Gamla

Over the past fifty years, archaeological excavations in Israel have unearthed about half a dozen ancient synagogues that were in use at different points in time between the first century BCE through the outbreak of the Bar-Kochba rebellion early in the second century of the Common Era.  In close proximity to each of these synagogues, a mikveh (ritual bath) has been discovered.  In contrast, no mikvaot have been discovered adjacent to any of the dozens of later synagogues that have been excavated and studied, with only one or two possible exceptions. 
At this point it is impossible to determine exactly when mikvaot ceased to be built in connection with synagogues, as the archaeological record reports very little about synagogues of the late second - early third century CE.  From an archaeological perspective, it is clear that at least from the second half of the third century, synagogues began to be built without regard for proximity to mikvaot.
Talmudic sources make no mention of a requirement to build mikvaot adjacent to synagogues. To date, no satisfactory explanation has been given for the evident connection between the synagogue and the mikveh in the early period, and the disappearance of such a connection in later periods of synagogue history. The objective of this paper is to present and explore a possible interpretation of this puzzling phenomenon.
  During the Second Temple and Mishnaic Periods, a rabbinical enactment was in effect requiring mikveh ablutions prior to engagement in Torah study and prayer for individuals who had experienced seminal emission. Careful study of the Talmudic sources reveals that this enactment was nullified early in the Amoraic Period, sometime during the second quarter of the third century CE.
It would appear that the mikvaot built adjacent to the earlier synagogues were intended for this precise function, serving visitors to the synagogue who required ritual ablutions prior to Torah study and prayer.  Once the rabbinical enactment regarding these ablutions was nullified, there was no longer need for such mikvaot, and hence the absence of mikvaot in proximity to the later synagogues.

The Jewish revolt against Rome in 67 C.E. has been variously characterized as a spontaneous reaction to political/economic oppression, a messianic holy war, or as some combination of the two. 1 In part, the diversity of opinions can be attributed to the methodological approaches of the investigators, but a greater portion of the controversy is due to the frustrating scarcity of data and the nature of the early witnesses to the Revolt. With the exception of Josephus's writings (and perhaps the Megillat Ta`anit, or "Scroll of Fasting"), no texts have survived that can be attributed to the participants in the Great Revolt

In diesem Artikel werden zunächst die Gruppenbezeichnungen sowie die inhaltlichen Hinweise zum Zelotentum innerhalb der Schriften des Flavius Josephus untersucht. Die hieraus gewonnenen Grundmuster dieser gewaltsam-revolutionären Strömung werden dann auf latente, grundsätzlich nur schwach erkennbare Andeutungen innerhalb der neutestamentlichen Schriften angewandt und eine entsprechende zelotische „Atmosphäre“ der jeweiligen Situation hervorgehoben. Abschließend werden Schnittmengen sowie Gegensätze zwischen den zelotischen Anklängen und der neutestamentlich-christlichen Geisteshaltung herausgestellt.

It is not often that the three disciplines of archaeology, ancient history and epigraphy come together to illuminate a particular event.  But this is precisely what happens in the case of Masada.  The desert fortress built by Herod the Great is still surrounded by the remains of Roman siegeworks built at the end of Rome’s first Jewish War. And, while Josephus provides the historical narrative, a detailed military career inscription brings Masada’s Roman captor to life.

Ritual baths (miqwa’ot) built adjacent to winepresses and olive-presses have been unearthed at about twenty sites dating to the Second Temple period, most of them in Judea and the environs of Jerusalem. While much has been written in recent years on the form and function of ancient ritual baths in general, little scholarly attention has been paid to miqwa’ot found in agricultural contexts.
The presence of these miqwa’ot suggests that the ritual purity of the wine and olive oil processed in these installations was of particular importance. The fact that these ritual baths were situated adjacent to winepresses and olive-presses suggests that agricultural laborers made use of these miqwa’ot immediately prior to commencing work in these installations, a practice which accords with the Pharisaic concept of tevul yom. These finds thus provide rare archaeological evidence for the observance of ritual purity laws based on the Pharisaic system of halakhah.

The article focuses on the author's research on the chronographical background of the Zodiac Mosaic Calendar in Synagogue at Hammath-Tiberias. He researched to find the origin of mosaic decoration, the twelve zodiac sign, the four seasons, and Helios, which was found in synagogues in two parts of Palestine, Galilee and Judah. The chronograph of the mosaic art was extensively debated. The author further studied the history of Palestine Jews in the 4th century. Most of the work was done during the period of Hillel II.
The author concludes that the mosaic from the Stratum IIa synagogue with the Zodiac Calendar was executed in the time of Hillel II, who said to have died around 365 CE. He proposes the new date of the execution of the Zodiac Mosaic from Hammat-Tiberia (Stratum IIa) after the earthquake in 363, that is, in 364 or 365.

Almost throughout its development and duration, the Jewish revolt was approached by the Roman administration with an attitude completely opposed to that generally witnessed in the subjugation of other provincial revolts. Various aspects of this different Roman treatment of the Jews – whether in Judea and Galilee or in Diaspora communities – have been noticed and analyzed by scholars. But there is a twofold risk in over-emphasizing only the differences; if we neglect to notice that the case of the Jews did not exist in complete isolation in the Roman world, we are liable to come to extreme conclusions regarding Jewish uniqueness on the one hand, and Roman innovation on the other. In fact, the relevant Roman actions can hardly be considered as unprecedented, if we only shift our perspective – as the Roman government must have done – to regard the rebelling Jews as foreign enemies of the Roman empire. Cestius Gallus, Syria’s governor, came to Jerusalem in 66 to subjugate the revolt in its early stages, and was humiliatingly defeated by the rebels. After this event, the long and generally friendly relationship of Rome with the Jews was put on a hold, as were all prospects for a prompt renewal of mutual trust in the region. Instead, the next campaign was prepared, executed, and later commemorated in the same manner as, for example, the invasion of Britain in 43. Most measures turned against the rebelling population stemmed naturally from Rome’s habitual policy in the case of foreign wars, and not from invention in the face of some perceived exceptionality in Judaism or the Jews.

A leg of the body louse, Pediculus humanus humanus L. (Phthiraptera: Pediculidae), was found in a storeroom at Masada build during the reign of King Herod the Great. The unearthed culture material clearly indicates that the room was occupied by the rebels during the Þrst Jewish revolt against the Romans (AD 66 Ð73/4). The context of the textiles associated with the louse and their nature suggest a rebel origin. An exuvium of a leg of the third nymphal stage of body louse was found. The Þrst three parts of the leg (tarsus, including the tarsal claw, tibia and femur) were preserved entirely, while the fourth segment of the leg, the trochanter, was only partially conserved. The comparison of the tarsus of this specimen with the legs of present day third instar nymphs of body and head lice revealed that the leg found within the archaeological debris belongs to a body louse.

La prima guerra giudaica coinvolse l'Impero Romano fra il 66 e il 70 d.C., durante l'impero di Nerone. La rivolta si scatenò nel 66 a Cesarea, dapprima per dissapori religiosi fra la comunità greca e quella giudaica in Palestina, crescendo a causa della protesta contro le tasse, finendo per prendere di mira i cittadini Romani. il presente contributo narra in modo didattico l'assedio della fortezza di Masada da parte delle forze romane.

This chapter offers a new perspective for the study of
a unique group of bronze coins found at Gamla. As the
only known Jewish currency from the Jewish War to
have been struck outside Jerusalem, the coins provide
a rare insight into the conditions and motivations of
the Jewish rebels in the Golan, independent of the
testimony of Josephus. The motif and inscription that
appear on the coins support the notion of religiousideological
convictions being the primary cause for the
revolt. Yet, the actual circumstances in which the coins
were minted remain obscure. Based on an examination
of the events in Galilee and Golan between January
and September 67 CE, this study challenges the
accepted dating of the coins to the one-month period of
Vespasian’s siege, and proposes instead an association
with the earlier, longer and unresolved blockade of
Gamla by the Herodian ruler Agrippa II.

This article takes a material and comparative approach to the Qumran collection. Distinctive features set the Qumran manuscripts apart from other Judaean Desert collections, suggesting a scholarly, school-like collection of predominantly literary texts. The few literary texts from other Judaean Desert sites reflect the valuable copies owned by wealthy individuals or families and are illustrative of the spread of these texts within various strata of ancient Jewish society. The historical context of most manuscript depositions in the Judaean Desert is characterized by violence and conflict, and such a context probably also typified the deposition of the Qumran manuscripts. In contrast to at least some of the other Judaean Desert sites where refugees hid with their manuscripts, the deposition evidence at Qumran may suggest an anticipation of such violence. The movement behind the Dead Sea Scrolls can be characterized as a textual community, reflecting a milieu of Jewish intellectuals who were engaged on various levels with their ancestral traditions. The collection of texts attracted people and shaped their thinking, while at the same time people shaped the collection, producing and gathering more texts. In this sense, the site of Qumran and its surrounding caves functioned like a storehouse for scrolls.

In 66 AD the Jews of Judea rebelled against Roman rule, thus beginning the socalled
the First Jewish–Roman War or Great Jewish Revolt. The rebels, who became strong in
Jerusalem and in the main cities of Palestine with a Jewish majority, minted during the scarce 5 years
the conflict lasted‚ silver and bronze coins with a monetary standard similar to that of the Tyrian
shekel. The types of the coins were related to the Temple of Jerusalem‚ its worship and the Jewish
festivals‚ while the legends gave the values of the coins, the dates of minting and proclaimed the
religio-nationalist hopes of the rebels.

Intensive concern for the proper observance of the Levitical purity laws was characteristic of various Jewish groups living in Judea during the late Second Temple period. The purity laws, concentrated in the Priestly Code (mostly in Lev 11–15 and Num 19), describe numerous sources of ritual impurity (e.g. dead swarming creatures, male and female genital discharges, human corpses etc.), venues whereby impurity is transferred from one object or person to another, and methods for purifying people, clothing and vessels that have become impure. Rigorous interest in the Levitical purity laws is evidenced in the literature of the period, including the Biblical apocrypha and pseudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, the New Testament, and the works of Josephus Flavius. Continued interest in ritual purity law, at least within the rabbinic academy, is evidenced by the copious early rabbinic literature devoted to the topic; these laws are the focus of an entire order of the Mishnah and Tosefta (Ṭeharot; lit., “Purities”), and are the topic of many rabbinic pericopes interspersed throughout the Talmudic literature of the Roman and Early Byzantine periods.

Of late, the literary sources have been supplemented by a plethora of archaeological finds which provide evidence for the centrality of ritual purity observance in the daily lives of Jews in Judea during the Roman period. Chief amongst these finds are stepped water installations which served as ritual baths (miqwāʾôt) for the purificatory immersion of ritually impure people, clothing and vessels. Another important archaeological phenomenon which indicates observance of ritual purity laws is the widespread use of chalkstone vessels, as stone was regarded to be a material impervious to ritual impurity. Additionally, a marked absence of imported pottery at most Jewish sites throughout the Early Roman period has been explained by numerous scholars as a reflection of concern over the ritual impurity of ceramic vessels produced outside the borders of the Land of Israel.

The incomplete phrase ] פרשנו מרוב הע [ from 4QMMT is often read as פרשנו מרוב העם . Translated as “we have separated ourselves from the multitude/majority of the people,” this line stands at the heart of many discussions concerning the composition of 4QMMT and is allegedly the Qumran community’s
self-perception of their relationship with the other Jewish fractions, specifically referring to their schism with the rest of the nation.
Based on a philological study of the components of this line I propose the following alternative reading: פרשנו מרוב הע[מים [. I argue that considering the intertextual relationships between 4QMMT with the relevant passages from Deuteronomy and Ezra, and examining the uses of the root פרש in the relevant contexts in the Targumin and in rabbinic texts that this alternative
reading should be the default one, or at least as plausible as the common one. Consequently, I examine how this reading should influence our understanding of the nature of 4QMMT.

Archaeology reveals that Jews at Masada and Gamla were besieged by Roman troops during the mid-first century C.E. If we only had archaeology, what would we conclude about these two sieges? Does archaeology have anything to tell us about what actually took place during these two battles? For students of the First Revolt, the central question is whether the archaeological evidence supports Josephus' accounts of noble death at Masada and Gamla? This chapter looks into this issue by first summarizing Josephus' accounts of each battle before reviewing the results of the archaeological excavations. It focuses on what archaeology alone tells us about the sieges of Masada and Gamla. The chapter then compares this evidence with Josephus' War to see if the material culture derived from archaeology supports his narrative. Finally, some comments on Josephus' use of noble death as a theme in the War are provided.

http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/books/10.1163/ej.9789004150089.i-471.117

Over the years, tone sequencers have been used extensively in devices ranging from alarm systems, sirens and even toys. The circuitry of the tone sequencers used are often bogus and cumbersome to implement. However, with the use of integrated circuit chips, we have demonstrated that irrespective of the number of tones needed, tone sequencers can be easily built at little cost. The sequencer was built with basically seven ICs : a 4017 Johnson counter and six 555 timer ICs, one in monostable mode and the others in astable mode with four of them serving as tone generators. The system clock is set for low frequency well spaced in order to clearly distinguish the individual notes. This device can easily be extended to include many distinct tones and can be applied in any type of alarm system (be it fire, house, vehicle alarm), siren and toys etc.

Is it possible that Jesus' boyhood hometown was in the rediscovered city of Gamla, just 5 miles east of the Sea of Galilee?  Forensic technologist and Certified Fraud Examiner (CFE) begins to make his case by gathering some initial evidence.

Kislev and Simchoni 162-164 ‫ראו‬ ‫המזיקים,‬ ‫מיעוט‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫ראלי.‬ ‫בסיס‬ ‫לו‬ ‫להיות‬ ‫עשוי‬ ‫זאת‬ ‫שבכל‬ ‫אפשר‬ ‫הרי‬ ‫הזה,‬ ‫בדיווח‬ ‫מצויה‬ ‫גוזמה‬ ‫מעט‬ ‫של‬ ‫עדותו‬ ‫במצודה.‬ ‫שהחזיק‬ ‫רומי‬ ‫מצב‬ ‫חיל‬ ‫מידי‬ ‫מצדה‬ ‫נכבשה‬ ‫לסה"נ‬ 66 ‫בשנת‬ ‫רומיים‬ ‫צבאיים‬ ‫ומוצבים‬ ‫שבסיסים‬ ‫מלמדת‬ ‫בבריטניה‬ ‫הרומי‬ ‫לצבא‬ ‫באשר‬ ‫טקיטוס‬ Tacitus,( ‫שלמה‬ ‫שנה‬ ‫של‬ ‫זמן‬ ‫לפרק‬ ‫להספיק‬ ‫היה‬ ‫שעשוי‬ ‫אספקה‬ ‫מלאי‬ ‫להחזיק‬ ‫נהגו‬ ‫במחסני‬ ‫לטיניות‬ ‫כתובות‬ ‫נושאי‬ ‫קנקנים‬ ‫של‬ ‫שמציאתם‬ ‫ייתכן‬ .)Agricola 22.2-3 ‫הנראה‬ ‫ככל‬ ‫במקום‬ ‫שהוצבה‬ ‫הרומית‬ ‫היחידה‬ ‫באספקת‬ ‫שמקורם‬ ‫במצדה,‬ ‫המלך‬ ‫לאפשרות‬ ‫חיזוק‬ ‫הורדוס.‬ ‫למלך‬ ‫המורדים‬ ‫בידי‬ ‫בטעות‬ ‫יוחסו‬ ‫לסה"נ,‬ 6 ‫בשנת‬ ‫כבר‬ ‫לאחרונה‬ ‫שיוחסה‬ ‫ממצדה,‬ ‫יין‬ ‫אמפורת‬ ‫של‬ )titulus pictus( ‫בתווית‬ ‫למצוא‬ ‫ניתן‬ ‫זו‬ ‫ששהה‬ ‫המצב‬ ‫לחיל‬ ‫לשייכה‬ ‫ראוי‬ ‫ושלדעתי‬ )Rea, 1999( ‫הראשון‬ ‫המרד‬ ‫לימי‬ ‫שם).‬ 9 ‫הערה‬ ‫וכן‬ ,Stiebel,