one hand, temporality and authority in our contemporary conjuncture, and, on the other, obedience and submission in Christian thought from late antiquity and the late Middle Ages. I thereby illustrate the hidden genealogical continuities between theological pastoral technologies of power and technocratic-algorithmic modalities of governance. I conclude by suggesting that medieval counter-conducts may be redeployed in our present circumstances for emancipatory ends.

A common criticism of Michel Foucault’s works is that his writings on power
relations over-emphasized the effects that technologies of power have upon the
subjection of humans, rendering any attempt of resistance futile and reducing the subject
to a mere passive effect of power. This criticism treats Foucault’s consideration of ethics
in his later works as a break from his earlier views. In this paper, by reading Foucault’s books alongside his lectures and interviews, two ways will be proposed through which the question of the subject can be productively raised and located throughout Foucault’s
works, even within his concerns with power relations. The first way is through the relation
between assujettisement and critique, and the second way is through the notions of government and conduct.

En este capítulo estudiamos el proyecto colonial de la Nueva España como una forma de gubernamentalidad pastoral que vincula, por un lado, la salvación espiritual de las poblaciones indígenas y, por otro, la introducción de un modelo económico basado en la ganadería. Para eso revisamos el concepto de poder pastoral en Foucault, luego estudiaremos el proyecto colonial español como una forma de poder pastoral gubernamental y por último analizaremos la controversia en torno a la animalidad de los indios, y los puntos de cruce entre la evangelización y la ganadería, como partes constitutivas del dispositivo de animalidad dentro del poder pastoral colonial.

The aim of the present work is focused on the representation of a certain type of violence –which we will call of low-intensity– during the first Francoism, a period of time that would cover the first autarchic phase and international isolation from 1939 until the end of the decade of the fifties. This low-intensity violence sought a correctional objective of those that the Francoist apparatus considered as delinquents or  isfits. We will present some examples of this form with which the power (governmental, ecclesiastical and formative) formulated the penitent  ody of prisoners –both women and men– through the institutional mechanisms of repression and political education of body and mind.

Foucault’s genealogy of pastoral power as “a power of care” challenges us to think of modern medical institutions and practices in terms of political theology by emphasizing their continuities with older ecclesiastical practices. Both ecclesiastical and medical forms of pastoral power generate forms of resistance or “counter-conduct” with theological and biopolitical implications. Foucault’s prescient remarks on the relationship between forms of religious counter-conduct and modern movements to resist vaccines and other public health measures raise questions about the legacy of pastoral power in the contemporary world and the limits of rhetorical appeals to science and medical rationality.

Counter-extremism is the most dynamic part of UK counterterrorism policy. This article examines Prevent, the flagship counter-extremism programme, through a state-theoretical lens. It addresses questions of state institutionality, state power, and state-society relations. It argues that counter-extremism aims to avert the possibility of a political future by repressing the formation of non-liberal political subjectivities. To achieve this, Prevent divides society along political lines; aligns welfare institutions with the security apparatus; mobilises society in a security endeavour; exercises an authoritarian 'pastoral' power; replaces trust with generalised suspicion; and construes subjectivities without capacity for historical agency. Therefore, Prevent is a political paradox: an anti-liberal project aiming to secure and perpetuate liberalism.

This thesis considers how statistics about adult literacy have produced a new transnational norm of what it means to “be literate,” and asks what has been produced by demarcating a calculable threshold of capable literate conduct. Analyzing literacy as a form of conduct enables investigation of the political dimensions of governmental interest in literate conduct and consideration of what subjects, relationships and forms of power are produced by various problematizations. Genealogical analysis of the currently dominant governing rationality, what is termed the psychometrological regime, revealed that Level Three of the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) has been constructed as a threshold between people who can act as autonomous, entrepreneurial subjects and those who cannot. In the case of Ontario, this threshold becomes an indicator of “employability” and produces a singular and problematic population who are subjected to coercive educational interventions. Tactics and te...

A common criticism of Michel Foucault’s works is that his writings on power relations over-emphasized the effects that technologies of power have upon the subjection of humans, rendering any attempt of resistance futile and reducing the subject to a mere passive effect of power. This criticism treats Foucault’s consideration of ethics in his later works as a break from his earlier views. In this paper, by reading Foucault’s books alongside his lectures and interviews, two ways will be proposed through which the question of the subject can be productively raised and located throughout Foucault’s works, even within his concerns with power relations. The first way is through the relation between assujettisement and critique, and the second way is through the notions of government and conduct.

Michel Foucault defined critique as an exercise in de-subjectivation. To what extent did this claim shape his philosophical practice? What are its theoretical and ethical justifications? Why did Foucault come to view the production of subjectivity as a key site of political and intellectual emancipation in the present?

Andrea Rossi pursues these questions in The Labour of Subjectivity. The book re-examines the genealogy of the politics of subjectivity that Foucault began to outline in his lectures at the Collège de France in the late 1970s and early 1980s. He explores Christian confession, raison d’état, biopolitics and bioeconomy as the different technologies by which Western politics has attempted to produce, regulate and give form to the subjectivity of its subjects. Ultimately Rossi argues that Foucault’s critical project can only be comprehended within the context of this historico-political trajectory, as an attempt to give the extant politics of the self a new horizon.

"Through an in-depth and skillful presentation of Foucault’s work, Andrea Rossi traces the genealogy of governmentality in the problematic relation between the subject and the norm, action and freedom, power and knowledge. His analysis offers a rigorous and original interpretation of the great Foucauldian themes of biopolitics, economy and the formation of modern subjectivity."
Roberto Esposito, Professor of Theoretical Philosophy, Scuola Normale Superiore, Italy

"Everyone who thinks they have a secure and incisive grasp of the philosophical, ethical and political implications of Foucault on subjectivity should test their presuppositions by reading Andrea Rossi’s book. His innovative investigation is philosophically profound, ethically sensitive, and politically astute. Based on impressive close reading and full of quotable sentences, the book should be consulted whenever one wants to evoke Foucault on the historical production of subjectivity, on bio-political economy, on technologies of power, and on the particularities of the politics of the present."
Michael J. Shapiro, Professor of Political Science, University of Hawaii

Artiklen tager afsaet i den udbredelse af dialog som ledelsesinstrument, som har kunnet iagttages de senere år indenfor mange forskellige velfaerdsområder. Den fremlaegger den påstand, at der er ved at ske en forskydning i ledelsesrelationerne, som indebaerer, at den før talende ekspert -laegen, sundhedsrådgiveren, socialarbejderen, lederen -nu skal tale mindre, mens den førhen tavse -patienten, den udstødte, medarbejderen -nu skal tale mere. Hermed ser vi altså en forandring i, hvem der har mulighed for at fremsige noget gyldigt om det, der skal ledes. Udgangspunktet for denne omvending er en moderne vestlig forestilling om, at den tavse nødvendigvis må vaere undertrykt eller berøvet for ansvar, mens talen udgør vejen til frisaettelse. Artiklen viser imidlertid, hvordan dialogen ordner den talendes tale, således at bestemte former selv-ledelse bliver mulig. Karlsen & Villadsen viser, hvordan såvel sundhedsfremme, socialt arbejde og lederudvikling udøves med reference til en saerlig subjekt-konstruktion, nemlig "det spaltede subjekt", som både rummer god vilje og modvilje. Artiklens diagnose søger altså at udlaese en generel tendens; imidlertid viser analyserne også, hvordan dialog-teknologien antager forskellig udformning indenfor de specifikke faglige og institutionelle felter, som den indgår i.

« Cuando Foucault dice ‘Estado’. Conversación con Arnault Skornicki », avec David J. Domínguez González et Mario Domínguez Sánchez, dans A. Skornicki, La grand Sed de Estado. Michel Foucault y la ciencias sociales, Dado Ediciones, 2017, p. 245-273

Arnault Skornicki, « Sur les traces de la théorie foucaldienne de l’État », Histoire@Politique, n° 32, mai-août 2017 [en ligne, www.histoire-politique.fr]

Abstract
This article revisits the research trajectory that led to the writing of a book entitled La grande Soif de l’État: Foucault avec les sciences sociales (2015). Few thinkers have more radically critized the “statocentrism” of Western thought than Michel Foucault, a theorist of power (dispersed, reticular, mobile and productive) rather than of the state (sovereign, unitary, prohibitive). And yet his work has powerfully fueled research on the state in history and the social sciences. To dispel this paradox, Foucault is removed from himself and confronted with some of the major social scientific contributions regarding the state (Weber, Elias, Marx, Polanyi, Kantorowicz, Tilly, etc.). Genealogy is compared to historic sociology in order to establish the impact and limits of the Foucauldian contribution to the “theory of the state”.

Résumé
Cet article revient sur le parcours de recherche qui mena à l’écriture de l’ouvrage intitulé La grande Soif de l’État. Foucault avec les sciences sociales (2015). S’il est un penseur qui a radicalement critiqué le «statocentrisme» de la pensée politique occidentale, c’est bien Michel Foucault, penseur du pouvoir (dispersé, réticulaire, mobile et productif), et non de l’État (souverain, unitaire, et prohibitif). Et pourtant, son œuvre a puissamment alimenté les recherches sur l’État en histoire et en sciences sociales. Pour dissiper ce paradoxe, on tente de sortir Foucault de lui-même en le confrontant à certains grands apports des sciences sociales sur l’État (Weber, Elias, Marx, Polanyi, Kantorowicz, Tilly, etc.), en comparant généalogie et sociologie historique, afin d’établir la portée et les limites de la contribution foucaldienne à la « théorie de l’État ».

In this paper, I examine the role of Project Rahab set up by the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG) in order to help female victims of violence. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in São Paulo, Brazil, I use Foucault’s concept of pastoral power as a heuristic device in order to analyse the relations of power and processes of women’s subjectification. I find that women attending Project Rahab are subject to a complex web of disciplinary practices which strongly reinforce traditional gender norms such as the gendered division of labour, sexual identity and female subjection to patriarchy and male authority. Women’s identities and subjectivities are also drawn along racial and class-based lines in which Westernised concepts of beauty are promoted and miscegenation is discouraged. These discourses are linked to Brazil’s slave history and violent, Colonial past. I argue that gender and race therefore become disciplining tools with which to encourage predominantly low-income, darker-skinned women to become whiter, more feminine, Pentecostal converts.

Michel Foucault in his lecture series of 1977-1978, Security, Territory, Population develops a theory of pastoral power, as an art of governing men, originating as a new form of power relations in the ancient Christian Church. He traces the form and effects of this power to the eighteenth century. Though this form of power has transmuted into the form of the political state we have in the West today, many of its structures have remained. What I find interesting in these power relations is the structure of those groups who find it necessary to resist. Foucault notes five modes this resistance takes: asceticism, communities, mysticism, Scripture, and eschatological beliefs. The Quakers of John Woolman's era can easily be seen to have resisted pastoral power through the community mode, though, secondarily, their appeal to a strict adherence to the Christian Scripture, places them in a dual mode of dissent. Though I find no mention of the Quakers in Foucault's writings, the political mechanisms and behaviour of the Quakers in early eighteenth century North America are significant. This paper will examine three areas of resistance. First, Woolman resists the natural career path set out for him by his society, thinking God would have him spend his time working in the Church. Second, the Quaker community, with Woolman as a forerunner, abandons support of the state government of Pennsylvania when it is complicit with the British in the prosecution of the French and Indian wars. Thirdly, he resists slavery both within the Quaker community as well as the larger colonial community. Slavery is both a personal and ideological affront to Woolman, who goes so far, to the chagrin of his hosts, as to pay the slaves who wait on him during dinner out of his own meagre funds. What I am interested in is the structure of resistance which drove Woolman to live the often solitary life he lived sometimes at odds even with the inner circle of the Quakers.

Legal skirmishes in the arena of administrative law over the enforcement of regulatory rules for the treatment of various captive animal species are actively transforming the lives of individual animals and humans at local, state, and national scales. This chapter focuses on two prominent cases involving administrative efforts to relocate animals from private facilities to sanctuaries. It examines how these legal strategies, functioning as techniques of pastoral power, enable animals to gain political lives that allow them to move beyond the realm of animal sacer, the category occupied by animals-as-property that is arguably the ultimate embodiment of the state of exception. Once in sanctuary, these political lives develop further as human and nonhuman animals form multispecies assemblages that generate their own kinds of lively legality in which oppositions between human/animal, freedom/captivity, care/control, and subject/property are both challenged and reconfigured. (Chapter in Animals, Biopolitics, Law: Lively Legalities. Ed. Irus Braverman. New York: Routledge.)

This paper aims at discussing the risk of homogenization associated with the reuse of the past in other disciplines: in particular, I will address some Foucault’s works on antiquity. Firstly, I will focus on Foucault’s growing interest in ancient thought and I will underline the importance of his contacts with scholars of Classics, for instance with Pierre Hadot. Secondly, I will report some objections addressed to Foucault’s treatment of Antiquity. I will especially focus on one among these, Foucault’s projection of a homogeneous image of Antiquity. As an example of this attitude, I will take Foucault’s notion of “pastoral power” as a case-study.  My main hypothesis is that Foucault, as other philosophers do, sometimes neglects to put ancient ideas or images into their context, underestimating their links with and oppositions to other phenomena. More generally, this case might contribute to show the risk inherent to the “reuse of Antiquity” as well as to every “cultural representation”, that is, to shrink the synchronic plurality of practices and forms of knowledge.

This paper examines the power relations in “patient-centred communication”. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault I argue that while patient-centred communication frees the patient from particular aspects of medical power, it also introduces the patient to new power relations. The paper uses a Foucauldian analysis of power to argue that patient-centred communication introduces a new dynamic of power relations to the medical encounter, entangling and producing the patient to participate in the medical encounter in a particular manner.

In one of his 1980 Dartmouth lectures, entitled "Subjectivity and Truth", Foucault remarks that governing people in a rational and effective way entails achieving a "subtle integration" or "versatile equilibrium" between technologies of coercion and technologies of the self. Whereas the first ones would be directed towards guiding the possible field of action and, to varying degrees, structuring the possible outcomes of people's actions, practices and behaviors, the latter would be intended to allow individuals to develop a number of operations on themselves that would enable their self-constitution as free subjects. Following Foucault's transition, around the time of Volume 1 of The History of Sexuality, to interrogating the way in which Western human sciences (and particularly sexuality) have developed around themselves a whole set of techniques for producing the truth about the subject, I will attempt to examine how the use of these techniques of power have, through its instruments and effects, resulted in modes of subjecting or governing the individual that disables him in the possibility of constituting appropriate self-technologies. Or, in other words, the paper will attempt to interrogate whether one human science such as sexuality, which should apparently allow the subject to develop a truthful discourse about himself, have not rather put into operation a series of power strategies that, to varying degrees, contribute to subjugate or coerce the individual. Seigal 2 Taking as a point of departure Foucault's analysis in Volume 1 of The History of Sexuality, on how the confessional method (re)-emerged, around the nineteenth century, side-byside with the elaboration of a science on sex, I will first examine how the confession, as a general injunction to verbalize the truth about oneself, can be understood against the larger backdrop of what I would call the hermeneutic-pastoral paradigm; namely, a technique of power that, having first arose in monastic settings in early Christianity, conceives the subject as a field of interpretive analysis and the soul or self as a reference-reality or originating element from which the truth about the subject. must be drawn. By looking, then, on how the confession technique, as a modality of the hermeneutic-pastoral paradigm, came forth again at the time in which the ageold inquiry into thoughts and pleasures achieved scientific status, I will draw my attention to the instruments-effects that such science of sex puts into operation, as a way of questioning whether this mode of verification or "truth-telling" about the subject and its pleasures, have not rather contributed to, both and at once, rationalize and strengthen the means for subjecting (coercing) the individual. In the last analysis, the inquiry at stake will intent to "put into crisis" (to use Roland Barthes' definition of "critique") the apparent self-evidence of the tripartite yoke of confession-truth-liberation to which, so it seems, the science of sex have latched onto to validate its discourse on the body and its pleasures.

[VERSION RÉVISÉE D’UN TEXTE PARU DANS AOC]
https://aoc.media/analyse/2020/05/26/la-republique-et-la-politique-du-troupeau/
Le grand confinement a confronté la gauche à un dilemme moral : vaut-il mieux préserver nos vies ou nos libertés ? Or le lock-down est moins funeste que ce qu'il a révélé : la dépossession politique généralisée et le paternalisme de dirigeants prétendument éclairés. Pour ne plus être traités en troupeau, pour se délivrer de l'arbitraire des dominants, des aléas du marché mondial et des risques environnementaux, notre recours ne saurait être au premier chef ni l'État ni la science. La politique de l'émancipation ne peut-elle se retremper dans les promesses renfermées par ce vieux mot certes usé mais gorgé d'histoire et de luttes des dominé·es : la république ?

Abstract: The France of Louis IX has recently been described as a morally repressive ‘redemptive regime’ (William Chester Jordan, 2014). This reading focuses on the determination of the king and his inner circle to impose a restrictive morality on his subjects through wide-ranging inquisitions and harsh punishments for what might seem minor infractions. The context for their endeavours was a fierce drive to strengthen the power of the church in society by agents acting within many areas of European life. In this paper, I will examine the efforts of the new order of Franciscan friars, together with reforming bishops such as Robert Grosseteste, to create a similar environment in England during the middle decades of the thirteenth century. These men were closely connected to the court of Henry III and prominent barons such as Simon de Montfort, as well as to the emerging universities and other centres of power. The idealised view of Francis of Assisi and his order as poor, gentle and humble, has tended to obscure the fact that the friars were members of an educated male elite that sought to re-shape the religious imagination and behaviour of the whole population through intensive pastoral practices including compulsory confession.

El objetivo de este artículo es realizar una revisión al concepto de poder pastoral de Michel Foucault para pensar la relación entre la dominación sobre los animales y los procesos de gobierno entre los humanos, narrados por Foucault. Para esto revisaremos el planteamiento de poder pastoral en al obra foucaultiana. Después exploraremos la relación que la tecnología pastoral tiene con las formas de dominación sobre los animales. Por último, revisaremos algunas estrategias teóricas, entre algunos estudiosos de los Estudios Críticos Animales, para entrelazar la historia de gobierno sobre los hombres con la historia de la dominación sobre los animales, elaborando así un concepto de poder pastoral que implique tanto la vida humana como la vida animal.

This chapter interrogates the ways HBC officials targeted, accused, and punished individuals in the Red River colony during a famine in the winter of 1825-1826.  By focusing on the post-journal of Francis Heron, a Hudson’s Bay Company clerk in charge of Fort Garry, the chapter traces how discourses of self-management and imprudent modes of subsistence were used by Heron to accuse and codify some of the colonists as "horse-eaters, beggars, cannibals and insurrections." I argue self-management, subsistence practices, and race, informed Heron’s accusations that some of colonists were indolent and, in turn, eligible for punitive measures. Two arguments are developed. First, I show that not only did individuals became ‘suspect’ in relation to their subsistence habits—settlers who chose to pursue buffalo instead of farming were of particular concern—but also Heron made accusations on the “character” of colonists, based on his perception of whether or not they engaged in proper self-management, which included working regularly on their crops, paying off debts, and living frugally. As such, his writings reveal a mode of accusation and subsequent entryway into regimes of punishment before the formal establishment of the reformative criminal justice system. Second, the paper illustrates that while accusation played a role in entering individuals into the company’s regimes of punishment, punishment itself was exercised through the fort, as those accused of being indolent were denied aid and shut outside the fort to learn the “lessons of the season.” Heron presented this tactic as a reformative type of punishment: those who survived the winter without aid would learn "prudence" and engage in more wholesome practices of subsistence in the years to come. As such, Heron’s post-journal reveals the role pastoral forms of punishment played in the nineteenth century carceral archipelago of British North America.