Heliand

The recent discovery of a new fragment of the Heliand (L), found at Leipzig in the binding of a volume, has aroused renewed interest in the Old Saxon poem. L (one sheet) contains lines 5823-5870 relevant to the most part of fit 69 and the beginning of the next one. This section of the Heliand was handed down so far only in the Cottonianus (C), as the Monacensis lacks the corresponding sheets. L contains also some readings, quite different from those of C, perhaps a proof that it retains a much older text than that of C. But the chief interest of L lies in the three vernacular glosses (written perhaps by the same hand of the main text), whose function was apparently to explain difficult or outdated words on the line.

This dissertation has as objective discusses the way and the paths that the establishment of the existent monarchic institution in the Latin Christianity transforms the Slavic societies of the X century. Since of that century, the kingdoms pass being organized from way to recreate his political life connecting his tribal past and local power so much with the need of having in the tenor of her intellectual life a vision that pproximates them of the rest of the Christiandom. The Slavic group that we analyzed to contemplate on that process is that one of the group of Polanos, which are inside of the circle of Piast dynasty hegemony. During the XII century, Bolesław III became the central person of the Piast dynasty, which comes since the period of the XI century suffering with internal and external problems of his position of legitimate power. This Slavic monarch has the position of being the first poles to use the cultural mechanisms to recover and to enlarge his condition of institutional superiority on the other internal and external groups of his political society in formation. The political culture developed for the king poles were built by a Provence monk that was denominated Gallus Anonymus. The Gesta principium Polonorum is the cultural object that brought inside of his content the lines of the changes and the permanencies that the monk idealizes for that community in the first quarter of the century XII. Based on a historical analysis of the text, we showed how the king's illustrations are developed with base in the writer's intellectual apparatus and in the needs that the society of his comitente presents. We indicated by this case that the concretudes of the social relationships are important for the reflections on the historical reasons of the phenomena.

Este trabalho pretende analisar a retórica de Einhard, enquanto o autor constrói diferentes ethos em sua obra Vita Karoli Magni. A análise é feita com foco no ethos de Carlos Magno, e como essa construção se aproxima e se distancia dos ethos de César constantes nos modelos utilizados por Einhard, Suetônio e Cícero. Neste estudo, enquanto se discute o ethos de Carlos Magno, também tangenciamos os demais ethos construídos, ainda que secundariamente, no texto. Para tanto, este trabalho inicia buscando entender como esses textos clássicos sobreviveram desde a antiguidade até o século VIII, e como influenciaram a retomada carolíngia das artes liberais, que ficou conhecida como renascimento carolíngio. A partir desta compreensão, buscamos conhecer os ethos, tanto do autor como do objeto, tendo como parâmetro a influência que os autores clássicos possam ou não ter tido na composição da obra.

In the Old Saxon Heliand, night is either black or dark. Though based mostly on the Bible's New Testament and gospels 1 , neither expression is found there: the closest is 1 Thessalonians 5.5 filii diei non sumus noctis neque tenebrarum "we are not of the night, nor of darkness" 2. Both BLACK NIGHT and DARK NIGHT are thus original creations by the Saxon author of Heliand, who, being a poet, must have been familiar with pre-Christian Germanic oral poetry. With swart < Gmc. *swartaz, 4998 an theru swartan naht "in that black night" is directly comparable to Old English, Beowulf 167 sweartum nihtum "in black nights", and-with different words for 'black', Greek μέλαινά… Νύξ, Latin atra nox, etc. 3 as well as Vedic verses where 'night' is implied, RV 1.113.2b kṛṣṇā́ "black (Night)", 3.15.3b kṛṣṇāśu "in the black (nights)". While swarta naht is attested only once, thiustri naht occurs five times and is thus clearly formulaic: 4630 thiustri naht (nominative), 4359, 5416 an thiustrea naht, 4911 an thiustrie naht, 4668 êr than thius thiustrie naht "before this dark night". The same word-Gmc. *þiustrija-< Proto-Gmc. *þimstrija-< IE *temhs-riyo-is used in Dutch popular poetry, for instance HoNl 249.10 de duyster nacht, 475 B 5 in den duuster nacht, while North Germanic prefers Gmc. *merkvu-< *merg w-u-: Norwegian, NFv CIV 5 myrkaste nott "the murkiest night", Danish, DgF 10 C 24 all den mørcke natt, 20 G 18 mørcke natt, 229 A 2,6 den mørcke natt and Swedish, SFv 16.2.13 i mörka natten, SFs 5 B 35 all then mörka natt, as well as Norse-but with gríma, a poetic word for 'night'-Anonymous Lausavísur, Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks 22 myrkvar grímur "dark nights" 4. The association of night with derivatives of *temh(s)-is phraseological 5 in many Indo-European poetic traditions, Indo-Iranian, Balto-Slavic, Celtic and Romance: AV 19.47.2c tamasvati rātri 1 a.o. Windisch 1868, Pakis 2010, Price 2011… 2 And in the Latin translation of the Old Testament, Proverbs 7.9 in noctis tenebris "in the darkness of night". 3 See Calin 2023 p. 110ff. Consider also popular riddles such as Norwegian, NFv CXXXI 40 "what kind of tree is that, whose foliage is white on one side and black (svart) on the other?" (solution: time, day and night (nott/natt)). In Vedic, darkness too is black: RV 10.127.7ab támaḥ kṛṣṇám, 9.66.24c, 10.89.2d kṛṣṇā́ támāṃsi. 4 And with dökkr < Gmc. *d a /unkwaz < *d h (o)ng w-o-, Sólarljóð 13 (variant) inar dökkvu naetr "these dark nights" and Kálfr Hallsson, Kátrínardrápa 22 á grímu dökkri "on a dark night"-comp. Hittite KUB xlviii 124 Ro. 10 /ispan/z… tankuis with the cognate epithet but another word for 'night', *k w spent -. 5 *témhos-and *nok w t-are often interchangeable: IE *mig h-... témhos-/nók w t-MIST + DARKNESS/NIGHT, see Calin 2017 p. 60, 2021 p. 252f, 2023 p. 34; Graeco-Aryan *dl̥ hg h ó-témhos-/nók w ts LONG DARKNESS/NIGHT, see Bodewitz 2002 and Calin 2017 p. 59. Semantically, compare Vedic (with *témhos-) and Greek (with *nok w t-): RV 5.32.4bd (about the demon Śúṣṇa) "him who wanders in darkness (tamogā́m)" and Euripides, Ion 717 "together with the Bacchantes who roam by night (νυκτιπόλοις)", fr. 472.11 "a servitor of night-ranging (νυκτιπόλου) Zagreus"; RV 7.104.1b "fell those who enjoy darkness (tamovṛdhaḥ)" and PGM IV 1795 (Eros) νυκτιχαρῆ (V) "who rejoices in the night".

Die Christenheit hatte vom Anfang ihrer Geschichte an, und sie hat, auch in ihrer säkularisierten Form, bis heute ein Problem mit den Juden und dem Judentum. Sie hat deshalb den Juden nicht nur Probleme gemacht. Sie hat ,die Juden‘ immer wieder kritisiert, diffamiert, ausgegrenzt, malträtiert und – gipfelnd im unauslöschlichen Makel des Holocaust – versucht, die störende Minderheit auszurotten.

Die nachträgliche Humanisierung eines Skandals-das kann Aufgabe der Theologie nicht sein. Dass dies insbesondere für den Skandal des Kreuzestodes Christi gilt, ergibt sich aus dem konflikthaften Wesen des Wortes vom Kreuz selbst. Insofern können denn auch die kritisch-polemischen Einsprüche von ihrer reflexionsreicheren Form bei F. Nietzsche bis hin zu ihrer reflexionsärmeren Version bei F. Buggle 1 als Erinnerung daran verstanden werden, dass eine eher zur Verharmlosung neigende neuzeitliche Theologie sich und ihrer Rechenschaftspflicht einen Bärendienst erweist. Anselm von Canterbury hat diesen Skandal bereits empfunden, als er das, was Gott in den Augen der Ungläubigen Schmach zufüge, nämlich seine Erniedrigung bis zum Tod am Kreuz, in seiner inneren Rationalität auch für Außenstehende zu demonstrieren suchte. 2 Nicht nachträgliche Humanisierung, sondern nachträglicher Notwendigkeitsaufweis dieser Erniedrigung ist das Ziel seiner Schrift »Cur deus homo«. Sie ist damit zu einem klassischen Text geworden, der viel diskutiert wurde-in der neueren Diskussion der evangelischen Dogmatik (und der biblischen Disziplinen) jedoch vorwiegend unter dem Aspekt einer negativen Abgrenzung und Profilierung. Der Preis dieses Notwendigkeitsaufweises scheint teuer: Ist er nicht erkauft durch eine fragwürdige Gotteskonzeption? Verschiebt er nicht in unzulässiger Weise das Problem der Kreuzeslehre auf die Gotteslehre, so dass, was zur Erhellung des Kreuzestodes beiträgt, zur Verdunklung Gottes 1 Im Blick auf Friedrich Nietzsche ist auf die bekannten Stellen in: F. NIETZSCHE, Der Antichrist, Nrn. 39 und 49, in: DERS., Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe, hg. v. Georgio COLLI und Mazzino MONTINARI, Bd. VI/3, Berlin 1969, 209 f. und 212 f. zu verweisen. Franz Buggle kritisiert nicht nur das archaisch-inhumane Gottesbild, das hinter dem Kreuzestod Jesu stehe und durch frühkindliche Indoktrination stabilisiert werde, sondern die modernen theologischen Versuche, »den Skandal des Kreuzestodes Jesu und seiner biblischen Interpretation auch gegenüber einem fortschrittlichen ethisch-humanen Standard akzeptierbar erscheinen zu lassen« (F. BUGGLE, Denn sie wissen nicht, was sie glauben. Oder warum man redlicherweise nicht mehr Christ sein kann.

A lenda de Robin Hood é uma herança da Idade Média aos séculos posteriores. Mas foi através do cinema que o herói tornou-se melhor conhecido pelas últimas gerações. Entre suas diversas versões cinematográficas, As Aventuras de Robin Hood, de 1938, permanece como a mais emblemática, visto ter fornecido um modelo contemporâneo do famoso fora-da-lei medieval, além de apresentar uma visão histórica do passado inglês a partir do antagonismo entre saxões e normandos. Nesse sentido, o artigo pretende comparar algumas representações cinematográficas com a historiografia, bem como situar o filme no contexto da época na qual foi realizado. Palavras-chave: História e cinema, Lenda de Robin Hood, Representações políticas e sociais.

The Heliand, written shortly after the conquest and conversion of the Saxons at the hands of Charlemagne, maintains a vexed place in the study of medieval European Christianity(ies). Some argue that the Heliand’s overarching intent was pastoral, meant to ease the fears and calm the rage of the defeated Saxons, while others posit that the Heliand reflects a “dissident gospel,” aimed at subverting the official theological outlook of the Carolingian empire. This study argues that while both theories capture something of the Heliand’s ingenious contextual impact, they underestimate one of its key themes: the role of wurd (fate) and its co-identification with the “power of God,” which drives Jesus to the cross and scaffolds his submission to the violence of the divine will. Thus, the Heliand presents compliant victimization as the proper “fate” of those who submit to God’s purposes, promising a heavenly reward and countermanding the Saxon ethos of resistance.

Este trabalho analisa as múltiplas formas pelas quais a cultura popular brasileira atualiza a herança épica medieval francesa. Ao chegar ao Novo Mundo através da História do Imperador Carlos Magno, a matéria carolíngia faz sucesso com todos os públicos. As vozes individuais e coletivas são prova disso: a oposição pagão-cristã estruturante permanece operante e significativa até hoje em conflitos políticos, eventos culturais, folclore afro-brasileiro, literatura de cordel e música popular. E se Carlos Magno e seus Doze Pares fossem de fato brasileiros?

The Heliand, written shortly after the conquest and conversion of the Saxons at the hands of Charlemagne, maintains a vexed place in the study of medieval European Christianity(ies). Some argue that the Heliand’s overarching intent was pastoral, meant to ease the fears and calm the rage of the defeated Saxons, while others posit that the Heliand reflects a “dissident gospel,” aimed at subverting the official theological outlook of the Carolingian empire. This study argues that while both theories capture something of the Heliand’s ingenious contextual impact, they underestimate one of its key themes: the role of wurd (fate) and its co-identification with the “power of God,” which drives Jesus to the cross and scaffolds his submission to the violence of the divine will. Thus, the Heliand presents compliant victimization as the proper “fate” of those who submit to God’s purposes, promising a heavenly reward and countermanding the Saxon ethos of resistance.

Location in space and time the North Sea coastal area - settlement history from Roman to early medieval times social relations among the Old Saxons jural relations among the Saxons before and after Christianization rural economy of the continental Saxons from the migration period to the tenth century the beginnings of urban economies among the Saxons Saxon art between interpretation and imitation - the influence of Roman, Scandinavian, Frankish and Christian art on the material of the continental Saxons AD 400-1000 three aspects of the Old Saxon biblical epic, &quot;The Heliand&quot; beyond satraps and ostriches - political and social structures of the Saxons in the early Carolingian period the conversion of the Old Saxons.

The Heliand is a rewriting of the Gospels in Old Saxon, reflecting daring efforts to not only convert pagans, edify catechumens and reinforce orthodox teachings, but also to present the Old Saxon vernacular as a language worthy of translating Scripture. A copy of the poem was in England by the second half of the tenth century, perhaps even earlier. In the single surviving copy from England, two incipits from a gospel lectionary were added in the margins near the time of writing, and they shed much light on how this poem was consulted and probably used for guidance on specific issues faced by a tenth-century English court. From its origin as a theological statement about the capabilities of vernacular languages in continuing Patristic traditions, the Heliand was later valued as a text that offered clarification on how to deal with hostile military and spiritual threats to Christian kingdoms.

Abstract: The words: disease, blood, body, sin and host constitute the accusatory narratives against the Jews, which are analyzed in this article. The relations between the cure, the consecrated host lead to an antagonism, which goes from corrupted and dissident bodies to the wine and bread which transubstantiates in to Blood and Body of Christ. If the Christian rites brings the soul’s and body’s cure and the sins’ forgiveness, the Jewish rites is responsible for the dissemination of sins, diseases, plagues and the corruption in allover Christianity. All Jewish communities in Europe thought of a supposed plan not only to profane the Crucifixion of Jesus’ memory to face the Christian faith, but also to promote the return to the Promised Land. These aspects will be analyzed on the books: Die geschicht und legend von dem seyligen kind und marterer genannt Symon and Geschichte des zu Trient ermordeten Christenkindes. Keywords : Diesease; Blood; Body; Sin; Host.

This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution. The Heliand, written shortly after the conquest and conversion of the Saxons at the hands
of Charlemagne, maintains a vexed place in the study of medieval European Christianity(ies). Some
argue that the Heliand’s overarching intent was pastoral, meant to ease the fears and calm the rage
of the defeated Saxons, while others posit that the Heliand reflects a “dissident gospel,” aimed at
subverting the official theological outlook of the Carolingian empire. This study argues that while
both theories capture something of the Heliand’s ingenious contextual impact, they underestimate
one of its key themes: the role of wurd (fate) and its co-identification with the “power of God,” which
drives Jesus to the cross and scaffolds his submission to the violence of the divine will. Thus, the
Heliand presents compliant victimization as the proper “fate” of those who submit to God’s purposes,
promising a heavenly reward and countermanding the Saxon ethos of resistance.

The ninth century Heliand is a poetic retelling of the New Testament in Old Saxon, written by an anonymous monk for the purpose of confirming the conversion his fellow Saxons to the new faith. This conversion had been forced upon them by the Frankish invaders. The author adepts the story of Jesus Christ to fit within the feudal Saxon society and precursory Nordic mythology. This contribution focuses on the Saxon rendering of the Lord’s Prayer as it is situated in the context of the Sermon on the Mount. Several key differences between the Saxon version and its biblical original are pointed out. These mirror and illustrate the attempt of the anonymous author to inculturate Jesus’ message. Finally, it is shown how, by some subtle phrases in the text of the Heliand, the poet of the Heliand is including his Saxon audience to fit themselves spiritually into the biblical story. Through the Heliand, Jesus seems to speak directly to its readers, thus stimulating a transformation of the reade...

as is the publication of every fascicle, but also for Old English lexicography what stock-market technical analysts call a "breakout" -a moment when a line of psychological importance is crossed. Although the boundary between the letters G and H is not with current alphabetization rules the halfway point in the Old English lexicon, 1 that boundary has a peculiar history in Old English lexicography, peculiar enough that crossing it has resonance for those of us who have been working in the field for any length of time.

The early medieval cult dedicated to the crucified Jesus exists between two formative periods in the history of Christianity:  late antiquity (ca. 200-600) and the later Middle Ages (ca. 1000-1300).  On either side of the chronological divide stands some of the best work in the field of gender and religion.  On the late ancient end, Jesus's gender fluctuates between heroic athlete and Roman sage, between sacred hermaphrodite and hapless victim of imperial might.  On the later side of the equation, Jesus's flesh goes on to have a history all of its own, metamorphosing into a religious system in which delighting in the savior's materiality—his blood, the openings into his body, and his sweet limbs—appears in the writings of the professional religious and the laity alike, thereby producing a strikingly sensory spirituality.  The multivalent Jesus of late antiquity, however, oddly transmutes in the historiographical record into the stable savior of a so-called "Dark Age," an era ostensibly known for narrowing Jesus's role to royal judge, apocalyptic divinity, or superhuman hero of an apostolic warrior band.  Christ, as it were, suppresses the humanity of Jesus, who must then wait for a second "incarnation" in the eleventh century.  As art historians have stressed, the Dark Age deity appears in illuminated manuscripts intensely disassociated from the flesh:  his eyes stare wide open at the viewer and do so without pain even at the moment of his torturous death. 

In this essay,  I take Jesus off of his Dark Age cross, which often serves as a distraction from his very human body, and interrogate that body within liturgical, spatial, ritual, visual, exegetical, and sensory contexts.  I  focus on Jesus's body in parts—the open eyes, the elongated torso, the extended hands, the punctured flesh.  The pivotal piece of this study will be the gender of Jesus within the complex and shifting religious worlds of the early medieval West, where the god of the Christians could materialize simultaneously as a cosmic tree, a thorny hill, a labyrinth drawn with a monastic compass, and a tortured nobleman.  Every bit as fluid as the gendered Jesus of the later Roman Empire and yet happily not as restricted in nature as the suffering savior of the Gothic era, Dark Age Jesus plays an elusive game of hide-and-seek with his spectators, fusing in his person both the human and the divine, the flesh and the spirit, the masculine and the feminine, and the Christian and the barbaric. Dark Age Jesus complicates longstanding teleological narratives about Jesus's march through history.  No longer can the early medieval era be understood simply as a temporary set-back to a larger, more important story in which intimacy with the human savior is the dispensation of a subsequent era.

Ein althochdeutsches Gedicht, das uns fragmentarisch in einer Handschrift aus der zweiten Hälfte des 9. Jahrhunderts überliefert wurde, ist von J. A. Schmeller erstmals im Jahre 1832 herausgegeben worden. 1 In dieser Edition benannte er dieses Gedicht, das von dem Schicksal der menschlichen Seele nach dem Tod handelt, nach dem immer noch ungeklärten Wort muspilli (im ahd. Text Dat. Sg. muspille) aus Vers 57. Das "Muspilli" ist wahrscheinlich das Werk, das in der althochdeutschen Forschung am meisten mit dem Begriff der Verzweiflung in Verbindung gebracht wird. Egal ob in Einleitungen oder Überschriften einzelner Forschungsbeiträge, wie zum Beispiel "Das >Muspilli< oder Über das Glück literaturwissenschaftlicher Verzweiflung" 2 oder in Äußerungen, wie der Steinmeyers, dass dieses Gedicht "das verzweifelste Stück der ahd. Literatur" 3 sei. Einmal mehr, einmal weniger, lässt sich diese Tendenz zum Verzweifeln finden, was auf den ersten Blick nicht gerade dazu beiträgt, sich mit diesem Gedicht beschäftigen zu wollen. Diese Verzweiflung rührt daher, dass während der langen Forschungsgeschichte des "Muspilli" viele problematische Aspekte aufgezeigt worden sind, für die es zwar zahlreiche Lösungsvorschläge gibt, die jedoch oftmals nie endgültig gelöst werden konnten. Diese Forschungsproblematiken reichen von der Etymologie des einzelnen Wortes muspilli, über die möglichen Quellen, bis hin zu der Überlegung, ob es sich bei dem überlieferten Gedicht überhaupt um einen einheitlichen Text handelt. Damit sind nur einige Aspekte kurz angeführt. Mit Verzweiflung in diese Arbeit zu starten, wäre jedoch nicht der richtige Weg.

Rebooting the Gospel for a Germanic audience -The case of Heliand.

Charlemagne’s wars against, and forced Christianization of, the Saxons at the end of the 8th century was a long and bloody affair. One of its legacies is Heliand the Saxon Gospel, a retelling of the life of Christ reimagined in a Saxon context and written in the Saxon language and the alliterative style of a Germanic epic poem. Written by a monk in the early 9th century with the purpose of making the Gospel understandable for the new Saxon converts it is a remarkable document showing us how the change in religions was facilitated and what parts of the Gospel the 9th century Saxons found puzzling as well as familiar.   
  Heliand is also contemporary with Ansgar, the Apostle of the North, and produced in the very same monastic environment from which he set out on his mission to the Swedes. The version of the Gospel conveyed in the Heliand is therefor very likely the same Gospel that was introduced to them.
  This paper is a structural analysis of the Heliand, from the viewpoint of the Journey of Civilization, the ideal transformative journey of a Germanic hero. The structural analysis shows how the 9th century author of Heliand effortlessly transformed Odin into Christ and Christ into a Germanic Hero. Moreover, through the construction of this poem the author gives us a unique glimpse of the Christianization process in the Viking Age.

Carlos Magno (742-814) sucede no trono depois da morte do seu irmão rival, Carlomano, em 771, tornando-se responsável pela concepção dos padrões governativos e culturais que dominaram toda a Europa durante vários séculos, de que foi exemplo o seu império.

O texto apresenta uma discussão predominantemente bibliográfica apresentada durante o 5º Simpósio Internacional de Ensino de História, tratando principalmente do fenômeno da legitimidade do poder e sua formação histórica com base nas mudanças políticas até a ascensão do Império Carolíngio sob a figura da dinastia carolíngia

The aim of this paper is to study what was the Catholic Church role in the unification and stability of the Carolingian Empire and how this institution created the basis of Medieval France, the most prosperous and western part of Charlemagne's reign.

KEY WORDS: Catholic Church; Pope Leo III; Charlemagne; Carolingian Reinassance

This paper aims to analyze the book Vita Karoli Magni, written by Einhard at the beginning of the 19th Century. Einhard was friends with Charlemagne and wrote the king's biography to be a Vita in the same style of Suetonius's The Twelve Ceasars (De vita Caesarum). In Vita Karoli the author approaches the relationship between Charlemagne and the women in his life: his mother Bertrada, his daughters, wives, and concubines. The main focus of this paper is on how these women are portrayed by the author, the place they occupied in the imaginary of that time period, and how we can read Einhard's approach on them. I will also attempt to understand these women's social status, the role they played in Charlemagne's life, as well as their ways of influencing the king and the kingdom's politics.

This chapter argues for the benefits of comparative linguistic analysis between Old English and Old Saxon, on the basis that the two languages derive from Proto-Germanic, and considering the influence of Anglo-Saxon missionaries in the conversion of early medieval Saxony to Frankish Christianity. I will argue against conventional translations of the Old Saxon geruni as a synonym for the related Old Saxon runa meaning "mystery" or "secret." Rather, I will suggest geruni in the Heliand constitutes something more explicitly spiritual. Based on the lexicographical evidence offered by Latin glosses of the Old English geryne, this chapter will reinterpret the semantics of the Old Saxon geruni, and consider how the narrative contexts, in which the word appears in the Heliand, suggests an affinity between these cognates.

Estudo acerca das representações em torno da sagração de Henrique V de Lancaster, numa ampla construção de
memória produzida no século XV em crônicas após a morte do rei. Para tanto busca-se analisar as lendas e mitos que
cercaram o ritual de coroação régia, num contexto de afirmação da dinastia Lancaster pós-Guerra dos Cem Anos e início
da Guerra das Duas Rosas, assim como afirmação de um projeto de Reino no final da Idade Média.

This study addresses the Old Saxon Heliand's expanded version of the "Massacre of the Innocents" narrative in light of contemporary Germanic infanticide practices. It is well established that one of the primary purposes of the Heliand, a vernacular adaptation of the Gospel that refigures Jesus as a Germanic king, was to draw the newly converted Saxons away from indigenous practices that conflicted with Christian beliefs. I argue that the Heliand's brutal descriptions of the Massacre's violence and its pathos-laden accounts of the mothers' sorrow at the loss of their children served as a way to condemn the Saxons' practice of killing unwanted children through abandonment or exposure, as well as a means to acknowledge the trauma that victims of the practice undoubtedly experienced. Particular attention is paid to the lexical choices the poet makes while describing Herod's soldiers, the slain children, and the sorrowful mothers.

Brathair 17 (1), 2017 - ISSN 1519-9053
O presente ensaio pretende apresentar de forma sintética alguns dos principais elementos da lógica beligerante monástica no ocidente medieval. Tomando o combate às influências corporais como uma das marcas principais desta forma de ascetismo cristão, pretende-se abordar a questão da morte do corpo em sua dimensão cultural. Para tanto, o ensaio centra-se em um estudo de caso preciso: os monges-eremitas da Grande Cartuxa na primeira metade do século XII. Primeiramente será abordada a constituição do pensamento belicista e espiritual do mais importante prior cartuxo da época, Guigo I o. Em seguida, ainda centrando-se neste autor, o ensaio procurará traçar como os religiosos pretendiam, na prática, resistir aos ataques maléficos da carne em dois momentos capitais: a doença e a morte. Ao final, espera-se ter demonstrado, de maneira geral, o papel da lógica espiritual para o estudo do " matar e morrer na Idade Média " e de modo mais específico, o modo como os primeiros cartuxos estruturaram sua vocação religiosa entre " correr e fugir ou ficar e lutar " , marca de sua forma de guerra espiritual e de sua gestão da morte.

Abstract: The present essay intends to summarize some of the main elements of the monastic belligerent logic in the medieval West. Taking the fight against bodily influences as one of the main marks of this form of Christian asceticism, the question of the death of the body in its cultural dimension will be addressed. In that sense, the essay focuses on a precise case study: the hermit monks of the Grande Chartreuse during the first half of the twelfth century. Firstly, the constitution of the warmonger and spiritual thought of the most important Carthusian prior of the time, Guigo I, will be studied. Then, still focusing on this author, the essay will seek to trace how that religious man intended to take actions against the evil attacks of the flesh at two capital life moments of the monks: sickness and death. In the end, we hope to have demonstrated (in a general sense) the role of the spiritual logic for the study of "killing and dying in the Middle Ages" and, more specifically, the way in which the first Carthusians ordered their vocation between "flee and escape or stay and fight", one of the main characteristics of their form of spiritual warfare and death management.

At the beginning of fitt XIX of the Heliand one of the disciples asks Christ to teach
them how to pray to the Lord in the Heavens; in the following verses the poet adds
a rendering of the Pater noster according to Matthew’s Gospel. Instead of his usual
flourishing and elaborate style, the poet displays here a simpler and more sober poetic
diction; at the same time the text of the prayer shows some meaningful additions
and original wordings, which diverge noticeably from the Latin model. The most
remarkable variations can be found in the second part of the prayer, from the fourth
petition onwards, in which complex religious notions occur. The aim of this paper is
to investigate these aspects of the Old Saxon translation and also to question, on the
basis of some established readings of the Lord’s Prayer in Old Saxon, the occasionally
misused theory of the so-called ‘Germanization’ of the Gospel.

Este trabalho pretende realizar uma análise da obra de Einhard, Vida de Carlos Magno(VITA KAROLI MAGNI). Einhard (ca. 770-840) - também conhecido como Eginhard - era filho de nobres francos e havia iniciado seus estudos ainda bem jovem no mosteiro de Fulda, de onde foi enviado posteriormente para a Corte de Carlos Magno. Lá, além de completar seus estudos, foi incorporado à Corte como conselheiro e servidor do rei, que descreve na sua biografia. Nessa obra - a mais conhecida produção de Einhard - o autor faz um elogio à vida de seu rei modelo, além de manifestar críticas veladas ao filho e sucessor de Carlos, Luis, o piedoso. Buscamos através da análise desta obra - utilizando elementos da retórica, em especial do gênero epidítico - compreender como Einhard apresenta o relacionamento de Carlos Magno com temas fundamentais para a época, como a igreja, a guerra e a família. Onde podemos constatar, previamente, que ele, segundo Einhard, era um líder fabuloso, cristão exemplar – inclusive exercendo certa liderança na igreja – e um pai zeloso. Levando seu leitor a crer que Carlos Magno era quase um santo.

ABSTRACT: Gottschalk of Orbais raised a predestinarian debate in the middle of the 9th century, in rather turbulent times that befell the Frankish realm. It would be important to demonstrate the aspects of the Carolingian client-lord relation on case of Gottschalk, since he sought protection of powerful and renowned magnates, such as Eberhard of Friuli. Eberhard, on the other hand, might have had direct or indirect contacts with Alfred the Great. It would be interesting to try to depict the intellectual climate of those years and themes possibly linking the three great minds of the epoch.

KEY-WORDS: The 9th century, Gottschalk of Orbais, Eberhard of Friuli, Alfred the Great, Francia, Italy, patronage in the Carolingian epoch, intellectual bonds.