1979 Iranian Revolution

This chapter seeks to place Iran’s recent foreign policies in the Cold War and beyond in the broader context of the country’s experiences in international affairs. Modern Iran emerged around 1501, when Esma‘il I, a youthful prince descended from Muslim, Georgian, Turkish, and Byzantine royalty and nobility, proclaimed himself shah and re-established a Persian state after a hiatus of nine centuries. From that time onward, ensuring Iran’s security and at times its survival repeatedly impelled its leaders to seek support from imposing external allies or patrons who could help the new state to resist the threats, demands, and assaults of powerful and often threatening neighbors. From the late fifteenth to the early eighteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was by far the most dangerous international opponent of Iran. In response, Esma‘il and his successors turned to European powers and Russia for assistance. From the late eighteenth century, expansionist Russia represented the greatest threat to both Iran and the Ottoman Empire, prompting both states to seek the protection of the British Empire. In practice, for much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this often meant that Britain and Russia effectively colluded in dividing Iran into spheres of influence. This pattern recurred when Britain and the Soviet Union were allied against Adolf Hitler’s Germany during World War II, a conflict that also brought the United States into direct involvement in Iran’s affairs. As British power in Iran declined, the United States stepped in, organizing a coup that cemented the hold on power of Shah Reza Mohammad Pahlavi and effectively replacing Britain as Iran’s foremost international ally and patron. Following the Shah’s overthrow in 1979 and the Islamic Revolution, which left the nation locked in bitter antagonism with the United States and vulnerable to attack by neighboring Iraq, Iran was initially somewhat friendless. From 1980 to 1988, it was locked in a bitter, stalemated war with Iraq, in which up to one million Iranians died or were seriously wounded. Facing continued hostility from the United States and also from Israel and Saudi Arabia, together with threats to its nuclear program, in the early twenty-first century Iran turned for security to post-Soviet Russia. As China’s reach expanded dramatically in these years, stretching well into Central Asia and beyond, Iran’s leaders also believed it profitable to align their country with the ambitious and increasingly influential new global superpower. The history of Iran’s involvement with major external powers nonetheless suggests that the purported new triple alliance will soon find itself navigating treacherous territory and troubled waters.

1979 yılında gerçekleşen ve dünyada başka bir örneği olmayan bir devrim İran siyasal sisteminde birçok biçimsel farklılaşmaya neden olmuştur. Bu durum uluslararası sistemdeki diğer aktörlerle de sorunları beraberinde getirmiştir. Bölgedeki diğer devletlerden farklılaşarak devlet kimliğini Şii temellere oturtan, Humeyni’nin Velayet-i Fakih Teorisi ile kurumsallaşan bu sisteme paralel İran bölgesel ve küresel ilişkilerini bu kimlik doğrultusunda gerçekleştirmiştir. Uluslararası ilişkilerde meydana gelen olayları diğer kuramların değinmediği parametrelerle açıklamaya çalışan Konstrüktivizm çerçevesinde ele alınan devrim sonrası günümüze kadarki süreçte, İran’ın uluslararası sistemdeki ilişkileri doğrultusunda siyasal sisteminde meydana gelen değişimler dönemsel olarak farklılaşmalar göstermiştir. Bu değişimlerde en belirgin nokta ise devrim sonrası oluşturulan sıkı sistemin çözülmesi ve şeffaflaşmasıdır. Aynı zamanda özellikle devrim sonrası batı ile ilişkilerinin tamamen kesilmesi durumuna son verilmiş gerek siyasal gerek ekonomik entegrasyon çerçevesinde ilişkiler geliştirilmiştir.

İran Devrimi dünyada olduğu gibi Türkiye'de de İslamcı hareketler üzerinde büyük bir etki yaratmıştır. Bu etkinin bu çalışmada ele alınan kısmı devrimden günümüze kadar Türkiye'de çeşitli düzeylerde etkili olan "İrancı" İslamcılık olacaktır. "İrancı" İslamcılık, din, toplum ve siyasetin Türkiye'de kesiştiği ve birbirini etkilediği önemli alanlardan birisidir. Çalışmada "İrancı" İslamcı siyasal akımların Türkiye'de ana akım İslamcılık ile olan farkları ve hareket içerisinde bulunan figürler ile yapılan görüşmelerden hareketle bu akımın ortaya çıkışı ve ortak temaları tartışılacaktır. Çalışma, Türkiye-İran ilişkilerine farklı bir boyut katması ve iki ülkenin karşılıklı birbirlerini etkilemeleri konusunda Türkiye-İran ilişkilerini çalışan literatür tarafından henüz değinilmemiş bir alanı ele alması hasebiyle literatüre önemli bir katkı sunma iddiasındadır.

A República Islâmica do Irã, "o país dos Aiatolás" como alguns no Ocidente apelidaram, é o resultado de forças econômicas, socias, políticas, culturais e religiosas que atuaram no país na época da revolução e da organização da geopolítica dos anos 1970, ou seja, a revolução como fruto da Guerra Fria. Porém, muitas vezes tendemos a atribuir apenas ao fenômeno da Guerra Fria as mudanças de regime e instabilidades que perpassaram algumas nações, isso é um erro. É imperativo para o historiador compreender que os fatos e ações presentes na história não são exclusivamente reflexos do contexto de tais acontecimentos, pelo contrário, o contexto permeia a análise historiográfica, as fontes primárias e bibliográficas. O contexto é parte da fonte, não está separado desta. Assim sendo, um bom exemplo é analisarmos os eventos que culminaram na revolução islâmica do Irã de 1979, e compreendermos como os fatores internos do país convergiram com interesses internacionais característicos daquele período histórico, assim poderemos entender melhor a própria revolução, suas especificidades (o mundo muçulmano, o golfo pérsico, a OPEP, etc.) e suas consequências.

There is always the temptation for writers, analysts and political leaders, all with an eye on future historical narrative, to ascribe a symbolic significance to contemporary events which suggest a break with an old order and the birth of the new. British Prime Minister Harold MacMillan captured the mood of decolonisation with his reference to the 'Wind of Change' then "blowing across the African continent" in a 1960 speech to a largely indifferent Apartheid-era Parliament in South Africa.

This chapter focuses on the role of social media in galvanizing street protests, demonstrations, and other forms of democratic participation associated with the Iranian Green Movement, and examines how Iranian activists framed relevant events, norms, values, ideologies, issues, narratives, and symbols on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and other websites.  The political, social, economic, and technological circumstances in Iran that triggered the Green Revolution and eventually contributed to its apparent demise are investigated.  In particular, the chapter explores how movement activists utilized social media to enunciate their political demands and mobilize supporters – both within Iran and around the world.  Attempts by activists to achieve a frame alignment between the Green Movement and relevant indigenous (national) and transnational discursive concepts are examined.  The chapter proposes that the use of collective action frames in social media was instrumental initially in mobilizing the Green Movement and contesting the dominant frames of the regime, but ultimately proved to be insufficient and even counterproductive at times in sustaining the necessary levels of popular support to topple the regime from power.

A Revolution in Rhyme: Poetic Co-option under the Islamic Republic tells the story of the lives and works of Iranian poets whose personal and literary career were shaped by the Iranian revolution in 1979. By drawing on similar examples, such as Soviet Russia, the book tries to tackle some key questions: how did these poets come to be known in the literary scene? What did they write about, and what were their ideas, styles, and literary techniques? And, last but not least, what kind of relationship have they established with the ruling power on the course of the past four decades? In a detailed study, Shams tackles the life and work of ten Iranian poets whose personal and literary lives transformed and were transformed by the 1979 Revolution and the rise of the Islamic Republic, shedding light on ways in which the current ruling state in Iran uses literature and particularly poetry as a tool for ideological dissemination.

Иранский шахиншах Мохаммед Реза Пехлеви сравнивал себя с основателем Персидской империи с царем Киром II Великим и мечтал восстановить былую славу своей страны. Шахиншахское Государство Иран должно было основываться на трех ключевых принципах: «Бог, Шах и Родина». Упоминание Шаха в этой троице вслед за Богом не было случайным. Монарх, как человек, который был благословлен Богом, должен был исполнять указания Всевышнего на земле. Таким образом, власть должна была быть объектом поклонения и уважения для простых смертных. В дополнение к теологическому обоснованию этого союза, Пехлеви также обращались к шедеврам персидской классики. «Книга царей» («Шахнаме») Фирдоуси в этом плане занимало особо важное место. В поэме, созданном в 11 веке, царь считается символом гордости и идентичности персов. Только с институтом Шаха связано великолепие страны, ее судьба и бессмертие. Девять веков спустя, опираясь на «Шахнаме», шах Мохаммед Реза Пехлеви высказал такое мнение: «Иностранец не может понять значение монархии для Ирана. Это наш образ жизни и наш путь, без которого мы не сможем существовать как страна».

"One way to present a more complex picture is to focus the discussion of the revolution around three “actors”: the Pahlavi State, the Opposi- tion, and the People. In doing so, we suggest emphasis be placed on how each of these actors creates a different periodization and frame- work of analysis for the revolution, even though they all intersected in the lead-up to 1979. This division can also fit onto an imperfect timeline that moves from the 1950s to the 1970s as demonstrated below. By shift- ing the beginning point of the revolution, and by presenting multiple explanations for the events leading to it, educators can simultaneously stress the unpredictable nature of this revolution (and revolutions in gen- eral), acknowledge how an event as forceful as a revolution can simul- taneously be many things to many people, and probe with students the degree to which their current ideas about politics, religion, culture, and even revolution determine their views of the past. To facilitate this, in each section we introduce mainly primary sources that embody the com- plexities this essay highlights. There is, of course, a rich body of scholar- ship focusing on the political, economic, cultural, ideological, and social causes of the revolution, a few of which we have referenced below but many of which can be found in online searches of libraries or syllabi on modern Iran or the Middle East."

Iranian Revolution (1979) is known within the literature of social sciences as the “Islamic Revolution”. In this study, Iranian Revolution will be discussed in relation to the concept of Islamic Revolution, within the frame of the historicality of Shiism. First, we will look at the discussions regarding the question of “what is revolution” and we will focus on the issue of how the concept is used both within the literature of social sciences and within Islamic sources. After making a definition of Islamic Revolution with reference to these discussions, Iranian Revolution will be analyzed both as continuity and as rupture, and the decisiveness of Shiism will be explained.

Iranians’ practices of understanding and experiencing Islam cannot be thought separately from Shiism. Similarly, the ways of their understanding and experiencing Shiism cannot be explained merely by Islam. For this reason, the problem of the historicality of Shiism will be put forward in this study. Thus, we will look at the consequences of Iranians’ social life, rather than giving an essentialist account of their religious beliefs or cultural identities. Also, rather than attaining an overall idea regarding the world of meaning and the collective memory of Iranians, we will trace fragmented experiences that seem to be completing each other. It is possible to claim that until 1979, there had been a tradition of protest that had lasted for 100 years in the political culture and transformation process of Iran. How did this tradition of protest come about? From where do the anti-governmental protests and strikes that lasted for years, in different forms, take their legitimacy? What does the Iranian Revolution of 1979 mean for the crowds of people who had witnessed it? If Iranian Revolution is an “Islamic Revolution”, who is the subject of it?

If we evaluate the Iranian Revolution both as a continuity and a rapture at the same time, the constituent character of the historicality of Shiism can be understood better. As a matter of fact, the political culture of Iranians follows a continuity with a century-old protest tradition, starting from the Tobacco Protest (1892) to the Iranian Revolution (1979). In this context, “revolutionary consciousness” became the driving force of the political culture; the revolutionary consciousness in Iran, from Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani to Khomeini, should be evaluated neither by means of the essence of a culture or religion, with the potential of Islamic fundamentalism nor in accordance with national or international conjuncture; the social movements in Iran will be evaluated within the historicality of Shiism.

In the modern era, although women's and gender rights movements across the world have gained widespread acceptance in much of the world, they have faced and continue to face a much more uphill struggle in traditionally conservative societies. As this premise holds for much of the Middle Eastern region, Iran is no exception to this general trend. On the contrary, Iran comes forward as a country where each incremental gain made in women's rights had to be fought over with tremendous effort. Emerging as a distinct movement during the early decades of the 20 th century, the women's (and by extension, gender) rights movements in Iran have been continually shaped and reshaped as decades progressed until contemporary times. Particularly, the question of women's place in Iranian society took central stage with the onset of the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Taking the story of nation-building and modernization that the country experienced as a backdrop, this present analysis will be tracing the progression of Iranian Women's rights in its domestic and international contexts; while also striving to determine the numerous ways in which the Revolution, directly and indirectly, impacted the agency of women in relation to state power as well as endeavouring to pinpoint the contemporary consequences of the Revolution from a rights point of view. Research Question: In which aspects the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and its ripple effects have impacted the practice of women's and gender rights in contemporary Iran?

In June of 2017, my mother's older brother passed away. It was the second time in the span of three-and-a-half years that my 90-year-old grandmother lost a son. Before we left the hospital-while my grandmother still held my uncle's hand, sobbing, asking him if he remembered events from a childhood over half a century before-my mother called for reinforcements and support. By the time we arrived at my grandmother's home, an army of family members were waiting, hugging, crying, cleaning, cooking. We didn't leave my grandmother alone for weeks. In Los Angeles, California, so many miles and so many years removed from life in Iran, I watched my family survive another loss together. What some might call a familiar collectivism sustained us.

From the Publisher's abstract:

Through an original and close reading of the key literature regarding both revolutionary violence and nonviolence, this book collapses the widely-assumed concepts of violence and nonviolence as mutually exclusive. By revealing that violence and nonviolence are braided concepts arising from human action, Peyman Vahabzadeh submits that in many cases the actions deemed to be either violent or nonviolent might actually produce outcomes that are not essentially different.

Vahabzadeh offers a conceptual phenomenology of the key thinkers and theorists of both revolutionary violence and various approaches to nonviolence. Arguing that violence is inseparable from civilizations, Violence and Nonviolence concludes by making a number of original conceptualizations regarding the relationship between violence and nonviolence, exploring the possibility of a nonviolent future and proposing to understand the relationship between the two concepts as concentric, not opposites.

This essay is part of a longer work about my experiences in the Iranian socialist movement and the Iranian 1979 revolution. It is occasioned by the suicide of an early socialist friend in Tehran recently who suffered from schizophrenia. Thus, my telling of a story of four persons who I knew in or around the movement who bore the burden of mental health as well as noting others. Much of the essay is given to the political context of these episodes hence another use of the term "madness."  Iranian socialist movement was ravaged by factional and violent struggles while the participants hoped to end the Shah's dictatorial regime.  The essay offers some sense of this reality hence of a contributing factor to the defeat of the Iranian socialist movement and the Iranian 1979 revolution and its emancipatory promise.

This collection provides a window on the concerns of Iranian women, writers in particular, since the Revolution of 1979 and the establishment of Islamic Republic in Iran. The collection includes eighteen stories written by more than a dozen women during the last twenty years, some of them well-known writers and others just establishing their careers. In these stories, most never before available in translation and rendered here into readable English that captures the style and flavor of the original Persian, Iranian women speak in their own voice to the western reader about marriage, sex, politics, exile and the place of women in Iranian society.
There is an introduction about modern fiction and the role of women in Persian literature, as well as a bibliography of translations and studies of Iranian women authors.

Authors whose stories are included here:
Goli Taraghi (1939-)
Shokooh Mirzadegi (1944-)
Mehri Yalfani (ca.1945-)
Shahrnush Parsipur (1946-)
Mihan Bahrami (1947-)
Moniru Ravanipur (1954-)
Farkhondeh Aghai (1956-)
Tahereh Alavi (1959-)
Soudabeh Ashrafi (1959-)
Fariba Vafi (1962-)
Roya Shapurian (1966-)
Shahla Shafiq
Mahkameh Rahimzadeh
----
The attached file contains the Table of Contents and the Introduction.
Publisher's website: http://www.mazdapublishers.com/book/in-a-voice-of-their-own

Beginning with the 1891 Tobacco Protest, women have played a vital role in revolutionary Iran. In opposition to the post-9/11 zeitgeist's hegemonic framing of the Middle Eastern Woman, as bereft of agency, this paper highlights the agency of the Iranian woman and their involvement within revolutionary struggles in the modern history of Iran. What is of particular concern here is the ways in which hijab is utilized as a revolutionary symbol and the particular narrative of this performative trope as designated by "the West". The 1979 revolution provided a discursive space in which to rearticulate the hegemonic gender identities as formulated under the Pahlavi regime. Here, the ruptures and continuities of dominant gender identities are highlighted through the use of the chador as a placard for political action. Drawing on this framework of gender (re-)identification, the notion of Iranian womanhood was again contested during the 2009 Green Movement. In considering the death of Neda Agha-Soltan, this paper identifies the re-articulation of the masculine discourse of martyrology as a means of contesting the ideological apparatus of the state. Following from the Green Movement, "the Girls of Enghelab Street" again bring the issue of Iranian womanhood to the forefront of revolutionary action. Here, hijab is utilized, quite literally, as a revolutionary flag. While the use of the hijab here appears in stark contrast to that of the 1979 revolution, this protest draws on a definitive history of the headscarf as a marker of female revolutionary action.

While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.

God & Apple Pie: Religious Myths and Visions of America
by Christopher Buck
Kingston, NY: Educator's International Press, 2015

Contents
Introduction, by J. Gordon Melton
Chapter 1: America: Nation and Notion
Chapter 2: Native American Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 3: Protestant Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 4: The Christian Right’s Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 5: Catholic Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 6: Jewish Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 7: Mormon Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 8: Christian Identity Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 9: Black Muslim Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 10: Contemporary Muslim Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 11: Buddhist Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 12: Baha’i Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 13: Conclusion: How Minority Faiths Redefined America’s World Role

Two sample chapters (by publisher's permission):
1.  Native American Myths and Visions of America (Chapter 2)
2.  Black Muslim Myths and Visions of America (Chapter 9)

Amazon:
https://www.amazon.com/God-Apple-Pie-Religious-Visions/dp/1891928155/

Introduction by J. Gordon Melton,
Distinguished Professor of American Religious History, Baylor University

Far from being an interesting additional topic for the religious dilettante, the discussion around the theological reality that is America, periodically bursts forth as an important item on the nation's agenda, from the place of prayer services in the White House, to the issuance of an annual government report on religious persecution, to the rise of contemporary terrorism. As one traces radical Islam, for example, one arrives at the writings of one Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian who spent some of his younger years in America, and came away with his own vision of a country mired in sin and decadence. He would posit America as the image of everything he hoped to escape in promoting the agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Now, in all honesty, I must admit that over the years as I encountered all of the intriguing, even fascinating, ideas about America in the great cosmic scheme of things, I never got around to systematically gathering the different visions and trying to make sense of them in any detailed fashion. Thus, I have been more than happy to receive, and now with this modest introduction, pass along to my scholarly colleagues and the reading public the work of Christopher Buck.

During his years of observation and research, Buck has surveyed the spectrum of visions of America that have energized and motivated the America's religious community, and has selected from among them a sample that both (1) represents the spectrum of opinion about America and its importance, and (2) highlights the more important visions of America that have shaped and are continuing to shape the way we understand this country we call home. His work calls us to become self-conscious about the assumptions we use in our day-to-day movements that massage the ways we approach our neighbors, our colleagues at work, and the politicians for whom we vote.

Buck begins with the visions of America present at the founding of the nation, aspects of which still strongly permeate the culture today, and have found a new home among conservative Protestants in their innovative idea of Christian America. Amid the Protestant context, we often forget the role of the Roman Catholic Church, which became the largest religious body in America in the 1840s and is now three times larger than its nearest competitor. At the end of the nineteenth century, a controversy on Americanism would erupt around Catholic visions of their place in a changing world that would drive it from participation in the nation's public square for a half-century, and molded its reentrance after World War II.

And then there are all the other-than-Christian religions, from Ahmadiyya Muslims to Zoroastrians, all of which possess their its own vision of America that shapes their appropriation of life in the United States and guides their development as their place in the nation was challenged, then accepted, and most recently affirmed and even celebrated by the nation as a whole. We have watched as Buddhists have carved out a place as cultural peacemakers, Muslims have struggled with separation of religion and government, and Baha'is have tried to understand the communication of their founder, Baha'u'llah, with the presidents of the Americas collectively, and with 'Abdu'l-Baha's statements about the destiny of America in particular. All of this occurs in the ebb and flow of religious life. One day we envision the possible unity of America's religions only to be thrown up against the many harsh divisions, which motivates us once more to seek realms of agreement, which again highlights the array of issues that can drive wedges between those who accept the label "American" as part of their self-identity.

In conclusion, I can, as a scholar, reflect on the contribution that this book, Religious Myths and Visions of America: God and Apple Pie, is making to our understanding of the American mosaic and how various segments of the religious community have found their way to being American. As an informed citizen I welcome its information that allows me to empathize with and make informed decisions relative to those with whom I might align (or oppose) as I sally forth in the public square. And on a personal level, I welcome the author's invitation for me to meet anew the residents of my neighborhood, those who shop in the same stores I do, send their children to the same schools my grandchildren attend, and diligently work toward their own appropriation of the American dream.

J. Gordon Melton
Distinguished Professor of American Religious History
Baylor University

January 2015 — This text refers to the Hardcover edition.

How one-man Khomeini, created a radical Islamic dictatorship, the Bloody purges of thousands of Iranian people, the governmental structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the various governmental directorates, how officials are placed into power and removed, the matrix of Islamic Theocratic Totalitarian state of Tehran. Khomeini’s theocratic government principle of guardianship of the jurisprudent was kept hidden until after the 1979 Iranian Revolution.

«اينجانب در تجربه ملموس پنج ساله اخير خود در رويارويی با آن بخش از نظام که با آن سر و کار داشتم نه خدا را ديدم و نه قانون.» – هدی صابر در خطاب به رئیس قوه قضایی. از زمانی که نامه هدی صابر منتشر شد این موضوع در ذهن من از مساله زندان در ایران جدا نشد که او زندان جمهوری اسلامی را جایی معرفی کرده بود که در آن نه خدا هست نه قانون. همان زمان یادداشتی هم منتشر کردم با همین عنوان. نامه‌های صابر و دو همبند دیگرش رضا علیجانی و تقی رحمانی نامه‌های تکان‌دهنده‌ای بودند – شاید مهمترین نامه‌هایی که پیش از جنبش سبز منتشر شدند. آماده‌سازی نامه‌های زندانیان برای انتشار یکبار دیگر به من امکان داد که زندان را چنانکه هست از زبان ده‌ها زندانی سیاسی ایران بشناسم و در کنار این شناخت، درک تازه ای از قدرت در ایران پیدا کنم. در این درک تازه استمرار شیوه زندانبانی در ایران برای من تکان‌دهنده بود.
http://raahak.com/?p=11781
تازه ترین شواهد از جمله نامه ها و دفاعیه نیلوفر بیانی از محکومان بناحق در پرونده سازی برای کنشگران محیط زیستی هم مجموعه نامه های گردآمده در کتاب حاضر را تایید می کند:
https://www.bbc.com/persian/iran-features-51549394

The activities of the Shah’s secret police of «SAVAK» have raised much interest in the first decade of the 21st century. Many authors have published biased articles and superficial interpretations, as they had no access to archive materials and they had used only one-party information around the problem. These authors have failed to preserve moderate and unbiased approaches in their works.

This long essay is a critical appraisal of the political life of Mahmoud Sayrafizadeh spanning almost six decades who was the key founder of the Iranian Trotskyist movement in the United States in the early 1970s. The essay weaves together theoretical, political, and personal issues that help to understand Sayrafizadeh's political trajectory as well as political parties he helped lead.

Michel Foucault já se viu no centro de uma enorme controvérsia a respeito de sua relação com a Revolução Iraniana. Foi acusado de ertar com o obscurantismo e de ser condescendente com a teocracia dos aiatolás. A publicação de entrevistas do lósofo sobre o tema, inéditas em português, pode jogar luz sobre a questão. Francisco Corrêa discute a extensão e os detalhes dessa relação conturbada. Michel Foucault, O Enigma da Revolta: entrevistas inéditas sobre a Revolução Iraniana (n-1 editora, 2019).

This chapter draws on periodicals in Dari, Urdu, Arabic, and English published by various Afghan parties involved in the Jihad period of the 1980s. I challenge prevailing views that dismiss Afghan Islamic debates in response to the Soviet invasion as lacking in seriousness, intellectual vitality, originality, or even any engagement with the local context. Instead, I suggest that Afghans actors emphasized the international calling and the global significance of their military and political efforts. These were steeped much more in Shi'i imaginary and profoundly influenced by the Iranian Revolution than has been acknowledged so far. I also show how the experience of the Jihad gave rise to new conceptions of the individual, the family, and finally the nation. The time of struggle sharpened discussions about both the structure of the current, camp-based polities and the future political setup of a liberated Afghanistan.

وقتی در یازدهم اسفند ۱۳۵۳ (دوم مارس ۱۹۷۵میلادی) محمدرضا پهلوی در کاخ نیاوران به مخاطبان خود تولد یک حزب نوظهور را با عنوان رستاخیز نوید می‌داد، هیچ‌کس گمان نمی‌کرد که اپوزیسیون در فردای آن روز با یک تحریف کوچک اما بسیار اثرگذار و ماندگار یکی از موفق‌ترین نمونه‌های پروپاگاندای ضد پهلوی را در تخریب شخصیت شاه رقم بزند. در آن روز چه گذشت و شاه دقیقاً چه گفت؟

Due to Imam’s special attention to education sector and wise educational policies, literacy rate was dramatically improved and special opportunities were initiated at primary and higher educational levels. Iran accomplished great scientific and academic achievements under the wise leadership of Imam Khomeini and became the most literate country in the Middle-East and became a role model for the whole Muslim Ummah. Imam’s motto of education for all was seriously adopted and free education with great quality was provided in all well-developed or less developed parts of the country.

This article explores the engagement of the Pakistani Jamaʿat-i Islami (JI) with the Iranian Revolution. I argue that the Islamist JI was drawn to the events because it reflected a core concern and signature idea of Abu 'l-Aʿla Maududi, namely to establish the sovereignty of God (hakimiyya) on earth. My analysis of various travelogues and JI publications from the 1980s demonstrates that JI observers were deeply familiar with internal revolutionary dynamics and Iran's Shiʿi identity. The prospect of seeing a proper Islamic system in action, with potentially global consequences for their cause, initially crowded out any sectarian concerns for the JI. At the same time, certain JI leaders began to voice criticism of what they perceived as rash revolutionary policies that differed from Maududi's careful, irenic understanding of a proper Islamic revolution. They also took note of sectarian messages that damaged Iran's ecumenical outreach. It was, however, the more general geopolitical climate in the Middle East and South Asia which forced the JI to publicly downplay its ties with Iran. By the late 1980ss, being accused of harbouring affinities for the 'deviant Islam' of Shiʿism was a charge that had to be avoided at all costs in Pakistan and beyond.

A timeline of events immediately preceding the outbreak of the Iranian Revolution in 1978, the major events of the Revolution as it developed, and the early years of the Islamic Republic (until Khomeini's death).  An important fact that I discovered when researching this and putting it together in 2011 was how much of a part the politicized working class played in driving the Revolution and how similar the Khomeinists were in undercutting the working class gains to the Bolsheviks under Lenin were to the gains of the Soviet working class.

در بخش نخست این مقاله به زمینه‌های بازآفرینی و نیز فرض‌های محتمل در بروز شکلی از بدکرداری سیاسی پرداخته شد که می‌توان آنرا ماکیاولیسم خمینی‌مآب نامید. این پاره به بازاندیشی برخی از مفاهیم در اندیشه سیاسی ماکیاولی می‌پردازد و نمونه‌های بدفهمی و مسخ آنرا برمی‌سنجد و در پایان به اهمیت آفرینش یا تعمیق گونه‌ای ایمان‌ورزی به آرمان "خیر جمعی" و نیز بایستگی پاسداشت از واپسین گنجینه ایمانی ایرانیان اشاره می‌کند.

A number of studies have examined the role of the economically marginalized classes in the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the events which transpired in its immediate aftermath. It has been suggested that the mass mobilization of these classes, often referred to collectively as the mostazafin (downtrodden) in the official literature of the Islamic Republic, was instrumental in the success of the revolution and the subsequent establishment of the Islamic Republic under the leadership of Ruhollah Khomeini. The present paper contrasts Shi'i liberation theology and Shi'i Islamism as two distinct pro-mostazafin discourses that emerged in mid-and late-twentieth century Iran, and which facilitated the participation of the lower-and under-classes in the revolutionary movement. It argues that while it was developed originally by Shi'i liberation theologians, Islamist forces were able to successfully appropriate the pro-mostazafin discourse and gain the support of the economically marginalized classes in the crucial final phase of the revolution, and in doing so create an important social base for their political power.

This papers aims to analyse and deconstruct the various trigger points of the Iranian Revolution, using the basic principles of the Marxist Theory, which are:

1. Law of Unity & Struggle of Opposites
2. Material Dialectics
3. Law of Transformation from Quantitative to Qualitative

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