Mongolian linguistics

Аливаа хэлний үгийн санд хамаарахгүй үг гэж байхгүй бөгөөд монгол хэлний үндсэн үгсээс гадна этгээд, бүдүүлэг үг, харь үг, нэр томьёо, товчилсон үг гээд бүхий л үгс багтах бөгөөд цахим орчны хувьд үгийн сангийн түвшинд интернэтийн нөлөөнд нэлээд автсан байдаг. Өөрөөр хэлбэл "Үгсийн сан нь хэлний авианы болон хэл зүйн байгуулалтай харьцуулбал гаднын хүчин зүйлийн нөлөөг үлэмж хурдан тусгадаг хамгийн мэдрэмтгий түвшин юм. Байгаль нийгэм сэтгэхүйд бий болсон шинэ шинэ үзэгдэл юмс, үйл явц нь хэлний үгсийн санг баяжуулах үндсэн хүчин зүйл" болдог байна. Олон нийтийн интернэт орчны бичгийн харилцаанд сэтгэл хөдлөлийг илэрхийлсэн үг, хэт чамирхах, маяглах, этгээд, бүдүүлэг үг хэрэглэх нь түгээмэл. Энэхүү өгүүлэлд интернэт орчинд этгээд үг үүсэж байгаа арга хэлбэрүүд болон хэрэглэж байгаа тохиолдлуудыг жишээ баримтаар нээн харуулж тодорхой тайлбарлан үзүүлэв.

ENGLISH PREFACE

The Department of Mongolian Studies of Dankook University, Republic of Korea, has published the first volume  in what is to be a series of works on Mongolian-Korean contrastive grammar, as well as Mongolian language textbooks, handbooks, and teaching materials for undergraduate and graduate students learning Mongolian.

The present work, Орчин цагийн монгол хэлний бүтээвэр судлал [The Morphology of Modern Mongolian], contains the basic understanding of Mongolian morphology—the main component of Mongolian grammar. Moreover, since this book is somewhat of a continuation of previous works by professors in the Department of Mongolian Studies of Dankook University, we have used the same basic classifications, terminology, and principles which are currently standard  in Mongolia (and which will continue to be standard in the near future), in order to avoid losing the pedagogical tradition.

Over forty years ago, Academician B. Rinchen wrote:

“Rather than force the many unique grammatical phenomena of Mongolian into the mold of Latin-based grammars, I have consulted many research works by European Mongolists and linguists—especially those on languages similar to Mongolian—and I have observed consensuses and disagreements in the writings of these many scholars in many languages, and have attempted to look for Mongolian data to explain these disagreements. But this should not be limited to just one generation of Mongolists—many generations of Mongolian Mongolists should conduct research like this in their native language, and since future Mongolists must skillfully reflect on the Mongolian language and acquire the most up-to-date scientific methodologies, we Mongols who are currently writing Mongolian grammars for primary schools, secondary schools, and institutions of higher learning are setting the foundation for later scholarship. This book is my humble contribution to this foundation of Mongolian linguistics” (1967:viii-x).

Many dozens of works on Mongolian grammar, including school grammar textbooks, have been written and published both in Mongolia and abroad since Rinchen wrote these words, and it is our hope that our grammar, too, may serve as a contribution to this foundation.

In this book, we have aspired to disseminate the basic concepts contained in previous grammars , enriching these with new results and suggestions as thoroughly as possible. To this end, we include widely accepted, standard concepts and their main features, classifications, observations, and innovative analyses in the main body of the text. In the footnotes, we include explanations, citations, disputed analyses, and mention of phenomena which ought to be studied in detail in the future.  Thus, if one wishes to look in more depth at a given topic mentioned in the main text, they need only to look at the footnotes for specific observations and studies, and direction for work on disputed phenomena.

Originally, we had planned to release a series of volumes on Mongolian morphology, syntax, lexicology and textology (in this order), summarized in a final comprehensive volume on Mongolian grammar, but owing to the untimely and unfortunate reason, this goal will not be fulfilled. I dedicate this volume to the memory of Professor Kang Shin, Ph.D., former Dean of the Dankook University School of Humanities, who departed this life shortly after initiating the book projects “A Comprehensive Grammar of Mongolian”, “A Comprehensive Dictionary of Mongolian” (Mongolian-Korean, Korean-Mongolian), and “An Encyclopedia of Northeast Asian Nomadic Culture”. 
   
We express our deepest gratitude to Professor Chang Choong-Sik (장충식), Ph.D., Honorary President of Dankook University and Chairman of Board of Trustees of the Beom-Eun Scholarship Foundation; and Professor Chang Ho-Sung (장호성), Ph.D., President of Dankook University; for approving the request of the Department of Mongolian Studies to prepare this book, and for providing favorable conditions for the preparation and completion of this volume.

We are also grateful to Professor Shin Jung-Han (신종한), Ph.D., Director of the Institute for Mongolian Studies of Dankook University, who has supported our research work, and Professor Lee Seong-Gyu (이성규), Ph.D., Chair of the Department of Mongolian Studies of Dankook University, who has edited this book.

Last but not least, we are grateful to the staff of the Institute for Mongolian Studies (몽골 연구소), Yulgok Memorial Library (율곡 기념 도서관) of Dankook University, and the National University of Mongolia Library, B. Azzayaa (M.A., National University of Mongolia), A. Möngöndolgion (M.A., National University of Mongolia), B. Oyuunceceg (M.A., National University of Mongolia), and M. Enxjargal (M.A., National University of Mongolia), who assisted us in various ways as we prepared this book.

This preface was written on an auspicious dashnyam day—the sixth blue female sheep day of the first white tiger month of spring of the female white iron hare year of the XVII sexagenary cycle of the lunar calendar, or Wednesday, February 9, 2011, on the Cheonan campus of Dankook University, Republic of Korea. 

Note: A draft of this book was finalized and prepared for publication in June 2011, but due to financial reasons it was not published then. Research undertaken over the last two years has therefore not been included in this edition.

Yümjir Mönx-Amgalan of the Xulj Borjigin Clan
Professor and Ph.D ., Doctor of Science (Sc.D)
National University of Mongolia

This paper carries on the investigation of the spoken language as a part of the ethnography of communication and summarises the linguistic material for a very special language phenomenon – onomatopoeia and iconopoeia (Mongolian du’rsleh u’g – lit. ‘depicting words’ ), which, though to some extent this type of word occurs in every language, fulfils in Mongolian communication a very important role in displaying expressivity, in creating metaphors and in the specific manner of expressing agreeable and disagreeable feelings. The paper directly links up with the previous paper (Oberfalzerová 2010, but partly also with other previous papers), which was devoted to the formation and use of iconopoeic words. The paper provides the same formal analysis of iconopoeic words and of the words which represent both image and sound at the same time. In the first part I present the standard formation of onomatopoetic words and in the second and third parts I deal with individual words, together with examples of their use as they occurred in my field recordings of live spoken language, besides some examples taken from folklore.

Товч агуулга: Тус өгүүлэлд Монгол улсын УИХ-аас 2003 онд батлан гаргасан " Төрийн албан ёсны хэлний тухай хууль "-ийн хэрэгжилт ямар байгаа талаар өгүүлжээ.

Түлхүүр үг: Хэлний бодлого, монгол хэл, төрийн албан ёсны хэлний тухай хууль

Keywords: Language policy of Mongolia, Mongolian language, law of Mongolian language

Abstract
How many words does Mongolian language? It is important to study total number of Mongolian vocabulary. The present paper deals with the Mongolian word frequency interms of scientific theory and methodology using corpus linguistic software.

Товч агуулга: Уг өгүүлэлд алдарт хэл шинжээч Шадавын Лувсанванданы 1959 оны " Монголч эрдэмтдийн анхдугаар их хурал "-д хэлэлцүүлсэн " Монгол хэл аялгууны учир " хэмээх илтгэлийн тухай өгүүлэв. Ш.Лувсанвандан монгол хэл аялгуу, монгол хэлний түүх судлагч урьд өмнөх эрдэмтдийн шинжилгээ судалгаандаа дэвшүүлсэн саналаас дэлгэрэнгүй олон монгол хэл аялгууны талаар нэгэн шинэ ангилал хийжээ. Энэ ангиллаас өмнө монгол хэл аялгууг судалж ангилах асуудлыг голлон Орос болон Зөвлөлтийн монголч эрдэмтэд судалсаар ирсэн бөгөөд монголын өөрийн эрдэмтдээс хамгийн анх монгол хэл, аялгууг ангилсан эрдэмтэн бол Ш.Лувсанвандан гэж хэлж болно. Ш.Лувсанвандан эхлээд монгол хэл аялгууг судалж ангилсан эрдэмтдийн саналыг харьцуулан үзээд харилцан зөрүүтэй зүйлсийг нь ойлгомжтойгоор тайлбарлажээ. Хамгийн гол нь олон нутгийн аялгууг ангилахдаа Ш.Лувсанвандан юуны өмнө хэлний шинж буюу авиа зүй, үгийн сангийн онцлогийг үндэс болгосон нь судалгаа шинжилгээний шинэ дэг, аргачлал болжээ.

Түлхүүр үг: Ш.Лувсанвандан, нутгийн аялгуу судлал, монгол хэл шинжлэл

This is a draft version of one of the the four papers presented in a joint panel on the Hüis Tolgoi Inscription from Mongolia (currently in the National Institute of Archeology, Ulaanbaator) with my colleagues Dieter Maue, Mehmet Ölmez, and Étienne de la Vaissière on August 31, 2017 in conjunction with 60th meeting of PIAC in Székesfehérvár, Hungary. My colleagues' papers will be uploaded to Academia.edu shortly, and currently we are working on a co-authored article.

The present article deals with the earliest known sources on a Mongolic language discovered in 2014 by the international team Dieter Maue (Germany), Mehmet Ölmez (Turkey), Étienne de La Vaissière and Alexander Vovin (both France) on two inscriptions. The importance of this discovery is threefold: first, it gives us a glimpse of the earliest Mongolic language, predating by more than six hundred years the hitherto known earliest monument in a Mongolic language; second, in spite of the fact that the language of the inscriptions is somewhat close to Middle Mongolian, it provides the evidence of certain features that were previously only suggested for reconstructed forms of Mongolic; and finally, it significantly changes our general understanding of the mediaeval ethnolinguistic history of Central Asia.

In this article I am surveying several possible loanwords from Koreanic languages (probably Kogu-ryǒ and/or Bo-hai) into the Khitan language. Apart from explaining the origin of some of the Khitan words that have no Mongolic, other Central Asian, or Chinese etymologies, I will demonstrate that these loanwords can shed light on the decipherment of Khitan characters with unknown readings, and therefore advance the reconstruction and reading of the Khitan language itself.

This article is a sequel to the interpretation of the Khüis Tolgoi inscription published in the previous issue of the Journal Asiatique. The Bugut inscription is at least twenty years older than the Khüis Tolgoi inscription, being probably erected in 584 AD but no later than 587 AD. It is a quasi-builingual, with two inscriptions on the same stone: Sogdian that has been extensively studied before by Kliashtornyi, Livshits, and Yoshida, and the inscription in Brāhmī, that has not been properly studied before (only wild speculations regrding the identity of its language without any attempt to discuss the data have been published so far). Based on Dieter Maue's reading, which was greatly facilitated by 3D photography, I was able to interpret the inscription and to establish the identity of its language, which turned out to be essentially the same as the language of the Khüis Tolgoi inscription: an early Mongolic language, quite closely related to the Middle Mongolian of the thirteenth-fourteenth century in spite of 600 years that separate them. This discovery has many important consequences for linguistic history and history of Central Asia, among which the most important are: first, the fact that the oldest language on the steppe of the "Ataic" type is Mongolic, and not Turkic, and second that this Mongolic language was the official language of the first Turkic khaganate, which in its turn explains why we have no inscriptions in Old Turkic before the second khaganate.

The present paper deals with the frequency of words in an issue of Mongolian newspaper “Niislel khureenii sonin bichig” (The newspaper of the capital city) which was published 102 years ago. In accordance with the result of the study, it is revealed that the issue of the newspaper consists of 2083 words in total and 651 words forms and usage of foreign words less than today’s newspapers. Moreover, the author shows the most 100 frequent words used in the newspaper.

The paper provides a bibliographical survey of monographic publications in the field of Mongolic historical and comparative studies that appeared in the last four decades. It covers scholarly literature on general historical and comparative linguistics, historical phonology and writing systems, historical and comparative grammar, etymological studies, Middle Mongol philology, and modern Mongolic language varieties. A conclusion is made that the recent development of Mongolic historical comparative linguistics has seen what can be termed the Great Move East, i.e. the gradual shift of Mongolic linguistic studies from Europe and the western part of Russia directly to the areas inhabited by speakers of the Mongolic languages. There is a considerable progress in the study of various aspects of the Mongolic languages, but serious gaps are also observed, e.g. the lack of a historical comparative analysis of Mongolic syntax and an etymological or comparative dictionary based on modern linguistic methodology.

The Khüis Tolgoi inscription (early 7th c. AD), originally located in the vicinity of Tsetserleg city, nowadays in the basement of the National Museum of Archeology, Ulaanbaator, is written in a Mongolic language that is reasonably close to Middle Mongolian of 13-14th c. AD, but predates the latter by six centuries. The importance of this discovery is two-fold: first, it turned out that the oldest written language of the "Altaic" type on the steppe is Mongolic, and not Turkic. Second, it radically changes our existing notions about the language contacts in Central Asia and their directions.

This paper briefly introduces the most important linguistic features of the Yiyu (Beilu yiyu) – a Chinese-Middle Mongol glossary included in the Dengtan Bijiu (1599) with special focus on the unstable -n nouns, representation of the initial h-, loanwords in the lexicon, number of syllables etc.

This paper deals with some of the results of the 18th century critical discussion and argument among scholars concerning the usage and function of the dots as diacritic marks in Mongolian script. This is of importance not only for research into the history of Mongolian philology but also for the present and future practical use of the Mongolian script. There are two dots in front of (i.e. to the left of) the Mongolian letter γ (designating voiced back velar in classical Mongolian orthography). However, there were many variants in the usage of the dots and in the 18th century this became the subject of argument and sharp criticism, which even referred to the situation as the 'darkness of confusion of letters' (üsüg-ün endegürel-ün qarangγui; Kh. үсгийн эндүүрлийн харанхуй). 0. Diacritic marks The principal diacritic mark 1 of the Mongolian script is the dot, or čeg 2 (Kh. цэг). In order to specify the varying phonetic meanings (polyphony) of some basic letters (graphemes), either a single dot (dang čeg; Kh. дан цэг) was placed in front (to the left), or a double dot (dabqur čeg; Kh. давхар цэг) was placed in front (to the left) or at the back (to the right) of the relevant letters. а) The function of a single dot placed in front (to the left) of the relevant letter is to differentiate the letter n (a simple 'tooth' with a dot) used as an initial letter of a syllable from the letter n used 1

On the expression of “One Törü” in the 17th century Mongolian-Russian relationship

The Russian-Mongolian bilateral relationship started with the 1617 Russian mission to the first Altan-khan Šoloi Ubasi Qungtayiji of the western wing of the Qalqa. Based only on the Russian sources, Russian scholar A.V.Myasnikov considers that the successor of Šoloi Ubasi Qungtayiji, Ombo Erdeni Qungtayiji submitted to the Russian Tsar and became his subject in 1634 and his successors were the Russian subjects all the 17th century long, as the Russian diplomat count Sava Raguzinski claimed during the negotiations with the Qing officials in Beijing in 1726. Were the Altan khans the subjects of the Russian Tsardom in reality or just in the imagination of the Russian envoys? How the Mongols, the other side of this bilateral relationship, considered the nature of their relationship with Russia? The third Altan khan, Erinčin Lubsang Qungtayiji characterized this bilateral relationship in his letter to Russian Tsar in 1662 as nigen törü (one Törü). So, what the Mongols meant under the expression ‘one Törü’ in the 17th century? To answer this question the author tried to interpret the Mongolian letter on the birch bark, kept in the Russian State Archive of the Ancient Documents, recently published by A.Tsendina and R.Otgonbaatar. Author suggests that, this manuscript on the birch bark is the letter of the Lubsang Erinčin Sayin Qungtayiji of the Qotoγoyid, sent by latter to Russian fortress Tomsk, on the name of his father Ombo Erdeni Qungtayiji, who made a “golden oath” twice to Russian Tsar in 1634 and in 1636. In the letter Lubsang blamed the Tsar, in breaking of his “golden oath”, by not punishing the voevoda of Krasnoyarsk tura, who protected the Yenissei Kirgiz nobles, escaped from the Mongol invasion to Qongγoroi (Minusinsk depression). Analyze of this document showed that the Mongols of the Qotoγoyid Altan khans’ Ulus were thinking that they had concluded the equal treaty with Russian Muscovite State, when the latter was certain that the Mongolian khan became a kholop (slave or subject) of the Tsar. This misunderstanding had a great impact on the relationship between two sides and can be traced down till the end of this relationship, with beginning of the Qing rule in Qalqa.

The aim of this article is to reveal the etymology of a word miis ‘cat’ in Mayan Language, compared with miš ‘cat’ in Old Mongolian in 1389 CE, miyou or meu ‘cat’ in Sino-Japanese, and mit ‘cat’ with a feminine suffix -t in Egyptian Hieroglyphs in ca. 1950 BCE.

In 1927, upon his arrival in Berlin, D. Natsagdorj, one of approximately 45 young Mongolian students who participated in an educational program in Germany and France, composed a long travel poem, “Notes on the Trip to Berlin.” Not only does this poem serve as an early example of Natsagdorj’s writing, it emphasizes Natsagdorj’s role as a didactic writer for the early Mongolian People’s Republic, in particular in conveying the values of the cosmopolitan socialist, a modern subjectivity that quite consciously separated itself from the previous aristocratic, Buddhist, and pastoral identities of pre-revolutionary Mongolia. “Notes on the Trip to Berlin” provides a geographical orientation of the new economic and cultural flows from Mongolia to Western Europe through the Soviet Union. Natsagdorj’s poem is also significant because it is one of the few examples of Mongolian travel literature and enables Natsagdorj to actively resist the image of Mongolians perpetuated by Western travel writers. From the perspective of Natsagdorj’s Mongolian readers, “Notes on the Trip to Berlin” teaches them the process of navigating socialist and pre-revolutionary identities as Natsagdorj grapples with socialist and pre-revolutionary literary forms and language.

The paper deals with the noun case system of the ''Dada yu/Beilu yiyu'', a little known Sino-Mongol glossary dated between 1567 and 1603. Of seven grammatical cases commonly distinguished in Proto-Mongolic, only four are attested in the Mongol language material of the glossary: nominative (the unmarked basic stem), genitive, accusative, and dative. The forms, functions and grammatical meanings of these cases are thoroughly discussed in the paper. Some features may be considered to be linguistic archaisms, e.g. formal coincidence of the accusative marker +i with one of the morphonological allomorphs of the genitive, or the variant ending +in ~ +Un used after consonant stems. However, there are a number of clearly innovative developments, such as the dative ending shape +DU < *+DU/r. In addition, some idiosyncratic features of the glossary can be distinguished as well, e.g. no overt morphosyntactic marking on the dependent in possessive phrases. A conclusion can be made that the case system of the language variety as attested in the ''Dada yu/Beilu yiyu'' may have reflected a transitional stage between Middle Mongol and Modern Mongolian.

Full volume available at: https://www.univerlag.uni-goettingen.de/bitstream/handle/3/isbn-978-3-86395-489-5/reckel_seidenstrasse.pdf?sequence=1&
Next to the ultimate source of the Secret History of the Mongols (SH) Sino-barbarian bilingual glossaries also constitute important sources for the history of Inner-Asian languages as well as for the Chinese language itself. Furthermore, they may deepen our overall knowledge about the history of the ethnic groups the language of which they refer to. An interesting layer of the lexicon recorded in such compilations is the vocabulary denoting ethnonyms. Belonging to a special division
of the linguistic data these names give invaluable information on the history of the ever-changing political situation of the steppe area from the Yuan to the Qing era.
Some ethnonyms seem to have evolved long before the emergence of a similarly named people known from historical records, some have survived long after the time when the underlying peoples had disappeared as political entities, yet other shifted from one ethnic group to another. In this paper, I attempt to give an overview on the ethnonyms appearing in the most important bilingual Sino-Mongol glossaries.

Bai-, bol-and ge-are the most unique verbs in Modern Khalkha Mongolian. They can be used as verbs, auxiliary verbs, conjunctions and particles, either separately or bounded with other suffixes. To determine all of the forms and meanings of these verbs is very important, especially for students learning Mongolian. Some Mongolian and foreign Mongolists studies about those and other auxiliary verbs in Mongolian, but they paid their attention to grammatical functions of those verbs. In my paper I will discuss many different meanings that can be expressed using the verb bai-in Modern Mongolian.

The development of the internet linguistics study in Mongolia and other countries, which are new objects in Mongolian linguistics, is written in this article. In addition, the studies of internet language have been developing in USA since late 1980s. The linguist Prof David Crystal emphasired that internet linguistics is new direction in and the linguistics. The study of the internet linguistics has been developing since 2010, the first articles and reports of the internet linguistics have been published in Mongolia.

This paper presents the results of our fieldwork in rural Mongolia, this time discussing the main psychological aspect of the life of Mongolian nomads – their relationship to their native land (nutag). For the nomadic Mongol the nutag is the most important place in his whole life.
  The paper refers to several areas, in which the relation between native land and the nomads has evidently been reflected. First it is folklore, which is the mirror of nomadic thought, then follows the usage of the word nutag in language – a discussion of typical idioms, phrases and metaphors. The third part of the paper is devoted to dreams about native land – nutag. It demonstrates the importance of this phenomenon in the life of the Mongolian nomads using samples of authentic discussions of dreams by my informants. The last section is intended to induce a realistic picture of the experience of a Mongol living in his native land. The fragmentary recollections of a concrete person put the finishing touches to the paper, by giving expression – not only to the difference of milieu, but also to the different manner of its perception, which determines the communicative behaviour of a nomad and in fact also the whole of his later life.
  The topic of contentment and fear in the life of Mongolian nomads will later be discussed in connection with another psychological aspect of the relation to the Mother Nature – viz. anxiety and fear of her in the context of her worship.

This paper continues the investigation of spoken language from the point of view of ethnography of communication and discusses a very special phenomenon of the Mongolian language – the use of onomatopoeia and iconopoeia. Though this phenomenon exists to some extent in every language, in Mongolian communication it has an important role due to its expressivity. It is essential in forming metaphors and, in particular, it serves to express contentment and discontent. In this respect the paper carries on the topic from the previous paper, which was devoted to the very contenting topic of the native land – nutag – and to the linguistic means of expressing this contentment. The first part of the paper is devoted to the phonetic variability of the so-called du’rsleh u’g (iconopoeic words) and the second part deals with their morphological structure, all of which is documented by concrete examples. The third part offers examples from folklore, and from my own recording of a live interview, which are a concrete documentation of the use of iconopeia in communication.

This paper continues the discussion of The Secret History of the Mongols in the mirror of metaphors. In the course of the field work carried out by the members of the Seminar of Mongolian Studies of Charles University among the Khorchins, we found a figurine of Venus as it was known about twenty to twenty-four thousand years back. In my opinion we could link it with the old Mongolian name Etügen. Based on this premise I will try to explain the words эх, этүгэн, нутаг, which represent essential concepts of the culture and belief of the nomads from the very beginning of their history. In the SHM we can find a number of culturally significant words derived from them, like e.g. eke, keke, ke'eli, e'ede, e'enegče; ötökü, ötög, ötögüle'ül-, for which I will offer an explanation of their origin, metaphorical meaning and role in Mongolian spiritual culture. I will also present my own interpretation of some very problematic words found in the Secret History of the Mongols (SHM), which have proved hard nut to crack both for its translators and for Mongolists of the paste .g. ötökü yeke qan (§189), ötöküs kebtegül (§230), ötög uγsan-u qoina (§154), erkin egede (§154), egenegče qoimar (§165) and the like.

This paper discusses the subject dealt with in my previous paper. It describes systematically the group of words known as iconopoeia (words depicting images) and concentrates on the problem of their formation and meaning. Concrete examples show the active use of iconopoeia in spoken language as a modal means of expression. This topic is to be followed later by a discussion of two more groups – purely onomatopoetic words and words which depict both sound and image. The role of these words should also be shown in the historical context, of which one aspect is the oral tradition of the nomadic Mongols. This will best illustrate the use of onomatopoeia and iconopoeia in a natural context. Therefore the third part of this paper includes an example of a fairy tale, in which this means is used as an essential part of the construction of the narrative.

The article deals with the Middle Mongolian word aram which occurs as a hapax legomenon in the Secret History of the Mongols (§ 124). The author examines the problems of phonetic reconstruction and semantics of the keyword which provoke controversy among the researchers of the monument. The conclusion is made that aram is an occasional Turkic loanword which is borrowed from Old Turkic aran ‘a stable’, ‘cattle pen’, ‘a stake with a loop for tethering animals᾿. The difference in the final consonants between the Old Turkic and the Middle Mongolian forms is explained as well.

The role of dreams in the Mongolian nomadic society is singular and very important up to the present day. The dream is the mirror of and the key to the overall picture and conception of the world and a safe topic, which has proved to provide an effective opening to other topics.
This paper offers several levels of the possible perspectives for the work with the transcribed field recordings, which were obtained during repeated fieldwork in the traditional nomadic milieu. The universal topic of discussions – dreams and views on dreaming – turned out to be very instructive. The mentality and a whole complex system of data forming a certain culture are fully reflected both in the topics of dreaming (what is man most afraid of, what he worships, what he experiences, what is important for him, not to mention the value of a personal account and the most intimate experience and stories of individuals) and in their communicative behaviour –  i.e. in the interpretation of symbols,  in the explanation of the meaning of dreams, and also in the manner they qualify their dreams. This has also been the basis for the classification of the individual dreams. The material is classified according to the specifications provided by the informants themselves and the examples are provided by a commentary, which points out the specific linguistic, psychological and cultural features.
The linguistic and informational value of the material consists in the fact that it is based on the live, currently used language, which in the context of narrations about dreams is a rich source of symbols, metaphors, linguistic constructions and phrases that play an important role in everyday communication. Besides linguistics, this authentic material, preserved in its original form, can further be utilised in many disciplines, such as psychology, sociology or religious studies.

This paper continues the topic first considered in my paper in Mongolo-Tibetica ’08 (Oberfalzerová 2008), which discussed the sources of contentment with Mongolian nomads, particularly in relation to the homeland, the place, which is permanently linked with every individual. In this paper I will deal with the basic cause of discontent or unpleasantness felt by nomads. This cause is nothing else but fear, something like a basal and original emotion, which has been supported and developed for many centuries as a part of Mongolian ethno-pedagogy, as an important communal means of protecting people against various dangers, which arise from wild, untransformed surrounding nature. This emotion is nowadays considered by psychologists to be the elementary protective mechanism of man, which awakens the ability to activate the body and save one’s life, e.g. by running away or by circumspection when undertaking any action. In the Mongolian milieu this protective mechanism is far stronger than in sedentary cultures and it is supported by warnings on the part of parents and persons the child encounters, and this is done on the basis of a “verified” experience of the whole community participating in the process of eduction.
My work is based on ten years of field work in the Mongolian rural milieu, on tape-recorded (or only listened to) testimonies of a great number of informants (about one hundred), and also on the rich oral tradition of the nomads, which was recorded in their folklore. I have also tried to systematize the objects provoking fear, so that we can better comprehend this so very complicated and boundless emotion of fear.

Товч агуулга: Хэл шинжлэл нь нийгмийн шинжлэх ухаан билээ. Учир нь хэл бол нийгмийн үзэгдэл юм. Мөн хэлний нийтлэгийн үүднээс хэл бол байгалийн ч үзэгдэл мөн. Тэгэхээр энэхүү байгалийн үзэгдлийг судалдаг шинжлэх ухаан нь байгалийн ухааны шинж чанартай байдаг. Тэгэхээр хэл шинжлэл нь байгалийн шинжлэх ухаан ч мөн гэж үзэж болно. Хэлийг нийгмийн үзэгдэл болох талаас нь хангалттай судалсаар ирсэн. Одоо шинжлэх ухааны зарим нэг хандлагууд өөрчлөгдөхийн хэрээр хэлийг зөвхөн нэг талаас нь, нийгмийн ухааны талаас нь, байгалийн ухааны оролцоогүйгээр дангаар нь судлах хангалттай биш болжээ. Хэл шинжлэлийн судлагдахууныг байгалийн шинжлэх ухаан талаас нь анхааран судалвал илүү олон боломж ч нээгдэнэ, ингэвэл монгол хэл шинжлэлийн мэргэжлийн нэр хүнд ч өсөх юм. Монголын хэл шинжлэлийн судалгаанд чухам энэ талаас нь харсан, анзаарсан судалгаа илүү чухал шаардлагатай байна. Монгол хэл шинжлэлийн судалгаа нь ихэвчлэн онолын судалгаанд анхаарлаа хандуулсан, бусад өөр олон хэл шинжлэлийн салбарыг (хэрэглээний г.м.) зарим талаар орхигдуулж ирсэн гэж хэлж болохоор байна.

Түлхүүр үг: Байгалийн болон нийгмийн шинжлэх ухаан, орчин үеийн хэл шинжлэл, хэлний нийтлэг

Keywords: Natural science, social science, modern linguistics, language universal

There are many traditions in Turkish folk culture that are fulfilled during the birth, wedding and funeral ceremonies. Even though some of these traditions do not apply to today’s conditions, their names still exist in Turkish vocabulary. As birth, wedding and death are considered as a part of culture, the applications during these ceremonies are generally named within the language of the culture that they belong. Depending on cultural interactions, new concepts and onomathesia may occur in time. Doubtlessly, during the birth, wedding and funeral ceremonies where cultural practices are very vivid, religious changes may be found to be a strong part of culture. And quoted names may take part in language depending on these religious changes. In this context, the word “gerdek” which carries cultural information is discussed in detail. The word gerdek, thought to be Farsi quote in Turkish language, is associated with Farsi word of gerd by former researchers. However, considering that this word did not originated from Persian language and but from Mongolian word ger meaning “tent, home”, the source of the word gerdek must be Mongolian. Thus, symbolic expression of marriage institution which has direct relevance with setting up a home, might be observed in this word.

Товч агуулга: Аливаа хэл нь үргэлж өөрчлөгдөн хувьсаж, баяжин хөгжиж байдаг " амьд организм " билээ. Тэгвэл энэхүү хувьсал өөрчлөлт эдүгээ ч явагдсаар буй бөгөөд орчин цагийн монгол хэлний хувьд интернэт орчинд илүү идэвхтэй өрнөж байна гэж хэлж болно. Иймд зохиогч энэ өгүүлэлд интернэт орчинд монгол хэлний хэм хэмжээ хэрхэн зөрчигдөж байгаа болон зарим нэг хувьсал өөрчлөлтийн талаар өгүүлсэн болно.

The following term paper examines the syntax and semantics of the comitative case in Khalkh Mongolian. The goal of this paper is to delineate the function and characteristics of the Mongolian comitative case according to its syntactic and semantic features. This analysis of the comitative case starts by describing its place in the morphology of the language, followed by a brief description of its use and occurrence. Next, we will see the case on its syntactic context, and finally, we will look at the various uses of the case. Drawing from this description we will be able to have a clearer picture of the syntax and semantics of the Mongolian comitative case.

In this article, the author analyzes the issue of additional modality in modern Mongolian. Additional modality is fundamentally connected with the utterance, and defines the personal attitude, subjective assessment, and approval of the speaker of the utterance. The main function of additional modality is to express assessment on the part of the speaker. Assessment evaluating modality, which expresses the emotional state of the speaker, can be divided into two categories considering its favorable or positive characteristics and negative or unfavorable characteristics.
  The modal meaning of assessment, expressing the speaker's positive emotional state, can be divided into such general semantic fields as the following: joy (rejoicing, gratitude, approval, and contentedness); permission (concession, recognition, support, and justification); and pride (admiration, respect, praise, blessing, compassion).
  The modal meaning of assessment, expressing the speaker's negative emotional state, can be divided into such general semantic fields as the following: sadness (melancholy, offense, recoil, regret); rejection (interdiction, protest, dislike, accusation); and malice (underrating, indifference, abuse, cursing, and hatred).
  Expressing the personal opinion of the speaker is one constituent function of additional modality, particularly of the modal meaning that reflects the speaker's emotional state.

Keywords: additional modality, subjective assessment, positive and negative characteristics, semantic fields, emotional state