Iranian Islamic Revolution

This chapter seeks to place Iran’s recent foreign policies in the Cold War and beyond in the broader context of the country’s experiences in international affairs. Modern Iran emerged around 1501, when Esma‘il I, a youthful prince descended from Muslim, Georgian, Turkish, and Byzantine royalty and nobility, proclaimed himself shah and re-established a Persian state after a hiatus of nine centuries. From that time onward, ensuring Iran’s security and at times its survival repeatedly impelled its leaders to seek support from imposing external allies or patrons who could help the new state to resist the threats, demands, and assaults of powerful and often threatening neighbors. From the late fifteenth to the early eighteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was by far the most dangerous international opponent of Iran. In response, Esma‘il and his successors turned to European powers and Russia for assistance. From the late eighteenth century, expansionist Russia represented the greatest threat to both Iran and the Ottoman Empire, prompting both states to seek the protection of the British Empire. In practice, for much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this often meant that Britain and Russia effectively colluded in dividing Iran into spheres of influence. This pattern recurred when Britain and the Soviet Union were allied against Adolf Hitler’s Germany during World War II, a conflict that also brought the United States into direct involvement in Iran’s affairs. As British power in Iran declined, the United States stepped in, organizing a coup that cemented the hold on power of Shah Reza Mohammad Pahlavi and effectively replacing Britain as Iran’s foremost international ally and patron. Following the Shah’s overthrow in 1979 and the Islamic Revolution, which left the nation locked in bitter antagonism with the United States and vulnerable to attack by neighboring Iraq, Iran was initially somewhat friendless. From 1980 to 1988, it was locked in a bitter, stalemated war with Iraq, in which up to one million Iranians died or were seriously wounded. Facing continued hostility from the United States and also from Israel and Saudi Arabia, together with threats to its nuclear program, in the early twenty-first century Iran turned for security to post-Soviet Russia. As China’s reach expanded dramatically in these years, stretching well into Central Asia and beyond, Iran’s leaders also believed it profitable to align their country with the ambitious and increasingly influential new global superpower. The history of Iran’s involvement with major external powers nonetheless suggests that the purported new triple alliance will soon find itself navigating treacherous territory and troubled waters.

İran Devrimi dünyada olduğu gibi Türkiye'de de İslamcı hareketler üzerinde büyük bir etki yaratmıştır. Bu etkinin bu çalışmada ele alınan kısmı devrimden günümüze kadar Türkiye'de çeşitli düzeylerde etkili olan "İrancı" İslamcılık olacaktır. "İrancı" İslamcılık, din, toplum ve siyasetin Türkiye'de kesiştiği ve birbirini etkilediği önemli alanlardan birisidir. Çalışmada "İrancı" İslamcı siyasal akımların Türkiye'de ana akım İslamcılık ile olan farkları ve hareket içerisinde bulunan figürler ile yapılan görüşmelerden hareketle bu akımın ortaya çıkışı ve ortak temaları tartışılacaktır. Çalışma, Türkiye-İran ilişkilerine farklı bir boyut katması ve iki ülkenin karşılıklı birbirlerini etkilemeleri konusunda Türkiye-İran ilişkilerini çalışan literatür tarafından henüz değinilmemiş bir alanı ele alması hasebiyle literatüre önemli bir katkı sunma iddiasındadır.

A República Islâmica do Irã, "o país dos Aiatolás" como alguns no Ocidente apelidaram, é o resultado de forças econômicas, socias, políticas, culturais e religiosas que atuaram no país na época da revolução e da organização da geopolítica dos anos 1970, ou seja, a revolução como fruto da Guerra Fria. Porém, muitas vezes tendemos a atribuir apenas ao fenômeno da Guerra Fria as mudanças de regime e instabilidades que perpassaram algumas nações, isso é um erro. É imperativo para o historiador compreender que os fatos e ações presentes na história não são exclusivamente reflexos do contexto de tais acontecimentos, pelo contrário, o contexto permeia a análise historiográfica, as fontes primárias e bibliográficas. O contexto é parte da fonte, não está separado desta. Assim sendo, um bom exemplo é analisarmos os eventos que culminaram na revolução islâmica do Irã de 1979, e compreendermos como os fatores internos do país convergiram com interesses internacionais característicos daquele período histórico, assim poderemos entender melhor a própria revolução, suas especificidades (o mundo muçulmano, o golfo pérsico, a OPEP, etc.) e suas consequências.

چارچوبی تبیینی برای تحلیل گفتمان سیاست¬خارجی امام خمینی
(ایدئولوژی، استراتژی و دیپلماسی)


Abstract:
After the Islamic revolution and the rise of the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran over the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, a new wave of ideas and opinions entered Iran's foreign policy domain and the international relations structure. The principles and concepts of this revolution and the newly emerged political system are generally affected by Imam Khomeini's thought and action as its ideologue and leader. This article questions the semiotic structure and articulatory system of Imam Khomeini’s foreign policy is about giving a descriptive framework for analyzing it. According to the hypothesis, from the writers' viewpoint, the articulating system of his foreign policy discourse is describeable in a three-dimentional framework of ideology, strategy and diplomacy. Ideology beholds some principles and belief-related standards that generally nurture from Islam's revolutionary-critical source. Strategy involves the security-based calculations and the hardware policy. Moreover, diplomacy includes the accepted diagrams of conversation and negotiation for achieving national interests. The results of this discourse are represented in propositions that are based on concepts of the revolutionary-critical, pragmatic-realist, and prudent-modernist Islam.


Key words:
The Foreign Policy of the I.R of Iran, Ideology, Strategy, Diplomacy, Imam Khomeini.

A Revolution in Rhyme: Poetic Co-option under the Islamic Republic tells the story of the lives and works of Iranian poets whose personal and literary career were shaped by the Iranian revolution in 1979. By drawing on similar examples, such as Soviet Russia, the book tries to tackle some key questions: how did these poets come to be known in the literary scene? What did they write about, and what were their ideas, styles, and literary techniques? And, last but not least, what kind of relationship have they established with the ruling power on the course of the past four decades? In a detailed study, Shams tackles the life and work of ten Iranian poets whose personal and literary lives transformed and were transformed by the 1979 Revolution and the rise of the Islamic Republic, shedding light on ways in which the current ruling state in Iran uses literature and particularly poetry as a tool for ideological dissemination.

In the modern era, although women's and gender rights movements across the world have gained widespread acceptance in much of the world, they have faced and continue to face a much more uphill struggle in traditionally conservative societies. As this premise holds for much of the Middle Eastern region, Iran is no exception to this general trend. On the contrary, Iran comes forward as a country where each incremental gain made in women's rights had to be fought over with tremendous effort. Emerging as a distinct movement during the early decades of the 20 th century, the women's (and by extension, gender) rights movements in Iran have been continually shaped and reshaped as decades progressed until contemporary times. Particularly, the question of women's place in Iranian society took central stage with the onset of the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Taking the story of nation-building and modernization that the country experienced as a backdrop, this present analysis will be tracing the progression of Iranian Women's rights in its domestic and international contexts; while also striving to determine the numerous ways in which the Revolution, directly and indirectly, impacted the agency of women in relation to state power as well as endeavouring to pinpoint the contemporary consequences of the Revolution from a rights point of view. Research Question: In which aspects the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and its ripple effects have impacted the practice of women's and gender rights in contemporary Iran?

در پنجاه سال گذشته، ایران سه دگرگونی بزرگ، هر بار به رنگی از رنگ های
پرچم اش را از سر گذرانده است. نخستین آنها، انقلاب سفید، اصلاحاتی بود که خود را
انقلاب می نامید. دومین دگرگونی، انقلابی بود که اسلام آورد و رنگ خونین بیشتر از آنکه نمادِ
پس زمینه پیدایش اش باشد، دستاوردش شد. و آخرین آنها، جنبش سبز، نیمه انقلابی بود که
است، پاردوکسی در » انقلاب  نخواستن « می خواست اصلاحات باشد. و این خواست، که
خود دارد آشکارگرِ پارادوکس های دیگر جامعه ایرانی. جستار پیش رو درون مایه دیگری جز
بررسی چرایی این خواست، و بازنمایی این پاردوکس ها ندارد، و پریشانی دیگری نیز جز
پیامدهای انقلاب نیمه کاره. از آنجا عنوانِ متن. با چشمی به سطری از نیما و دگر کردِ معنی آن
آونگ میان دریغ و دلیل ،» بیخود « با نشاندن گذشته ساده به جای گذشته نقلی و تکیه بیشتر بر
این داو را هم در میان می نهد که قرمز پیش از هر چیز رنگ خروش است و پرخاش، و اینکه
خونریزی سرنوشت ناگزیر انقلاب نیست.

This history of modern Iran is not a survey in the conventional sense but an ambitious exploration of the story of a nation. It offers a revealing look at how events, people, and institutions are shaped by currents that sometimes reach back hundreds of years. The book covers the complex history of the diverse societies and economies of Iran against the background of dynastic changes, revolutions, civil wars, foreign occupation, and the rise of the Islamic Republic.

Abbas Amanat combines chronological and thematic approaches, exploring events with lasting implications for modern Iran and the world. Drawing on diverse historical scholarship and emphasizing the twentieth century, he addresses debates about Iran’s culture and politics. Political history is the driving narrative force, given impetus by Amanat’s decades of research and study. He layers the book with discussions of literature, music, and the arts; ideology and religion; economy and society; and cultural identity and heritage.



For further details about this book, including the Table of Contents and selections from chapters, please visit: https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300112542/iran. For ebook (including Kindle) and audio version (both Audiobook and audio CDs) please see: https://www.amazon.com/Iran-Modern-History-Abbas-Amanat/dp/0300112548/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=amanat+Iran&qid=1557691542&s=gateway&sr=8-1. The audio version can be listened  concurrent with highlighted ebook through Audible. A paperback edition by Yale University Press appeared in August 2019.  For audio sample (4 hours) go to: https://play.google.com/books/listen?id=AQAAAECMBkxG0M.

For reviews please search online: New York Review of Books, Economist, Times (of London), Sunday Times, Wall Street Journal, and International Journal of Middle East Studies.

In June of 2017, my mother's older brother passed away. It was the second time in the span of three-and-a-half years that my 90-year-old grandmother lost a son. Before we left the hospital-while my grandmother still held my uncle's hand, sobbing, asking him if he remembered events from a childhood over half a century before-my mother called for reinforcements and support. By the time we arrived at my grandmother's home, an army of family members were waiting, hugging, crying, cleaning, cooking. We didn't leave my grandmother alone for weeks. In Los Angeles, California, so many miles and so many years removed from life in Iran, I watched my family survive another loss together. What some might call a familiar collectivism sustained us.

บทความชิ้นนี้พยายามบันทึกความทรงจำของผู้ที่มีส่วนร่วมในกิจกรรมทางการเมืองครั้งสำคัญในฐานะที่เป็น “ตัวบท” ของประวัติศาสตร์การต่อรองของคนมลายูมุสลิมในจังหวัดชายแดนภาคใต้ (หรือในอีกแง่หนึ่งคือ “ปาตานี” ในนัยทางประวัติศาสตร์) ด้วยวิธีการที่ไม่ใช้ความรุนแรง ผ่านเหตุการณ์ชุมนุมประท้วงที่จังหวัดยะลาเมื่อปี 2531 เพื่อเรียกร้องให้มีการอนุญาตนักศึกษาสตรีมุสลิมสามารถคลุมฮิญาบขณะกำลังศึกษาอยู่ในวิทยาลัยครูยะลาได้ บทความชิ้นนี้ยังพยายามจะแจกแจงให้เห็นกลยุทธ์ของการใช้วิธีการที่ไม่ใช้ความรุนแรงเข้าต่อรองกับอำนาจรัฐ ตลอดจนวิธีที่ชาวมลายูมุสลิมใช้ต่อรองกันภายในกล่มของพวกเขาเอง รวมไปถึงบรรยากาศทางการเมืองทั้งในระดับท้องถิ่นไปถึงสากลที่เปิดเอื้อต่อการทำงานความคิดต่อคนหนุ่มสาวในยุคสมัยดังกล่าว กระทั่งปรากฏเป็นปฏิบัติการเคลื่อนไหวทางการเมืองครั้งสำคัญที่สุดครั้งหนึ่งของชาวมลายูมุสลิมในประเทศไทย

While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.

God & Apple Pie: Religious Myths and Visions of America
by Christopher Buck
Kingston, NY: Educator's International Press, 2015

Contents
Introduction, by J. Gordon Melton
Chapter 1: America: Nation and Notion
Chapter 2: Native American Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 3: Protestant Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 4: The Christian Right’s Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 5: Catholic Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 6: Jewish Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 7: Mormon Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 8: Christian Identity Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 9: Black Muslim Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 10: Contemporary Muslim Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 11: Buddhist Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 12: Baha’i Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 13: Conclusion: How Minority Faiths Redefined America’s World Role

Two sample chapters (by publisher's permission):
1.  Native American Myths and Visions of America (Chapter 2)
2.  Black Muslim Myths and Visions of America (Chapter 9)

Amazon:
https://www.amazon.com/God-Apple-Pie-Religious-Visions/dp/1891928155/

Introduction by J. Gordon Melton,
Distinguished Professor of American Religious History, Baylor University

Far from being an interesting additional topic for the religious dilettante, the discussion around the theological reality that is America, periodically bursts forth as an important item on the nation's agenda, from the place of prayer services in the White House, to the issuance of an annual government report on religious persecution, to the rise of contemporary terrorism. As one traces radical Islam, for example, one arrives at the writings of one Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian who spent some of his younger years in America, and came away with his own vision of a country mired in sin and decadence. He would posit America as the image of everything he hoped to escape in promoting the agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Now, in all honesty, I must admit that over the years as I encountered all of the intriguing, even fascinating, ideas about America in the great cosmic scheme of things, I never got around to systematically gathering the different visions and trying to make sense of them in any detailed fashion. Thus, I have been more than happy to receive, and now with this modest introduction, pass along to my scholarly colleagues and the reading public the work of Christopher Buck.

During his years of observation and research, Buck has surveyed the spectrum of visions of America that have energized and motivated the America's religious community, and has selected from among them a sample that both (1) represents the spectrum of opinion about America and its importance, and (2) highlights the more important visions of America that have shaped and are continuing to shape the way we understand this country we call home. His work calls us to become self-conscious about the assumptions we use in our day-to-day movements that massage the ways we approach our neighbors, our colleagues at work, and the politicians for whom we vote.

Buck begins with the visions of America present at the founding of the nation, aspects of which still strongly permeate the culture today, and have found a new home among conservative Protestants in their innovative idea of Christian America. Amid the Protestant context, we often forget the role of the Roman Catholic Church, which became the largest religious body in America in the 1840s and is now three times larger than its nearest competitor. At the end of the nineteenth century, a controversy on Americanism would erupt around Catholic visions of their place in a changing world that would drive it from participation in the nation's public square for a half-century, and molded its reentrance after World War II.

And then there are all the other-than-Christian religions, from Ahmadiyya Muslims to Zoroastrians, all of which possess their its own vision of America that shapes their appropriation of life in the United States and guides their development as their place in the nation was challenged, then accepted, and most recently affirmed and even celebrated by the nation as a whole. We have watched as Buddhists have carved out a place as cultural peacemakers, Muslims have struggled with separation of religion and government, and Baha'is have tried to understand the communication of their founder, Baha'u'llah, with the presidents of the Americas collectively, and with 'Abdu'l-Baha's statements about the destiny of America in particular. All of this occurs in the ebb and flow of religious life. One day we envision the possible unity of America's religions only to be thrown up against the many harsh divisions, which motivates us once more to seek realms of agreement, which again highlights the array of issues that can drive wedges between those who accept the label "American" as part of their self-identity.

In conclusion, I can, as a scholar, reflect on the contribution that this book, Religious Myths and Visions of America: God and Apple Pie, is making to our understanding of the American mosaic and how various segments of the religious community have found their way to being American. As an informed citizen I welcome its information that allows me to empathize with and make informed decisions relative to those with whom I might align (or oppose) as I sally forth in the public square. And on a personal level, I welcome the author's invitation for me to meet anew the residents of my neighborhood, those who shop in the same stores I do, send their children to the same schools my grandchildren attend, and diligently work toward their own appropriation of the American dream.

J. Gordon Melton
Distinguished Professor of American Religious History
Baylor University

January 2015 — This text refers to the Hardcover edition.

The Iranian revolution of 1979 had its roots in the failures of the ancien regime, similar circumstances to those of any other revolution. Iran's revolution was the first religious revolution in modern history and it was also the first ever revolution to reach a wide audience via television.

How one-man Khomeini, created a radical Islamic dictatorship, the Bloody purges of thousands of Iranian people, the governmental structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the various governmental directorates, how officials are placed into power and removed, the matrix of Islamic Theocratic Totalitarian state of Tehran. Khomeini’s theocratic government principle of guardianship of the jurisprudent was kept hidden until after the 1979 Iranian Revolution.

Although many studies have explored the dissemination of Sayyid Quṭb’s thought and the impact of his works on the formation of Islamist ideology in the Sunni world, little attention has been paid to the influence of Quṭb on the Islamic revolution in Iran. This article argues that Sayyid Quṭb was an influential figure among the Iranian revolutionaries and his ideas played an instrumental role in shaping the discourse of Islamism in pre-revolutionary Iran and the Islamic Republic. The article starts by exploring the personal and ideological connections between Sayyid Quṭb and pre-revolutionary Iranian Islamists. Next, it examines how these connections led to an extensive translation movement that popularized Quṭb’s ideas in Iran. With this translation movement, all of Quṭb’s major works were rendered into Persian by prominent Islamists of the time, such as Iran’s future supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. These works are still in print in the Islamic Republic of Iran today. Finally, the article discusses the legacy of Quṭb in contemporary Iran, where his writings are being reinterpreted in the light of contemporary political developments, such as the rise of Salafi jihadism. Toward this end, a conference on Sayyid Quṭb held in Tehran in 2015 attended by many prominent scholars and intellectuals. This conference is not only a good indicator of Quṭb’s continued importance in Iran but it also provides a view of the changes and continuities in the perception of Quṭb in Iranian intellectual circles.

وقتی در یازدهم اسفند ۱۳۵۳ (دوم مارس ۱۹۷۵میلادی) محمدرضا پهلوی در کاخ نیاوران به مخاطبان خود تولد یک حزب نوظهور را با عنوان رستاخیز نوید می‌داد، هیچ‌کس گمان نمی‌کرد که اپوزیسیون در فردای آن روز با یک تحریف کوچک اما بسیار اثرگذار و ماندگار یکی از موفق‌ترین نمونه‌های پروپاگاندای ضد پهلوی را در تخریب شخصیت شاه رقم بزند. در آن روز چه گذشت و شاه دقیقاً چه گفت؟

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Илмий маслаҳатчи: филология фанлари доктори, проф. А.Қуронбеков Тошкент-2018 йил

تحلیلی مارکسیستی بر بنیاد شواهدی نامعتبر. دکتر بشیریه در دانشگاه اسکس شاگرد ارنستو لاکلو نظریه‌پرداز چپ نو بوده است و رساله دکتری خود که استخوان‌بندی همین کتاب است را در لیورپول در ادامه همین گفتمان نوشته است.
ادعای مترجم فارسی در بی‌طرفانه و بدون جهت بودن کتاب به نسبت کتابهای "ریشه‌های انقلاب" اثر نیکی آر.کدی و "مقدمه‌ای بر انقلاب اسلامی" اثر صادق زیباکلام، انتظارات خواننده را بالا می‌برد.
به هر رو خواننده پس از خواندن کل کتاب، شاید هم‌نظر با مترجم نباشد. مترجم نام کتاب را هم از "دولت و انقلاب در ایران" که همگان را به یاد کتاب کلاسیک مارکسیستها یعنی "دولت و انقلاب" اثر ولادمیر لنین به سال 1917 می اندازد تغییر داده است.

Arab royalties have never seen themselves below Islam and God’s authority but rather always saw It as a tool. Since the first monarchy in Islam, as established by Muwaiyah and Yazid by usurpation and massacre, Islam came to be under the firm grip of tyrannical royalties. Over a long period, the Muslim Arab monarchies resulted in the reemergence of the tribalistic leadership in Prophetic Arabia known as Sheikhdom which has also maintained the core features of royalty. Colonial European powers supported the royalties and their respective Arab jurisdictions creating modern gulf states. So modern Arab states of Gulf thus in no way represent an Islamic creation neither in maps nor in political structure but Islam remains as a symbol. Arab royalties being a product of European colonialism and current American neocolonialism have acquired an unIslamic western psychology more than an Islamic one. Of course, no western political academic will study these royalties in this perspective because it does not suit their interests, but it is paramount for Muslims to understand the misguidance of their rulers. This psychological unfiltered unchecked western inclination can be seen in their personal lives, in their spending, economic, foreign and cultural policies. The following discussions will focus on their westernized psychology and how this has been destroying Islam and Muslim Islamic development.

From 1978-9, Michel Foucault visited Iran to study the Revolution that removed the Shah and turned Iran into an Islamic Republic. Foucault's support for the revolution, and the religious elements, put him at odds with many of his contemporaries. What little work has been done on Foucault and Iran has not attempted to relate Iran to Foucault's other ideas. As a result, this work remains largely misunderstood and ignored.

این نوشته به مواجهه بنیانگذار جمهوری اسلامی ایران با هم‌لباسان‌ش می‌پردازد و در ادامه درنگی می‌کند بر چگونگی صف‌آرایی او در برابر علمای هم‌طرازی که با خودش یا افکارش سر ناسازگاری داشتند و نتیجه می‌گیرد که سیاست‌ورزیِ برآمده از سنت توانست عالمان سنتیِ سیاست‌گریز را به انقیاد رژیم انقلابی درآورد.

هذا الكتاب ليس عن الثورة الإسلاميّة في إيران. إنّهُ عن الثورة الإسلاميّة القادمة، وعن الثورة التي ستليها. لقد اعتزمتُ إخراج هذا الكتاب منذ عدّة سنوات. وكان المقصود إلحاقهُ بالورقة التي كتبتها بين عاميّ 1988 و1989م؛ بعنوان: "تقويم الفكر السياسي الإسلامي". إذ كان الغرض من هذه الورقة هو استكشاف مدى القبول الذي يُمكن أن تُلاقيه مثل هذه المقاربة في تلك المرحلة.

ويهدف هذا الكتاب القصير لتعيين الأفكار الكامِنة والمناهج المستخدمة، ولم شعثها. وهو يُسلّط الضوء على الحاجة لثورة ثقافيّة داخل الإسلام، وذلك قبل أن يتمكَّن المسلمون، كرَّةً أخرى؛ من التحكُّم الكامل في تاريخهم ومصيرهم. وتذهب هذه الدراسةُ إلى أن مثل هذه الثورة تجري وقائعها بالفعل. فقد اتخذت هذه الثورة، في طورها المُبكّر؛ صورة فكرٍ سياسيٍ جديد، وإجماعًا عالميًّا بين المسلمين في كل أرجاء المعمورة.

As far as literary representations of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the West are concerned, according to Farzaneh Milani, Betty Mahmoody's best-selling Not Without My Daughter (1987) remains "the most popular book ever published in the U.S. about Iran." Nevertheless, the book's unprecedented popularity notwithstanding, it has garnered scant critical attention. Hence, as the first major literary analysis of the text, this paper sets out to illustrate how Mahmoody's "memoir" functions within the paradigm of the well-established literary tradition of American captivity narratives. In so doing, it demonstrates how the text constitutes a site wherein the three subgenres of captivity narratives -as a religious pilgrimage, a propagandistic tract, and a sensational shocker -converge. It also analyzes the conceptualization of captivity as a condition that transcends the boundaries of the spatial and the physical. Furthermore, analysis of the text reveals how the book's production and reception were conditioned not only by its construction within the parameters of American captivity narratives, but also by what came to be known in the West as the "Iran Hostage Crisis." Finally, the production and reception of Not Without My Daughter is critiqued as a testament to the protean nature of American captivity narratives and the genre's malleability, which allow it to be rehashed and reformulated to align with the dominant sociopolitical zeitgeist at the time of production.

سیاسەتی کۆماری ئیسلامی ئێران لەچوارچێوەی ڕۆژهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست لەبەرامبەر کورد بەپێی کات و شوێن سیاسەتێکی گۆڕاوی پەیڕەو کردووە و تا ئێستاش لەم جۆرە سیاسەتە بەردەوامە. واتە هەندێک کات ئێران لەپاڵ کورد بووە، بەڵام لەهەندێک کاتی تر بۆ دەورەدانی کورد لەگەڵ دەوڵەتانی تر چۆتە نێو ڕێککەوتن. بەشێوەیەکی گشتی لەڕوانگەی بەرژەوەندییەکانی ئێرانەوە شوێنی کورد وەک چۆن لەڕابردوو خاوەنی شوێنێکی گرنگ بووە، لەڕۆژگاری ئەمڕۆشدا بەهەمان شێوە کورد گرنگی ستراتیژیان هەیە بۆ ئێران. لەم ڕوویەوە بابەتی سەرەکی ئێمە کوردی عێراق کە لە دوای ١٩٩١ بوون بە خاوەنی هەرێمێکی سەربەخۆ، بەناوی هەرێمی کوردستانی عێراق، هەرێمی کوردستانی عێراق لەڕووی سیاسی، ئاسایش و سەقامگیری و ئابوریەوە جێگەی سەرنج وتێرامانە بۆ دەوڵەتی ئێران.

نوشتههای فوکو در مورد حرکت مردمی ایران در دهه  50واکنشهای بسیاری را بر انگیخته است. اندیشمندان این نوشته ای فوکو را یا در ارتبط با اندیشه های فلسفی پیشین وی قرائت کردهاند و یا آن را گسستی از اندیشه هایش دانسته اند. اما هر دو طرف بر تحیر فوکو از انقلاب ایران اذعان دارند، تحیری که عمدتا  از معنویت حاکم در این حرکت منشاء یافته بود. معنویتی که میتوانست مرزهای خرد روشنگری را جابجا کند. مفهوم شهادت در دل این معنویت برای فوکو امکان تغییر سیاست ورزی را نوید میداد. این معنویت امکانی بود که فوکو در میانه یک اراده جمعی یافته بود، ارادهای که فوکو را به ایران کشانده بود. فوکو به دنبال یافتن پاسخی بر این سوال بود که در ایران چه اتفاقی در حال رخدادن است. برای پاسخ به این سوال وی در نگاشتههایش جزئیات تاریخ را نمیکاود بلکه با دوگانه سازی هایی که از وضع موجود انجام میدهد به دنبال فهم ساختارها و آن امکان هایی است که این ساختارها را در هم میشکنند. کاری که وی بدین سیاق انجام می دهد در حکم تاریخنگاری اکنون است. ما در این مقاله با استفاده از این متون سعی در بازخوانی روایت او از حرکت مردمی ایران خواهیم کرد و با نشاندادن وجوه ساختاریای که وی در وضعیت موجود آن روز ایران و برابرنهادهای آن میبیند به نقد خوانش وی از رویدادهای انقلاب تلاش خواهیم کرد. نشان خواهیم داد که چگونه فوکو با جدا انگاری باورهای معنوی از جهان مادی، نادیده انگاشتن تحولات تاریخی ساختارها و امکانهایی که ساختارها برای موقعیت اکنون در دل خود دارند در این تمرین تاریخنگاری اکنون با چالش مواجه است

Asaf HÜSEYİN (1989), İran'da Devrim ve Karşı Devrim (Çev. Taha Cevdet) (İstanbul: Pınar Yayınları, 365 s.) Değerlendiren: Aysun AYAZ 1 Asaf Hüseyin'in İran'da Devrim ve Karşı Devrim isimli eseri İran İslam Devrimi'ni anlamlandırmak için önemli eserlerden biridir. Esere önem katan birçok faktör olmakla birlikte, en önemli faktörlerden biri, eserin 1988 gibi Devrimin etkisinin hala yankılandığı dönemde yazılmış olmasıdır. Yazar devrim önderleriyle görüşme fırsatı bulmuş ve İran'lı halkın nabzını tutabilmiştir. "1982 senesinde İran'a gidip Humeyni, Muntazari, Meşkini, Gilani, Edrebili, Huccetul-İslam Hamaney ve diğer devrim liderleriyle görüşme fırsatım oldu. Bir yandan devrim liderlerinin görüşlerinin bir yumağını toplarken bir yandan da halkın içerisinde kalıp, İranlıların İslam'a bakış açılarını tespit ettim."(sy.10) Bu çalışmada yazar, İran İslam Devrimi'nin siyasi hatlarını ve siyasi realitelerini oldukları halleriyle ele alıp yeniden yorumlamış ve bir harita çıkarmaya çalışmıştır. Yazarın ortaya koyduğu siyasi haritalar, İran'ın bugünkü politik sürecini anlamamız için dahi kullanılabilecek anahtar kavramlardır. Devrim öncesi İran'ın siyasi gerçekleri ve siyasi grupların oluşumu ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınmıştır. " Batılı fikir yapısını benimsemiş kimselerin İslamiyet, zenginlerin fakirler, Sünnilerin Şiiler, Marksistlerin Ulema için düşündüklerini tespit ederek, mevcut görüntüyü bir de karşı tarafın gözüyle görüp, fırçasıyla resmetmek pek zor olmadı."(sy.11) Eserin giriş kısmında 20.yüzyılda İslam dünyası içinde büyük değişiklikler olduğu ve bunun Osmanlı Devleti'nin yıkılmasıyla başladığı ifade edilmiştir. Osmanlı devletinden ayrılan devletler bir süre sömürgeci devletlerden kurtulma mücadelesi verdikten sonra özgür olmuş ama bu süreçte sömürgeciliğin farklı bir boyutu tarafından sorunlar yaşamaya başlamışlardır. Sömürgeciliğin yeni boyutunda, ülkeler içinde sömürgeci güçlere hizmet eden yerel güçler oluşturulmuş ve yerel güçler ile sömürgeci güçler arasında birbirini destekleyen bir yapı 1 İstanbul Üniversitesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, Yüksek Lisans Tez Öğrencisi

انقلاب بعدی در ایران انقلابی آرام و مدنی خواهد بود. جوخه های اعدام راه نمی اندازد. رهبران و مدیران نظام پیشین را مهدورالدم و مفسد فی الارض نمی خواند. کسی را به تبعید نمی فرستد و در تبعید ترور نمی کند. انقلاب ایران بازگشت به ایده ای است که می توان آن را سازگاری ملی خواند. نوعی بازسازی قرن بیست و یکمی از ایده های بازرگان. مردی که نظرا و عملا مظهر سازگاری ایرانی بود.

While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the 4th Century, if not earlier, at the middle of the 20th Century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors—political, economic, technological—that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.

Many commentators on the revolutionary events of 1978-79 in Iran have interpreted them as indicating a strong upswing in Shi'a Islamic orthodoxy.interpreted them as indicating a strong upswing in Shi'a Islamic orthodoxy. Although Iran's identity as an Islamic state is not in question, both Iranian and foreign observers over the years have regularly reported the Iranian
population to be somewhat lax in both knowledge of doctrine and adherence to strict Islamic practice. The religious fervor which characterized the revolution seems to constitute a significant change in the basic religious orientation of the Iranian people. The leaders of the postrevolutionary
Islamic Republic were committed to effecting such a change in the population. They viewed the prerevolutionary period as one of corruption, led by a corrupt shah-thus accounting for previous laxity in religious observance.

In the discussion which follows the apparent shift in religious orientation in Iran is seen neither as a question of corruption and purity nor as one of decline and revival. Iranian religious behavior and belief is viewed as oriented by a set of symbolic principles which underlie not only religious practice, but also many other aspects of Iranian social, economic, and political life.  This symbolic substratum, rather than orthodox Shi'a doctrine, provided the inspiration and strength underlying the fervor of the original revolution.

After the Islamic Revolution, which took place in 1979 under the leadership of Ayatollah Ruhullah Khomeini, Iran aimed to spread the principles of the Revolution to the Islamic geography and to expand its sphere of influence on countries with Shiite populations. Contrary to the Shah’s regime, which had good relations with the Western world before the Revolution, independence was prioritized in foreign policy, starting from 1979, to protect the oppressed Muslim peoples and to move away from both the East and the West, based on the principle of "Islam alone". In this article, considering the foreign policy parameters that changed after the Revolution in Iran, foreign policy preferences at the level of religious leaders and Presidents were examined with their main points. In this context, the breaking points such as the Iran-Iraq War which started right after the Revolution, Iran’s sectarian policies, strategic interests, relations with neighbors and Arab Spring process are emphasized. Besides to the development of Iran's conventional power within the scope of military deterrence, Iran’s strategy which is based on the use of regional proxies formed by the organization of Shiite militias under the control of the Revolutionary Guards since 1979, has been mentioned. It is included that the contributions of Russia which Iran has established alliances in line with their common goals from past to present in Iran’s becoming one of the influential countries of the Middle East.

La revolución iraní que tuvo lugar en febrero de 1979 fue una sorpresa para Occidente. La estabilidad política y económica del país durante casi cuatro décadas, había convertido a Irán en un referente en Medio Oriente, lo cual le había convertido en el principal aliado estratégico de la Casa Blanca en la región. Sin embargo, el acelerado proceso de modernización puesto en marcha por el régimen del Sha no logró redistribuir la riqueza proveniente de la venta del petróleo entre los sectores marginales. Asimismo, las políticas autoritarias, la corrupción, así como las prácticas represivas, hicieron aumentar un descontento social que no fue tomado en cuenta. Entre finales del año 1977 y a lo largo de 1978, se sucedieron una serie de acontecimientos que precipitaron a gran velocidad el fin de la dinastía Pahleví en Irán. En este artículo se presentan y analizan los hechos que fueron ocurriendo de manera encadenada y que permitieron la instauración de la República Islámica en abril de 1979, tales como las relaciones con los Estados Unidos, la organización de la oposición, las reformas puestas en práctica, la posición de los sectores religiosos y, especialmente, el papel jugado por el ayatolá Jomeini.

This book chapter examines the use of the trope, or master symbol, of Imam Husayn (Hossein) and his martyrdom in modern Iranian politics, pointing out that the popular appeal of the commemoration of Husayn's martyrdom derives in part from its power to embody many elements that are characteristic of core themes in Iranian life. In the post -revolution period the trope of martyrdom evolved as a definitive proof of the legitimacy of the regime.

Every day, Internet users around the world challenge, question and even dismantle different types of authorities, institutions and beliefs. Virtual actions can thus have an important impact in the physical world and are particularly significant in countries where people are living under political, religious, or socio-cultural constraints and repression. In democratic societies, people have almost the same rights of expression in virtual spaces as they do in physical spaces; thus, filtering and censorship by governments are generally not practiced, although there are always limits regarding issues deemed highly controversial and/or illegal, such as child pornography, criminality or terrorism. In countries where public spaces are controlled and monitored by conservative and restrictive cultural and/or political forces, cyberspace provides a means to circumvent the restrictions imposed on these spaces and may in turn become more "real" for users than physical public spaces. Due to the absence of the body and of face-to-face relationships, as well as the possibility of hiding one's real identity, cyberspace becomes in many of these countries an important space for self-expression, communication and informationthree aspects of life that are limited and monitored under authoritarian states. Of course, cyberspace-like physical space-can also be limited by governments or by customs, traditions and religion; but this censorship and control is neither absolute nor exhaustive because of the nature of the technology, the technological competence of youth, and the diverse possibilities specific to the Internet.