League of Nations

STATISTICS ON THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ORPHANS COMPILED BY THE ARMENIAN PATRIARCHATE OF CONSTANTINOPLE IN 1919-1922

SUMMARY

Key words: Armenian Genocide, Constantinople Armenian Patriarchate, orphans, islamization, statistics, Information Bureau, League of Nations.

After the end of the First World War, one of the main activities of the Armenian
Patriarchate of Constantinople was the organization of the care of the Armenian
Genocide orphans, including the liberation of Armenian women and children
forcibly Islamized and kept in Moslem (Turkish) institutions and homes.
The integral part of this work was the collection of statistical data on these
groups of the Armenian Genocide survivors. In particular, two organizations
attached to the Constantinople Armenian Patriarchate – these are the National Care
and the Information Bureau – were engaged in collecting statistics in question in
1919-1922.
Statistical data on the number of orphans collected by these organizations is
summarized in various reports and bulletins on orphans and orphan care compiled
by the Armenian Patriarchate, as well as in statistical summaries compiled in the
context of developments around the Armenian Question. Thus, according to the
1921 Armenian Patriarchate statistics of June 7, 1921, which is the most detailed
and the chronologically most up-to-date of statistics in question, the number of the
Armenian Genocide orphans was 164,169, of which 90,819 reclaimed and kept in
orphanages, and 73,350 still in Moslem (Turkish) institutions and homes (statistics
provides distribution of orphans by various countries and settlements).
Statistics compiled by the Constantinople Armenian Patriarchate on the
number of the Armenian Genocide orphans are a primary source, and their data
in all respects is more reliable than any other Armenian Genocide orphans number
calculation present in the historical literature.

СТАТИСТИЧЕСКИЕ ДАННЫЕ ПО ЧИСЛЕННОСТИ СИРОТ ГЕНОЦИДА АРМЯН, СОСТАВЛЕННЫЕ КОНСТАНТИНОПОЛЬСКИМ АРМЯНСКИМ ПАТРИАРХАТОМ В 1919-1922 ГГ.

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: сироты, насильственная исламизация, Геноцид армян, Константинопольский Армянский патриархат, статистика, Национальное попечительство, Информационное бюро.

После окончания Первой мировой войны одним из основных направлений
деятельности Константинопольского Армянского Патриархата стала организация ухода за сиротами Геноцида армян, включая освобождение армянских женщин и детей, насильственно исламизированных и содержащихся в мусульманских (турецких) сиротских приютах и частных домах.
Неотъемлемой частью этой работы был сбор статистических данных об
этих группах переживших Геноцид армян. В частности, сбором рассматриваемых статистических данных в 1919-1922 гг. занимались две организации при Константинопольском Армянском Патриархате – Национальное попечительство и Информационное бюро.
Статистические данные о количестве детей-сирот, собранные данными
организациями, обобщены в различных отчетах и бюллетенях о сиротах
и уходе за сиротами, составленными Армянским Патриархатом, а также
в статистических сводках, составленных в контексте развитий вокруг
Армянского вопроса. Так, согласно статистической сводке Армянского
Патриархата от 7 июня 1921 года, которая является наиболее подробной и
полной статистикой по данному вопросу, количество сирот, осиротевших
в результате Геноцида армян, составляло 164.169 человек, из которых 90.819
человек были уже найдены и содержались в сиротских приютах, а 73.350 еще
находились в мусульманских (турецких) сиротских приютах и частных домах
(статистика также показывала распределение детей-сирот по разным странам
и местностям).
Статистические данные по численности сирот Геноцида армян, собранные
Константинопольским Армянским Патриархатом, являются важным первоисточником. Эти данные во всех отношениях более достоверны, чем другие подсчеты числа сирот Геноцида армян, представленные в исторической
литературе.

As we approach the centennial of World War I, it is fitting to undertake a retrospective, academic review of the institutions devised in the war's aftermath. The efforts to build and sustain a global order ensuring peace and cooperation in the international community-which ultimately failed with the beginning of a Second World War—constitute telling and timely lessons for world politics today. This paper looks critically at America's role in World War I, diplomatic talks preceding the signature of the treaty of Ver-sailles, and domestic and international reactions to President Woodrow Wilson's signature idealism.The paper begins with a historical overview of how World War I began in Europe in an effort to contextualize the entrance of the United States in 1917, two and a half years after the war began. Since Woodrow Wilson originally promoted American neutrality, and U.S. public opinion had mostly favored isolationism until World War I, Wilson's presidency represents a historic shift in American foreign policy to interventionism and eventually, its post-Cold War " global policeman " status. Assessing the main actors of WWI and America's role in it serves to frame Woodrow Wilson's asymmetrical reception within his own country. In the U.S., Wilson's foreign affairs record is characterized by his intervention in Mexico, his original attempt to remain uninvolved in Europe's war, and his failed attempt to keep peace after the war. Wilson garnered domestic support for U.S. entrance with his call to " make the world safe for democracy. " Using such overt idealistic rhetoric in the foreign policymaking decision process was novel at the time, but sounds all too familiar today. Post-WWI, Wilson's fight with Congress and the U.S. not entering into the League of Nations resembles rifts between U.S. administrations and their Congresses in recent times, and it arguably indirectly contributed to the occurrence of the World War II. As U.S. public opinion once again begins favoring non-interventionism amidst volatility overseas, a critical approach to WWI history and its discourse invites salient questions about today's international order. Özet Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nın yüzüncü yıldönümüne yaklaştığımız bu günlerde, savaşın ertesinde oluştu-rulan kurumlara dair retrospektif bir değerlendirme yapmak için zamanlama uygundur. Uluslararası kamuoyunda barışı ve işbirliğini güçlendirecek bir küresel düzeni oluşturma çabaları (İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın başlamasıyla nihayetinde başarısız da olsa) günümüz siyaseti için önemli dersler içermek-tedir. Bu çalışma, ABD'nin Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndaki rolüne, Versay anlaşmasının imzalanması sürecindeki diplomatik görüşmelere ve ABD Başkanı Woodrow Wilson'un ünlü idealizmine eleştirel bir şekilde yaklaşacaktır. Çalışma Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nın Avrupa'da nasıl başladığına dair tarihsel bir

In 1918, some 500,000 Ottoman Armenians found themselves displaced from their homes or living in Muslim households in the Eastern Mediterranean and the South Caucasus. For most, life did not return to normal after WWI. Rather, new wars, war scares, political manoeuvrings, economic policies, famines, and epidemics during 1918–1930 resulted in a long-term refugee crisis that was responded to by a large number of Armenian and non-Armenian organizations. This article looks at one such response: the humanitarian relocation to Canada of 110 boys and 39 girls and women—all genocide refugees and most of them orphans. It traces how this relocation campaign was realized despite Canadian immigration authorities' long-standing efforts to keep Asians, the impoverished, and the stateless from entering the country. Breaking with the often simplistic and celebratory tone of the literature on humanitarian aid to Ottoman Armenians, this article discusses how the preceding fundraising campaigns of 1880–1922 were a liability for this subsequent relocation project, and it pays special attention to the people and ideas that opposed it.

This article argues that the politics of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the 1920s reshaped relations between ethnicity and territorial sovereignty in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands. A 1925 criminal trial involving Gadabursi Somalis began as what Britons deemed a 'tribal matter' to be settled through customary means, but became a struggle for Ethiopia's Regent, Ras Tafari, to assert Ethiopia's territorial authority and imperial sovereignty. British claims of extraterritorial jurisdiction over Somalis amidst 1920s global geopolitical shifts disrupted existing practices of governance in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands and created a dilemma for Ethiopian authorities. In order to uphold international obligations, Ethiopian officials had to effectively revoke their sovereignty over some Somalis indigenous to Ethiopia. Yet Britons' practical application of extraterritoriality to Somalis was predicated on assumed racial differences between Somalis and highland Ethiopians ('Abyssinians'). Thus, Ethiopia's recognition of British extraterritorial jurisdiction would lend legitimacy to claims exempting Somalis from Ethiopian sovereignty due to differences in identity. The case reveals how assertions about race, nationality, and 'tribal' identity articulated to subordinate Ethiopian rule to British interests and, in the longer term, to de-legitimize Ethiopian governance over Somalis.

Anthony Pagden, "Swords into Summit Meetings"
Literary Review, November 2021
"Conquering Peace: From the Enlightenment to the European Union"
By Stella Ghervas
(Harvard University Press, 513pp, £31.95)

Link: https://literaryreview.co.uk/swords-into-summit-meetings

The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit, UNCED), Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, held 3rd-14th June 1992, launched the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which operates through its annual roadshow the UN Conference of Parties (COP) that seeks to establish sustainable management of the global climate system.

The  'Earth Summit' by UN in 1992 brought the problems  in climate to the attention of even some of the world's most remote and isolated nations. One of these nations was the Hopi Nation in Arizona, a non-sovereign nation - which the UN labels as 'indigenous peoples'. In a long chain of events beginning from the League of Nations' decision in 1926 to deny the First Nations of Americas and the small island nations' representation in that international forum, its successor the United Nations, turned down four attempts by the Hopi Nation to raise the issue between 1948 and 1992. Finally, in the immediate aftermath of the Rio Earth Summit (1992), the United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar authorised the Hopi Nation to table the matter to the floor of UN General Assembly 10th-11th December 1992.

The First Nations of Americas Ethnoclimatology Motion and the Tradition-Keepers ('Faith-Keepers') background to that motion is elaborated here in this UNFCCC submission with further points were raised in 1st-2nd October 2018 at CRIAS conference. This contextualises the First Nations of Americas UN General Assembly Investigation Request 101292 which was the Concluding Plea of the World Indigenous Peoples' Joint Summit with the United Nations Parties ('Member States') Delegations to open the first UN Year of the Indigenous People (1993) to other ethnoclimatologies appearing world wide. The Geophysical Annotations were discussed at the Cochabamba-Tiquipaya Climate Summit (CMPCC1) in aftermath of the collapsed Copenhagen Climate Summit COP15 (2009) with the request from the UNESCO Delegation of the Plurinational State of Bolivia on 7th January 2010 and His Excellency President Evo Morales Ayma.

The key tenents of the Geophysical Annotations being:

(1) A signal noise from a substantial radiocarbon-dilution effect due to major sea level retreats and rises during the Ice Ages that depressurised methane clathrates - releasing copious amounts of methane and carbon dioxide into air from depressurised seabed clathrates and also from thawing terra firma permafrost; this results in regressive, or sideway, 14C  readings in tree rings ("tree rings in a wrong order"). Thus, the Ice Ages era (the last glacial maxium to holocene thermal maximum period) cores of the tree trunks can appear substantially 14C-younger than the tree trunks' latest (outermost) tree-rings which cannot be the case due to the extreme steadiness of the radiocarbon's decay rate.

(2) Methane accumulates to upper troposphere, stratosphere, and mesosphere: hence any methane signature in the ice cores is only from methane-in-transit. Additionally the global warming episode that ended the ice ages had heavy methane loads that warmed and melted away most of the era's recent ice surfaces, thus obliterating the-then-most recently laid down snow stratum (leaving behind the earlier less methane rich snow layers). This caused incomplete records (time gaps) in the ice cores, and hence "global warming" always appears "before" higher atmospheric CO2 or CH4 levels (hence appearing as if them being 'respondents', rather than the drivers of climate warning).

(3) Noting that the partial melting equations can also be run inverse direction, it is proposed that the Pleistocene glaciations resulted in damage to Peridotite which partially melted producing basalt deposition in a large scale onto the seafloor in vast effusive eruptions with field emission of heat rather than radial spot emission of heat like in modern-day Surtseyan eruptions that have only a minimal heat crossing to sea surface due to small spatial extent of hot subsea surface. The vaporisation of sea water in field emission is vast due to spatial extent of hot subsea surface greatly exceeding the thickness of overlying water column, leading to runaway snowfalls. This caused an inflated size hydrological cycle which effectively washed out atmosphere-generated radiocarbon while geological seabed-associated depressurised carbon-12 was being released en masse leading to negligible carbon-14 readings (the radiocarbon-dilution effect by the Pleistocene's hydrological cycle / sea bed depressurisation).

On these three premises, the First Nations of Americans Ethnoclimatology Motion at the United Nations General Assembly on 10th-11th December 1992 is proposed as a variant possibility to the climate theories advocated aggressively by the Western Group of Nations and their influential academia. Its implications to present-day climate change suggest that the Polar Ice Caps will continue on their much-faster-than-anticipated loss trajectory to violent collapses. This aspect was highlighted in Sea Research Society's Evidence Giving at the UK Houses of Parliament in Environmental Audit Committee evidence giving on 5th and 24th April 2017. The urgency of situation is underlined by the fact that despite world-wide economic shut down by covid-19, carbon dioxide has continued its rapid rise to 417 parts per million indicating that time to act is running out as the remaining North Pole marine ice cap is soon to melt away and then destabilise the surrounding glaciers post Arctic sea ice (most notably the Greenland Ice Sheet).

3rd-grade student, Faculty of Law, Law Department (Double-major) 1. THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS After all of the damages of the First World War (WWI), there was a need for the reestablishment of international peace, security, and order was felt. The new order was planned to be built on the international cooperation of the states that won the First World War. Work has been initiated to realize the cooperation under the name of the League of Nations. 1.1.Conditions and Motivations of League of Nations League of Nations, which is the first international organization in interstate relations was founded as a result of two long and hard work. The first of these movements came from the United States of America (the USA). Even, at the very beginning of the war, the devastating effects of war on all of humanity to end this disaster as soon as possible, the Republicans and Republicans a group of Democratic senators came together in 1915, in the created an organization called "League to Enforce Peace". Later, on January 8, 1918, President T.W. Wilson listed his 14 principles in the US Senate and was the first to establish a "peaceful society" that expressed the need. Wilson, for such a society to be established, "big and small" ensuring the territorial integrity and political independence of states required". In addition, Wilson complies with the agreements to ensure the freedom of departure and peace on the seas, to ensure the unity and political independence of states by the establishment of an international association that will ensure that the aggression between the member states stated that it can be prevented. The second movement came from Europe, where the war itself took place. The people who exposed WWI stated that there are no winners or losers just there is one reality is that, this war is a disaster for all humanity and the whole world. During WWI, a total of more than 65 million (65,038,810) soldiers were mobilized during the period; of which 8,5 a million (8,556,315) died, over 21 million (21,219,452) people were injured, more than 7.5 million (7,750,945) missing or sentenced to captivity. Representatives of the victorious and defeated states on 18 January 1919 solving the problems that emerged after WWI in Paris is a powerful force in the international system to rebuild the balance and negotiate the terms of the peace treaties, and they came together. American and British at the Paris Peace Conference on January 25, 1919, has been suggested preparing a plan for the creation of the League of Nations to ensure international peace and security by the delegates. This plan which was decided to be created will be prepared for peace agreements, and this purpose a commission. Therewith, from the great states under the presidency of Wilson, a commission of 19 people was formed, consisting of two and one representatives from each of the 9 small states. The text prepared by the commission was accepted at the conference on April 28, 1919, and was published on June 28, 1919, and it was included in the Versailles Treaty which was signed in 1919. As a result of the studies carried out in Switzerland, on 10 January 1920, between the states, the League of Nations was established. The 14 Principles put forward by Wilson in the last period (which will be mentioned in the following chapters in a detailed way) were lost quickly; the League of Nations, on the other hand, was insufficient in keeping the peace and sustaining it. As a result of the loss of effectiveness, League's idealism and democracy that have been demonstrated have been greatly damaged and in such an environment, authoritarian, totalitarian, and fascist governments have emerged all over the world. 1.2.Principle and Organizational Structure of League of Nations 1.2.1. Principle of League of Nations Solving the problems peacefully is based on early times as we can see in the Vienna Congres and also the League of Nations wanted to solve problems this way. Immediately after the First World War, at first, the world that represents nearly the whole world's population, with the

As part of the Special Issue, this article adopts a methodological orientation that works through and with
international law’s cultural legal archive. It focuses on one colonial literary artifact that shows the historical tension between colonization and revolution and examines the traces of those constitutive relations in the present. The artifact in question is an intriguing literary excursion by a British colonial-era judge in Palestine entitled Palestine Parodies. It mocks the legal life of Mandate Palestine through the use of comics, puns, and riddles. This raises a number of provocative themes relating to Mandate law, revolution, humor, and humiliation. The article reads this artifact against the history of the Arab revolt in Palestine, which lasted for three years (1936–1939) and was violently crushed by the British forces. It engages in a detailed exegesis of a number of images drawn from this document, arguing that closely parsing these “humorous” illustrations and drawings from a different era assembles and curates two competing stories. One story is about how colonial legal structures, manifested in the form of the comedic, collided with a second story that narrates the history of struggle, refusal, and revolt. Through curating competing images, jokes, and stories, this visual and literary tension in the analysis gazes upon history to recall and rekindle revolutionary possibilities.

Forschungsarbeiten, in denen Shidehara eine zentrale Rolle spielt, beschränken sich zumeist auf die zwanziger Jahre, etwa die Washingtoner Flottenabrüstungskonferenz (1921/22) und den 'Mandschurischen Zwischenfall'. Generell wird in der Literatur zwischen der ‘ersten Phase’ (1924-27) und der ‘zweiten Phase’ (1929-31) der Shidehara-Diplomatie unterschieden. Eine zentrale Frage ist, ob die ‘Shidehara-Diplomatie’ eine (pazifistische) Friedenspolitik darstellt oder nur eine andere Form des Imperialismus (mit friedlichen Mitteln). In der vorliegenden Arbeit, die als Dissertation zur Erreichung des Doktorgrades an der C.A.U. Kiel angenommen und mit magna cum laude ausgezeichnet wurde, wurde versucht, Shidehara in den größeren Zusammenhang einer internationalen Friedensbewegung zu stellen, die in signifikanter Weise auch Repräsentanten von Staaten als Akteure in ihr Programm einschließt. Dieser Bewegung lag die rationale Erkenntnis zahlreicher Diploamaten, Staatsmänner und ‘Friedenswissenschaftler’ zugrunde, dass die Zukunft der Völker und der Fortschritt der Menschheit nur gesichert werden könne, wenn man versuchte, so weit wie möglich, durch vertragliche Vereinbarungen und konkrete, engagierte Friedenspolitik (Diplomatie) ‘Sicherungen’ in das System einzubauen. Eine solche Sicherung war der 1900 ins Leben gerufene Haager ‘Ständige Schiedsgerichtshof’, auf dessen Richterliste Shideharas Name von 1918-1924 stand. Bekannt ist Shidehara vor allem für seinen Vorschlag als Ministerpräsident nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in die neue japanische Verfassung eine 'Kriegsabschaffungsbestimmungl' (Artikel 9) aufzunehmen – eine Maßnahme, die Japan zum Pazifismus verpflichtete. Diese Dissertation beschreibt die Geschichte und den Hintergrund einer weltweiten Bewgung.

John Sturge Stephens (1891–1954), Lecturer für Geschichte an der Universität Birmingham, untersuchte um die Mitte der 1920er-Jahre im Auftrag des Völkerbunds in Genf die prekäre Situation von sprachlichen Minderheiten in den nach den Pariser Vorortverträgen neu entstandenen Nationalstaaten des europäischen Kontinents. Besonderes Augenmerk widmete er der Südtiroler Frage. In seiner 1929 bei Virginia und Leonard Woolf in London erschienenen Studie „Danger Zones of Europe“ stellte er die Südtirolfrage als entscheidenden Krisenherd des künftigen Europas heraus und erblickte angesichts des unnachgiebigen Vorgehens der faschistischen Diktatur vorausschauend den Keim für einen weitreichenden Konflikt.

A Powerpoint presentation at a mini conference organized by the permanent Greek delegation at the UN (Geneva) at the World Federation of UN Associations (WFUNA, Villa Bocage) on 27 November 2019, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the League of Nations. The presentation examines the role Eleftherios Venizelos, the Greek Prime Minister at the time, played in the shaping of the ideas and format of the League of Nations, as well as his motives and aims in doing so.

Ce Commentaire du Pacte de la Société des Nations a un double but.
En premier lieu, d’assurer l’information la plus complète et la plus à jour possible sur l’ensemble de l’expérience de la SDN, notamment dans ses aspects juridiques. Le Pacte est le texte fondateur du phénomène de l’organisation internationale au XXe siècle.
C’est à ce titre qu’aucune recherche et qu’aucune prise de position approfondies en la matière ne peuvent s’abstraire de ce point de départ de 1919.

En second lieu, la Charte des Nations Unies, texte fondamental de l’organisation politique mondiale actuelle, s’oriente au Pacte de la SDN, tant quand elle en prolonge les linéaments que quand elle cherche au contraire une rupture. Comprendre la Charte, dans son texte de 1945, largement inaltéré à ce jour, suppose dès lors toujours de connaître le Pacte.

Cet ouvrage se destine ainsi à être à la fois un instrument d’information et une invitation à l’exploration des voies du passé dans ce qu’elles ont de fécond pour la compréhension de l’avenir. Pour arriver à ces buts, le présent Commentaire se compose de contributions expliquant les diverses dispositions du Pacte, mais aussi de contributions transversales, s’attachant à tel ou tel aspect de portée plus générale, important dans la vie de la SDN comme dans celle des Nations Unies.

This book provides a comprehensive account of the international legal rules and techniques used to combat slavery and slavery-related practices prior to the emergence of international human rights law. It is based on a systematic survey of relevant State practice, including more than 450 slavery-related treaties and numerous examples of domestic and colonial legislation. It addresses the ultimately unsuccessful attempts of Western nations to establish a strict distinction in international law between the 'barbaric' practice of slavery and the 'civilizing' instrument of forced labour.

VAN HERCK, J., Verzoening na de Eerste Wereldoorlog: 'the art of what is possible'. Locarno, de Volkenbond en de Duitse diaspora in Polen (1925-1934), Onuitgegeven bachelorproef, KU Leuven, departement Geschiedenis, Leuven, 2015.


In 1919 werd Wereldoorlog I formeel beëindigd via het Verdrag van Versailles. De harde voorwaarden die dit akkoord aan Duitsland oplegde, zijn genoegzaam bekend. Minder bekend is dat dit verdrag ook de minderhedenproblematiek aankaartte, wegens het potentieel destabiliserend effect ervan voor de prille vrede in Europa.

Onder meer daardoor werd beslist de Volkenbond in het leven te roepen. Deze nieuwe organisatie zou zowel de vrede als de rechten van Europese minderheden garanderen. Het vrijwaren van die rechten gold wel enkel voor nieuwe natiestaten, die via het Verdrag van Versailles werden opgericht (hoofdzakelijk in Centraal- en Oost-Europa). Dit was het geval voor Polen, dat een zeer grote Duitse minderheid had en daardoor als case-study dient voor dit onderzoek. Wegens het grensoverschrijdende karakter van de Volkenbond gebeurt dit via een transnationaal perspectief.

De Volkenbond wordt quasi unaniem als een mislukking beschouwd, omdat zij een tweede wereldoorlog niet kon voorkomen. Toch wisten haar ambtenaren - specifiek diegenen die de minderhedenproblematiek regelden - met weinig middelen het manke beschermingssysteem werkbaar te houden. Deze studie zal dieper ingaan op de mechanismen en actoren die daarvoor verantwoordelijk waren. Verder is er oog voor alternatieve systemen die de stabiliteit garandeerden, specifiek het Locarno-triumviraat.

De voornaamste conclusie is dat aan enkele centrale voorwaarden moet worden voldaan om de stabiliteit te verzekeren. Verzoening en veiligheid zijn daarbij sleutelwoorden. Daarnaast blijkt dat de kracht en effectiviteit van de beschermingsmechanismen hoofdzakelijk schuilt in het informeel karakter ervan. Een achterkamerpolitiek ontmijnde immers potentiële conflicten over heikele kwesties, terwijl een meer formele behandeling eerder uitmondde in een politieke patstelling. Voor zolang de fragiele vrede op het continent standhield, garandeerde dit informele proces van depolitisering minstens een beperkte bescherming van Europese minderheden.

This paper examines the process by which one Nobel laureate, Viscount Cecil of Chelwood, came to be awarded the Peace Prize in 1937. It explores the interaction between, on the one hand, the Norwegian Nobel Committee and its advisers and, on the other, the peace movements in which Cecil was active: the League of Nations Union and the Rassemblement universel pour la Paix. It aims to throw light on the way in which peace movements operate, and the role played by the Nobel Peace Prize in promoting their activities. It argues that if peace movements are to be taken seriously, as recent scholarship insists, then they must be understood in all their aspects. In particular it suggests that peace activists have agendas that may not always be visible, and that the existence of such agendas must influence our understanding of the role played by peace movements in international relations.

En la Conferencia de Paz de París (1919) se estableció el Pacto de la Sociedad de Naciones, y, debido a la falta de reconocimiento diplomático por las potencias mundiales, se decidió no incluirlos como miembros invitados a ciertos Estados o gobiernos. A su vez, el Pacto consideró que los países y las colonias no invitadas podían solicitar su ingreso a la Sociedad de Naciones (SDN) si cumplían ciertas condiciones, las cuales nos remiten a las formas en que las potencias a veces condicionaban el reconocimiento diplomático a gobiernos: cumplir con compromisos internacionales y adherirse a ciertas prácticas de derecho internacional. En este capítulo revisaremos cuál fue la posición de la SDN respecto de la cuestión del reconocimiento a gobiernos, enfocándonos en el caso de los gobiernos revolucionarios mexicanos. En 1919, por falta del reconocimiento británico al gobierno de Venustiano Carranza, México no fue invitado a formar parte de la Sociedad; dicho reconocimiento lo obtuvo en 1925 el gobierno de Plutarco Elías Calles, y desde entonces ocurrió un mayor acercamiento a Ginebra, obteniendo una invitación e ingresando en 1931.

Link to article: http://gh.oxfordjournals.org/content/32/4/559.abstract?keytype=ref&ijkey=KCr0p2sRaf0z0Cm
From August 2013, a new, controversial ancillary copyright law (Leistungsschutzrecht) permitted German publishers to charge online news aggregator, such as Google for displaying article snippets. Implementation remains contested, but this is not the first time that new technology has prompted Germans to seek intellectual property rights in news. In August 1927, a German delegation successfully pushed through its compromise resolution on the legal protection of news during a Conference of Press Experts at the League of Nations. The resolution foresaw protection for news before publication, but allowed national governments to regulate news after publication. This left space for Germany to promulgate a national law on news that Germans hoped would become a model for others. This article uses the Conference of Press Experts to argue that German approaches to media, technology and law developed from the intersection between national and international concerns. In contrast to other scholars’ focus on the press as a national phenomenon, the article shows that the international spotlight enabled a temporary cooperation between two groups often at odds during the Weimar Republic: the press and government officials. Officials saw law as a form of soft power to raise Germany’s international profile, while the semi-official news agency, Wolff, aimed to counter domestic competition and stop radio listeners eavesdropping on its news. Yet, bureaucrats and the media only cooperated effectively on the international stage. In domestic discussions after the conference, consensus swiftly disintegrated. This interplay between national and international imperatives remains key for media policy today as well as in interwar German history.

When and why do powerful countries seek to enact major changes to international order, the broad set of rules that guide behavior in world politics? Prior studies have focused on how the origins of orders have been consensus-driven and inclusive. By contrast, Kyle M. Lascurettes argues in Orders of Exclusion that the propelling motivation for great power order building has typically been exclusionary. Great powers pursue fundamental changes to order when they perceive a major new threat on the horizon, be it another powerful state or a foreboding ideological movement. The goal of foundational rule writing in international relations, then, is blocking a threatening entity from amassing further influence, a motive Lascurettes illustrates at work across more than three hundred years of history. Far from falling outside of the bounds of traditional statecraft, order building is the continuation of power politics by other means.

For most of the twentieth century, a rhetoric of international cooperation for peace and stability persisted as the lingua franca of foreign relations in Japan and around the world, even during the years of rampant nationalisms and global war.  The advocacy and practice of multilateral cooperation, though attenuated and often distorted and abused, did not disappear during the years of aggression and war, but instead were channeled into new and unexpected directions.  A broad view of international relations—one that takes into account but also looks beyond the official sites of multilateral cooperation—uncovers a continuous evolution of internationalist thought and activity in Japan that extends across the dark valley of war and the historiographical schism of defeat.  By examining international engagement not only in global organizations, but also through cultural exchange, the Olympic Games, political theory, and regional conferences, this study highlights connections between imperial and postwar Japan to tell a synthetic history of internationalism, imperialism, and the performance of diplomacy in the twentieth century through the materials of both high diplomacy and mass culture.

This paper revisits the controversy of Judge Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan's recusal from the South West Africa cases using new information from the National Archives in Australia, India, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, including an unpublished manuscript written by the Australian judge and the Court's President Sir Percy Spender. Sir Percy's manuscript, which addresses the “recusal” controversy and the 1966 Decision, raises uncomfortable questions about the politics of international law within the Court in the 1960s. In many ways, Judge Zafrulla's struggle with Sir Percy at the ICJ can be analogized to the struggle of non-European peoples to self-determination. The internal “legal” struggle within the Court paralleled the larger “political” struggle outside the Court. Zafrulla would win the struggle, however, when as President of the Court during the 1971 Advisory Opinion on Namibia he would contribute to decolonization, a possibility he foresaw when he was forced to recuse himself.

"Il Piccolo", 18 dicembre 2015, p. 43 -  La Guerra Mondiale è presente negli scritti di Svevo successivi al 1915 in modo assai evidente. Oltre che nella "Coscienza di Zeno", in diverse novelle e articoli giornalistici, Svevo dedica al problema della guerra e della pace un saggio, fin qui noto con il titolo redazionele "Sulla Teoria della pace" che il museo Sveviano, per cura di Silvia Buttò e Riccardo Cepach, ripubblica ora con il titolo originale voluto dall'autore, "La Lega delle Nazioni" in edizione critica. Il saggio è molto interessante perchè ci mostra uno Svevo apertamente "liberista" che applica la problema della "pace" tutta la sua scienza filosofica e commerciale per arrivare all' "onesto fallimento" di ogni ipotesi palingenetica e avviarsi alla stesura del grande romanzo che si conclude con la profezia dell' "esplosione enorme" che distruggerà la terra , unica forma immaginabile di "pace universale".

"Sob a cortina das conveniências diplomáticas a verdade dos acontecimentos ficou oculta; mas um dia se saberá que, depois de longos dias de trabalho do Conselho, em busca de uma unanimidade que não era alcançada pela persistência de nossa discordância, alguma coisa se passou no fundo do pensamento de alguns outros de seus membros, pois que, longe se mostrarem pezarosos, revelaram, ao contrário, íntima satisfação no momento de nosso veto em plenário da Assembleia".  Afrânio de Melo Franco, junho de 1938.

Βασισμένη κατά κύριο λόγο σε αδημοσίευτο μέχρι σήμερα αρχειακό υλικό, η ανά χείρας μελέτη επιχειρεί να εξετάσει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η ελληνική διπλωματία παρακολούθησε από την επαύριον της υπογραφής της συνθήκης ειρήνης της Λωζάννης τα διαδοχικά βήματα της Άγκυρας, τα οποία, παρ’ όλες τις αμφιταλαντεύσεις και τις κατά καιρούς παλινωδίες, οδήγησαν τελικά το 1932 στην εισδοχή της Τουρκίας στην Κοινωνία των Εθνών. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, καταδεικνύεται ότι η Αθήνα, μολονότι δεν αντιτάχθηκε ποτέ στην προοπτική η Τουρκία να καθίστατο μέλος της Κοινωνίας των Εθνών, αντιμετώπισε με επιφυλακτικότητα το ενδεχόμενο η εξέλιξη αυτή να συνοδευόταν από την εξασφάλιση ειδικών προνομίων για την τουρκική πλευρά, όπως για παράδειγμα η κατάληψη μόνιμης ή έστω ημιμόνιμης έδρας στο συμβούλιο του οργανισμού. Επισημαίνεται επίσης ότι μετά τη συνομολόγηση του ελληνοτουρκικού συμφώνου φιλίας τον Οκτώβριο του 1930, γεγονός που σηματοδότησε την απαρχή της προσέγγισης ανάμεσα στα δύο γειτονικά κράτη, η Ελλάδα υποστήριξε σθεναρά την υποψηφιότητα της Τουρκίας, εκτιμώντας ότι με αυτόν τον τρόπο θα ενισχυόταν ακόμα περισσότερο η στενή ελληνοτουρκική συνεργασία.

Özet İdealizm, uluslararası ilişkiler alanındaki en köklü ve temel yaklaşımlardan biridir. Kökenleri çok eski dönemlere kadar uzanan bu yaklaşımın önem kazanması ise Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası döneme tekabül etmektedir. Wilson İlkeleri ve Milletler Cemiyeti ile özdeşleştirilen idealist yaklaşım, her ne kadar kısa bir sürede etkinliğini kaybedip, realist teorinin gölgesinde kalmış olsa da günümüzde de etkisini sürdürmektedir. Aynı zamanda uluslararası ilişkilerin bağımsız bir disiplin olarak ortaya çıkması nok-tasında, idealist yaklaşımın oldukça önemli bir yeri vardır. Bu çalışmada idealist yaklaşımın altın çağı olarak nitelendirilen Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dönem ve bu dönemde idealizmin nasıl şekillendiği ele alınacaktır. Abstract Idealism is one of the most fundamental and basic approaches in international relations. This theory, which tracesits roots back to ancient times, gain edits main importance immediately following World War I. Although Idealism, which has been affiliated with the Wilson Principles and League of Nations, lost its importance in a very shortspace of time and remains in the shadow of Realism, it still has an effect on international relations. The theory has in particular played an important role in the emergence of international relations as an independent discipline. This paper will study the post World War I period, known as a golden era for Idealism, and how the theory has been shaped in this period.

Der Völkerbund war die erste internationale Organisation, die soziale, kulturelle, technische, wirtschaftliche, politische und militärische Kooperationen unter einem Dach bündelte. Allerdings gilt der Völkerbund als Symbol für die Janusköpfigkeit der Zwischenkriegszeit: Neben einer Vielzahl technischer, gesundheits- und sozialpolitischer Innovationen, die der Arbeit der Vereinten Nationen nach 1945 den Weg ebneten und den Völkerbund als Akteur in Globalisierungsprozessen auswiesen, steht er paradigmatisch für europäische Rivalitäten, das Fortbestehen kolonialer Strukturen und die Unantastbarkeit nationaler Souveränitätsrechte. Der Beitrag skizziert diese Vielgestaltigkeit und führt in die Bedeutung des Völkerbunds und in die Rolle Europas ein.

The League of Nations was the first international organisation to unite as many important fields as possible of human life under one roof. Yet, as well as standing for a number of innovations that smoothed the path for the work of the United Nations and established the League of Nations as a participant in the processes of globalisation, it embodies European rivalries, the continued existence of colonial structures, and the inviolability of national rights of sovereignty. This article sketches this double aspect of the League of Nations by portraying the significance of the League of Nations and the role of Europe.

Artículo completo:

https://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/BoletinAmericanista/article/view/32599

La relación histórica entre México y Perú tuvo uno de los momentos
de mayor tensión y desvanecimiento durante la primera mitad de la década de
1930, como consecuencia de sus respectivas revoluciones y del trato especial
que México concedió a la Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana en detrimento de la relación oficial entre Estados. Este breve episodio, determinado en gran
medida por el peso extraordinario de la interacción cultural representada por intelectuales revolucionarios, no pasó desapercibida internacionalmente por sus
posibles implicaciones, tanto en el ámbito regional latinoamericano, como en el
multilateral ginebrino de la Sociedad de Naciones, donde se intentaría poner fin
al conflicto amazónico entre Perú y Colombia por el puerto amazónico de Leticia.

The principle of ‘self-determination’ has infused modern western political thinking. But its intellectual underpinnings, and application, have been partisan and inconsistent. In this essay, Patrick Kirkwood illuminates the concept, its origins, and how it has been deployed in international politics across the twentieth century. Is it time that Western liberal democracies embraced the principle with more honesty?

This article contends that the League’s mandate system was more than a political institution or a bureaucratic procedure: it was a culture of argumentation that engendered particular ways of reading and writing — not least for those in colonial territories conquered during the First World War who now fell under its jurisdiction. The petitions they sent to the League document how a new politics of textual interpretation and application arose in response to the League’s theoretical limitation on colonial sovereignty. As an index to mandate sovereignty compiled by its subjects, these petitions offer the resources for a history of international order from below.