GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

This book presents texts of T.G.Masaryk from 1907-1910, meaning articles, interviews, disputations, brochures, printed speeches, reviews, declarations, or lectures from this period. Masaryk's publication activities were fundamentally affected by his double political candidacy and multiple affairs he took actively a role in, especially Wahrmund´s affair of 1908. Masaryk took on the role of an intellectual defender of the suspended religious law professor. But his international acclaim came only during his engagement in the so-called Zagreb and Friedjungs process. On one hand, this was beneficial for his public renown of an uncompromising defender and advocate of truth, on the other hand, his attitude discredited him in the eyes of the state establishment and caused him difficulties in the future. As it turned up later, some of the discrepancies were already so severe that they couldn´t have been overlooked anymore.

This research attempts to examine the political participation of social media users particularly of Facebook and Twitter during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. The data collection was performed through survey with accidental sampling methods. Samples were taken from population of undergraduate students of political and social sciences faculty at five universities in Yogyakarta namely UGM, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, UMY, UNY and UPN "Veteran" Yogyakarta. Using statistic descriptive, this research conceptualizes the political participation of social media users while the relations of social media and political participation is analyzed through OLS Regression. The findings indicated that the level of political participation of the social media users during the election was categorized as good. However, the facilities offered by the two social media applications were not maximally used to supporting political participation activities. On the other hand, the result OLS regression shows that there were positive and significant correlations and influences of social media towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the percentage was small.

The growing use of social media in social interaction has changed the mode of political campaign in the Philippines. It allowed a more aggressive citizen's participation in politics in a more efficient and asynchronous mode. This research sought to determine the influences of social media in the presidential preferences of netizens during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in the Philippines. It also looked into the pattern of the preferences of respondents among the five presidential candidates for the 2016 presidential election.This research used Media Ecology Theory by Marshall McLuhan and Uses and Gratification Theory by Herbert Blumer as discursive approaches to understand the behaviour of social media users during the 2016 presidential campaign. Descriptive and qualitative analyses were used. Data gathering was through online questionnaire by using snowball sampling. A total of 289 respondents participated out of 1210 visitors of the link used by the researchers. The data gathering started on February 9, 2016, the start of the presidential campaign period and ended on March 27, 2016 or a total of 47 days. The timeline for data gathering was constrained by the time limit that was set for this study. The results show that social media has no strong influence in the preferences of respondents with only 44% of the respondents saying that their presidential preferences were influenced by social media. However, 75.6% of the respondents indicated that social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign because it is an efficient media in communicating vital campaign information. The pattern of the preferences of respondents shows strong resemblance to some mock polls conducted by other groups in the Philippines during the campaign period. It is recommended to continue exploring the relevance of social media as a political tool for effective communication in politics and governance.

Reading Guidelines for Students:  These materials should be read in connection with earlier lectures  These reading approach requires; reading as a story, followed by studying (reading and note making), THEN without reference (closed book) try to write what you understand after a 30 minutes break  Reading should require reference to other scholarly materials in Library  Take note of recommended references below here and in course outline already shared  Make yourself reflective questions or get your revision partner to test your understanding  Make efforts to APPLY knowledge learnt in different contexts of politics. ACKNOWLEDGMENT: As a good academic practice, I highly acknowledge persons whose work(s) have been used directly and or indirectly through download or made referenced to while enriching this lecture package. Accept our common goal to further knowledge as the reason for our writing and this gesture alike.

*A2 level. Mark: 37/45 (A*) standard*

This was a prep essay achieved a similar score. This was also a user-friendly version where main arguments were highlighted before each paragraph. A similar essay question to this one ('The Supreme Court has become too powerful.' Discuss.') appeared on the 2018 Edexcel modular (pre-reform) Government and Politics 4C paper, where I obtained 37/45 in the real exam (A* standard).

UPDATE: A MISTAKE I SPOTTED - THROUGHOUT​ US HISTORY HERE HAS ONLY BEEN 1 SUPREME COURT JUSTICE THAT WAS TRIALED BUT NOT CONVICTED! Pardon me :(

Well over a decade has passed since the dramatic 'People Power Revolution' in Manila, yet until now no book-length study has emerged to examine the manifold changes underway in the Philippines in the post-Marcos era. This book fills that gap. Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century offers historical depth and sophisticated theoretical insight into contemporary life in the archipelago. Organised as a set of interrelated thematic essays rather than a chronological account, the book addresses key topics which will be of interest to the academic and non-academic reader, such as trends in national-level and local politics, the role of ethnic-Chinese capital in the Philippine economy, nationalism and popular culture, and various forms of political violence and extra-electoral contestation. Drawing on a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, as well as over a decade of research and work in the area, Hedman and Sidel provide an invaluable overview of the contemporary and historical scene of a much misunderstood part of Southeast Asia. This book fills an important gap in the literature for readers interested in understanding the Philippines as well as students of Asian studies, comparative politics, political economy and cultural studies.

Ejercicios académicos relacionados con la Administración Pública Federal mexicana.
Ley Orgánica de la Administración Pública Federal
Reforma de las instituciones públicas en México
El gobierno mexicano
Paraestatales
10 diferencias entre DF y CDMX
Gobernanza

This research attempts to examine the political participation of social media users particularly of Facebook and Twitter during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. The data collection was performed through survey with accidental sampling methods. Samples were taken from population of undergraduate students of political and social sciences faculty at five universities in Yogyakarta namely UGM, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, UMY, UNY and UPN "Veteran" Yogyakarta. Using statistic descriptive, this research conceptualizes the political participation of social media users while the relations of social media and political participation is analyzed through OLS Regression. The findings indicated that the level of political participation of the social media users during the election was categorized as good. However, the facilities offered by the two social media applications were not maximally used to supporting political participation activities. On the other hand, the result OLS regression shows that there were positive and significant correlations and influences of social media towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the percentage was small.

A country's government is the political structure that governs and regulates a country or community; it is also the collection of individuals that control and make decisions for a country, state, or community. Thus, proper governance with great citizens can create a better country. However, the big concern here is: What if the country is facing poor governance? And why do people enter politics for their personal benefit rather than the welfare of the majority? They observe the misery of the country's population, yet why do officials appear deafeningly deaf?

Demand made under O.C.G.A. 50-18-70 thru 50-18-77 for electronic recordings of areas accessible to The Public, made at the DeKalb County Georgia Adams Juvenile Justice Center, on October 28 - 29, 2020, re: Introduction of Courthouse Administrators Assessed Having Novel Corona Virus by a County Emergency Medical Technician and Firefighter, Health Sciences Degreed.

Styled: Emergency Complaint, Paul Hale, Complainant v. Melody Maddox, Sheriff and Sheriff-Elect, DeKalb County, Georgia, Et. Al.

COVID-19 por los buenos resultados en materia sanitaria y el apoyo que ha recibido el gobierno, según estudios de opinión pública. Tras los difíciles primeros años del segundo gobierno consecutivo del Partido Acción Ciudadana. La crisis puso en evidencia problemas sociales estructurales, tensiones con diversos sectores y dificultades estatales para garantizar en el tiempo, tanto las medidas asumidas, como el fenómeno de «rally around the flag». El artículo detalla la presentación y comunicación de la pandemia, la gestión de esta y las presiones más relevantes en el proceso.

Przedmiotem niniejszej pracy jest analiza zasad regulujących odpowiedzialność polityczną ministra w ustroju III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, zarówno w wymiarze solidarnym (poprzez konstruktywne wotum nieufności wobec Rady Ministrów), jak i indywidualnym.
Praca składa się ze wstępu, pięciu rozdziałów oraz zakończenia i bibliografii.
W rozdziale pierwszym podjęte zostały rozważania dotyczące genezy urzędu ministra  w ustrojach wybranych państw europejskich oraz statusu ministra jako członka Rady Ministrów w ustroju II Rzeczypospolitej i Polski Ludowej. W rozdziale drugim opisany został przebieg transformacji ustrojowej lat 1989 – 1997 w dziedzinie statusu prawnego ministrów, a także omówiona zostanie treść aktualnych przepisów Konstytucji RP oraz najważniejszych aktów rangi ustawowej dotyczących trybu powoływania Rady Ministrów, miejsca ministrów
w strukturze rządu oraz ich kompetencji, a także struktury personalnej i organizacyjnej kolejnych gabinetów od 1989 r. W rozdziale trzecim omówione zostały zagadnienia dotyczące odpowiedzialności politycznej ministrów przed Prezesem Rady Ministrów, jej przesłanek i metod egzekwowania. W rozdziale czwartym zaprezentowane zostały regulacje dotyczące odpowiedzialności ministrów przed Prezydentem RP. W tym wypadku podjęta została próba wyjaśnienia powodów rezygnacji z odpowiedzialności politycznej ministrów przed Prezydentem RP na gruncie obecnej ustawy zasadniczej. W rozdziale piątym przedstawione zostały uregulowania dotyczące odpowiedzialności politycznej ministrów przed Sejmem. Opisane zostały przesłanki i tryb pociągania ministrów do odpowiedzialności przed parlamentem, jak również skutki wyrażenia wotum nieufności wobec całego rządu oraz wotum nieufności wobec ministra.


The subject of this work is an analysis of the principles governing the political responsibility (accountability) of the Minister in the political system of the Third Republic of Poland, both in solidarity and in individual terms.
The work consists of an introduction, five chapters, and a bibliography.
In the first chapter, consideration was given to the genesis of the ministerial office in the systems of government of selected European states and the status of minister as a member of the Council of Ministers in the II Republic of Poland and People's Poland. Chapter two describes the course of the 1989-1997 transformation in the legal status of ministers, the contents of the current provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland as well as the most important statutory acts concerning the procedure of appointing the Council of Ministers, the place of ministers in the cabinet’s structure, their competencies, as well as the personnel and organizational structure of successive cabinets in Poland since 1989. In the third chapter were described the political responsibility of ministers to the Prime Minister, its premises and methods of enforcement. In chapter four were presented the regulations concerning ministers' responsibility to the President of the Republic of Poland. In this case an attempt was made to clarify the reasons for resigning from the political responsibility of the ministers to the President of the Republic of Poland under the current Constitution of the Republic of Poland. In chapter five were presented the regulations concerning the political responsibility of ministers before the Sejm. In this chapter were described the premises and mode of exercising the ministers’ responsibility to the parliament, as well as the effects of
passing a motion of no confidence to the cabinet and to the minister.

Policy accountability is a form of manifestation of public officials responsible to the people. One form of policy accountability that is discussed here is street vendors policy accountability, because they are a group of citizens who have the economic activities in public spaces. The existence of this policy how-ever, the number of street vendors from year to year increase in Makassar City. Therefore, this study seeks to uncover and explain the democratic policy ac-countability through the street vendors’ responses and expectations to the implementation of street ven-dors empowerment policy in Makassar City; and to uncover and explain the democratic policy account-ability through the stakeholders’ responses and ex-pectations to the implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in Makassar City. To achieve these objectives, the study uses democracy theory, in which this theory focuses on togetherness in dis-cussing solutions to the various problems of street vendors and in the...

This study aims to examine the graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in southern Philippines. The study is qualitative in nature making use of case study method in which an in-depth analysis of primary data obtained from eight informants, four of whom are town mayors and their four incumbent municipal treasurers, is employed. The findings revealed that the mayor informants got elected through vote buying and bribery. Politics and family matters intersect as informants are supported by their families during election who used guns, gold and goons to ensure election victory. The clannish nature of the community finds expression also in the selection of relatives in municipal employment and in accessing municipal resources. The most prevalent corruption practice disclosed by the informants is amassing the internal revenue allotment (IRA) for personal purposes in order to recover the huge amount of money spent during election. Other types of corruption practices ...

Background COVID-19 has hit the world in an unprecedented way causing serious repercussions on several aspects of our life. Multiple determinants have affected various nations’ level of success in their responses towards the pandemic. The Arab Levant region in the Middle East, notoriously known for repeated wars and conflicts, has been affected, similarly to other regions, by this pandemic. The combination of war, conflict, and a pandemic brings too much of a burden for any nation to handle. Methods A descriptive analysis of data obtained from the health departments of various Arab Levant Countries (ALC) was performed. ALC include Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Palestine. The data collected involves incidence, recovery rate, case fatality rate and number of tests performed per million population, Global Health Security index, government stringency index, and political stability index. The information obtained was compared and analyzed among the ALC and compared to global figures. ...

Tkachova, N., Saienko, V., Bezena, I., Tur, O., Shkurat, I., Sydorenko, N. (2021). Modern trends in the local governments activities. AD ALTA: Journal of Interdisciplinary Research, Special Issue 11/02-XXII, 112-118.
One of the important roles of public administration is to provide quality public services to citizens and businesses. Digital governance in public administration has been used to ensure dynamic economic performance as well as the well-being of society. E-government and digital governance are the most important current trend in public administration reform at the local and state levels. The aim of the research is to establish the pattern of e-government and digital governance of local governments (on the example of Eastern Europe), based on reports E-Government Development Index, E-Participation Index and OECD Digital Government Index and by conducting regression analysis and analysis of results correlation forces.

Pemerintah negara-negara berkembang mengadopsi sistem Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) untuk mengurangi kemiskinan. Di Filipina, ESGP-PS merupakan sebuah sistem CCT dari Pemerintah. DSWD menyediakan dana kesehatan dan pendidikan bagi anak-anak dari keluarga sangat miskin. ESGP-PA menyediakan bantuan langsung tunai untuk pendidikan kepada anak-anak dari keluarga miskin. Bantuanyangdiberikan ESGP-PAmemiliki pengaruhbesarbagipenerimasehingga penting untuk mengetahui aspek psikologis yang akan berpengaruh dalam pembuatankebijakandanpenilaianefektivitasprogram. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa kepuasan tertunda (delayed gratification), orientasi identitas pribadi, rencana-rencama transisional penerima ESGP-PA di MSU-Iligan Institute of Technologi (2014-2015). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dan statistik inferensial. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa para penerima bantuan memiliki tingkat kepuasan tertunda yang tinggi dalamhal prestasidantingkatmenengah dalammakanan,uang,daninteraksifisikmaupun sosial. Mereka memiliki orientasi yang lebih tinggi terhadap identatis pribadi daripada orientasi identitaskolektifdan sosial. Identitas relasional (r=-.329, p= 000) dan identitas kolektif (r=-. 363, p=.000) berkorelasi negatif dengan kepuasan tertunda, sementara uang (F= 1.614; P=.004) mempengaruhi orientasi identitas social dengan signifikan. Hal-hal penting dalam rencana transisi para penerimabantuanadalahuntukmeraihkesuksesa,memilikipekerjaanyangbagus, dapat membantu keluarga, dapat menyelesaikan sekolah dan mendapat gelar akademik. Mereka takut tidak dapat mencapai impiannya, karena kesulitan keuangan dan faktor ekonomi. Kesimpulan penelitian ini adalah kesejahteraan psikologi penerima ESGP-PA dipengaruhi secara positif dan negatif oleh program ESGP-PA.

This chapter analyses the threats to governments and political institutions in the psychological area in the context of the malicious use of artificial intelligence (MUAI), and the purpose, tasks, and classifications of MUAI. Since AI is still an emerging technology, various legal issues associated with it, including the legal response to MUAI, are also emerging. The chapter focuses on the current practice of MUAI in China, the EU, Russia, and the USA, with special reference to the malicious use of deepfakes.

The growing use of social media in social interaction has changed the mode of political campaign in the Philippines. It allowed a more aggressive citizen's participation in politics in a more efficient and asynchronous mode. This research sought to determine the influences of social media in the presidential preferences of netizens during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in the Philippines. It also looked into the pattern of the preferences of respondents among the five presidential candidates for the 2016 presidential election.This research used Media Ecology Theory by Marshall McLuhan and Uses and Gratification Theory by Herbert Blumer as discursive approaches to understand the behaviour of social media users during the 2016 presidential campaign. Descriptive and qualitative analyses were used. Data gathering was through online questionnaire by using snowball sampling. A total of 289 respondents participated out of 1210 visitors of the link used by the researchers. The data gathering started on February 9, 2016, the start of the presidential campaign period and ended on March 27, 2016 or a total of 47 days. The timeline for data gathering was constrained by the time limit that was set for this study. The results show that social media has no strong influence in the preferences of respondents with only 44% of the respondents saying that their presidential preferences were influenced by social media. However, 75.6% of the respondents indicated that social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign because it is an efficient media in communicating vital campaign information. The pattern of the preferences of respondents shows strong resemblance to some mock polls conducted by other groups in the Philippines during the campaign period. It is recommended to continue exploring the relevance of social media as a political tool for effective communication in politics and governance.

This research attempts to examine the political participation of social media users particularly of Facebook and Twitter during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. The data collection was performed through survey with accidental sampling methods. Samples were taken from population of undergraduate students of political and social sciences faculty at five universities in Yogyakarta namely UGM, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, UMY, UNY and UPN "Veteran" Yogyakarta. Using statistic descriptive, this research conceptualizes the political participation of social media users while the relations of social media and political participation is analyzed through OLS Regression. The findings indicated that the level of political participation of the social media users during the election was categorized as good. However, the facilities offered by the two social media applications were not maximally used to supporting political participation activities. On the other hand, the result OLS regression shows that there were positive and significant correlations and influences of social media towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the percentage was small.

Background: COVID-19 has hit the world in an unprecedented way causing serious repercussions on several aspects of our life. Multiple determinants have affected various nations' level of success in their responses towards the pandemic. The Arab Levant region in the Middle East, notoriously known for repeated wars and conflicts, has been affected, similarly to other regions, by this pandemic. The combination of war, conflict, and a pandemic brings too much of a burden for any nation to handle. Methods: A descriptive analysis of data obtained from the health departments of various Arab Levant Countries (ALC) was performed. ALC include Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Palestine. The data collected involves incidence, recovery rate, case fatality rate and number of tests performed per million population, Global Health Security index, government stringency index, and political stability index. The information obtained was compared and analyzed among the ALC and compared to global figures. An extensive electronic literature search to review all relevant articles and reports published from the region was conducted. The 2019 Global Health Security (GHS) index was obtained from the "GHS index" website which was made by John Hopkins University's center for health security, the Nuclear threat Initiative (NTI) and the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). Government stringency index and political stability index were obtained from the University of Oxford and the website of "The Global Economy", respectively. Other world governance indicators such as government effectiveness were obtained from the World Bank website. Results: In terms of incidence of COVID-19, Iraq has the highest with 9665 per one million population, Syria the lowest at 256 per million. Deaths per million population was highest in Iraq at 237, and the lowest in Syria at 12. As for number of tests per million population, Lebanon ranked first at 136,033 with Iraq fourth at 59,795. There is no data available for the tests administered in Syria and subsequently no value for tests per million population. In terms of recoveries from COVID-19 per million population, Iraq had the highest number at 7903 per million, and Syria the lowest at 68 per million. When compared as percent recovery per million, Palestine ranked first (84%) and Syria last (27%). The government response stringency index shows that Jordan had the highest index (100) early in the pandemic among the other countries. Palestine's index remained stable between 80 and 96. The other countries' indices ranged from 50 to 85, with Lebanon seeing a drop to 24 in mid-August. Even with improved stringency index, Iraq reported an increased number of deaths.

Wer regiert, braucht Berater. Das gilt für die Regierungskommunikation genauso wie für das Leiten und Ausüben staatlicher Macht durch inhaltliche Entscheidungen, Recht, Zwang und Geldströme. Regieren und Beraten sind eng verwoben, seit es Regierende gibt – mithin seit 5.000 Jahren. Seitdem, sagen manche, hat sich an der Grundkonstellation zwischen Entscheidern und in die Politikstrukturen eingeflochtenen Beratern nicht viel geändert (Dror, 1987; Goldhamer, 1978). In jedem Fall ist das Sujet der Beraterwahl, der Beratertypen, des Ratgebens und Ratnehmens an der Staatsspitze seit jeher Bestandteil der Politikanalyse. INHALT: 13.1 Einführung / 13.2 Herausforderung: Routinekonflikte im Regierungshandeln / Politikberater und Organisationsfragen / Politikberater und Gesetzesproduktion / Politikberater und „weiches“ Regieren / Strategische Politikberater oder operative Umsetzer? / 13.3 Herausforderung: Reformkommunikation / Reformkommunikation in der Ära Merkel / Lektionen der „Agenda 2010“ / 13.4 Herausforderung: Anpassung medialer Instrumente / 13.5. Fazit

Background COVID-19 has hit the world in an unprecedented way causing serious repercussions on several aspects of our life. Multiple determinants have affected various nations’ level of success in their responses towards the pandemic. The Arab Levant region in the Middle East, notoriously known for repeated wars and conflicts, has been affected, similarly to other regions, by this pandemic. The combination of war, conflict, and a pandemic brings too much of a burden for any nation to handle. Methods A descriptive analysis of data obtained from the health departments of various Arab Levant Countries (ALC) was performed. ALC include Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Palestine. The data collected involves incidence, recovery rate, case fatality rate and number of tests performed per million population, Global Health Security index, government stringency index, and political stability index. The information obtained was compared and analyzed among the ALC and compared to global figures. ...

The Kalipunan ng mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (KAMP) or the National Alliance of Indigenous Peoples' Organization in the Philippines is almost in their 30 years of existence and yet, like in most cases of indigenous peoples' issues, there is still no significant number of studies about their role in campaigning for the betterment of the Indigenous Cultural Communities. Anchored on political opportunity structures theory as a guide, the basic motivation of the paper is to illustrate how the KAMP fights and survives through resource mobilization and how the government-represented by National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) and Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) accommodate their interests. Using archival research, secondary data analysis, elite interview and participant observation, the paper asserts that KAMP's use of their organizational structure, advocacy campaigns and political assaults as their basic resources to fight for the Nueva Vizcaya Mining issue are relatively insufficient to a centralist and relatively closed government, despite the presence of democratic institutions. The ability of the Philippine government to strike the balance between development and indigenous peoples' rights protection shall remain to be a defining feature if not a challenge to the quality of democracy and governance in our land.

Sejak penerapan sistem desentralisasi, daerah-daerah di Indonesia telah mempromosikan kearifan lokal dalam berbagai bentuk pembangunan termasuk politik, ekonomi dan administrasi. Penelitian ini menganalisa wacana politik dalam kebebasan beragama di Sumatera Barat dan Sulawesi Utara yang yang ditafsirkan sesual dengan filosofi kedua daerah tersebut. Penelitian ini menganalisa kebebasan beragama berdasarkan peraturan perundang-undangan tentang interaksi antar umat beragama di Indonesia. Banyak peraturan perundangan-uandangan daerah yang berada dibawah konstitusi negara mempertanyakan kebebasan beragama dan memainkan peran penting dalam wacana politik tentang kebebasan beragama di Indonesia. Penelitian ini juga menganalisa bagaimana pemahaman para stakeholders di Sumatera Barat dan Sulawesi Utara tentang kebebasan beragama. Data diambil dari pemimpin Muslim dan Kristen serta para pejabat pemerintah. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa filosifi Islam di Sumatera Barat telah mempengaruhi pemahaman kebebasan beragama masyarakat lokal, sedangkan filosofi keberagaman masyarakat di Sulawesi Utara telah membuat istilah kebebasan beragama dipahami sebagai pluralisme agama. Penelitian ini juga menganalisa hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dan Daerah dalam hal agama di Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Politik agama, pemerintah pusat dan daerah, hubungan antar umat beragama, dan kebebasan beragama.

This research started by knowing how mass media constructs the reality of regional autonomy issues. Studies on regional autonomy issue using communication science perspective are still rare, while the role of mass media, according to Severin-Tankard (2007:15) is actually to form public opinions. Observers of constructionism such as Shoemaker (1996) think that news broadcasted by mass media can make people have a certain point of view and construct a reality of an issue in the society, including regional autonomy issues. This study used framing text analysis.The model used was Robert N. Entman's framing (1993)because in Entman's concept, framing can be used to describe the selection process of an issue and emphasize certain aspects of a reality by the media. In this research, there are 3 media which were studied, i.e. Kompas newspaper, Jurnal Nasional newspaper, Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper.The result of this study showed that at micro level there was frame difference in the reporting of Kompas, Jurnal Nasional and Kedaulatan Rakyat on Regional Autonomy Issues. Analysis at meso level showed that ownership and capital factors were still rather strong in influencing the frames of the studied media,macro levelthe battle of discourse of regional autonomy issues make the government finally changed the policy on regional autonomy.

Africa, just like other continents has enjoyed some great histories from 200,000 years back till date. Prominent among these events are wars and other crises. Although most of the wars were due to some intertribal misunderstandings, some of them were actually staged as the only means of liberating themselves from the white imperialists, who left their homes to come and enslave Africans right in their homes. In fact, not all the countries in Africa got her independence without any blood shed (peacefully). Some countries fought with everything they had to obtain their freedom from the colonial imperialists, and one of those countries is Kenya. In this paper, efforts have been made to bring to fore, the genesis of the revolt, as well as the resultant effects.

This study proves that the change in the structure of political opportunities alone is not enough to provide encouragement for social movements to succeed in electoral politics. The case of the labor movements in electoral politics in post-New Order Indonesia is proof of this. Even though it has a very large number of potential to become a large force of electoral politics and ability to mobilize masses, the labor movements in Indonesia is merely a spectator, not a player in electoral politics. There are four factors that cause this failure. The first is fragmentation among labor movements which were created as a result of the opening of political opportunities after the New Order. Second, labor apathy towards labor parties and labor cadres who run for elections. As a result, none of the labor parties succeeded in gaining seats in three elections in Indonesia after the New Order. Thirdly, repression and negative stigmatization to the labor movements by the New Order Regime had succeeded in preventing labor movement to consolidate themselves and to gain significant votes in elections. Fourth, increasingly severe requirements for party establishment and participation in elections. While in many places the opening of political opportunity structure is a determining factor in the success of social movements in electoral politics, the case of the labor movement in Indonesia proves otherwise. The opening up of a political opportunity structure has become a trap that hinders the success of labor movements in electoral politics.

Elections operate in such manner that voters must have researched well the political backgrounds and platforms of the candidates they are voting. However, in absence of other information, voters tend to resort to cues such as their perception on facial appearances. This study is a pioneering study to adopt facial morphometric in testing the influence of candidates'facial appearance on their electoral outcomes while omitting other variables such as incumbency, partisanship, and popularity. It also investigates the facial preferences of voters with low political knowledge. This study is divided twofold. The first phase is a facial morphometric analysis of 33 senatorial candidates from the 2013 Philippine national elections. Adopting the geometric morphometric method from natural sciences, the facial characteristics of the generated consensus image of the senatorial candidates were analyzed and identified. The second phase was conducted to verify the findings of the first phase of the study through survey questionnaires with sets of morphed faces of presumptive candidates. The researchers morphed faces from masculinity-femininity continuum and asked the facial preferences of chosen respondents. The result of the first phase was found to corroborate with the second phase. It showed that the consensus image of the 33 senatorial candidates is characterized by a hyper masculine and hyper feminine facial morphometry. Interestingly on the second phase, respondents have significantly higher votes on presumptive candidates with hyper masculine and hyper feminine facial characteristics. It can be gleaned from the voting behavior of the electorate in a politically low informed society that facial cues may have a bearing on moulding electoral decisions. Hence, It is highly important to consider the dynamics of electing leaders in the government by studying the behavior of the voters. This study also signifies that facial morphometric is a useful tool in determining the winning chances of the presumptive candidates as well as the actual candidates in an election.

The study of identification within the organizational setting has highlighted various factors that may contribute significant changes, either positively or negatively, to the commitment and perception of fairness of employees. As workers, their jobs and relationship with their organization are also influenced by how they perceive people around them in terms of attitude and background. In connection , this study explored on the homophily and organizational identification towards the organizational commitment and organizational justice among male and female office workers in Iligan City. The respondents are male (n = 35) and female (n = 35) office workers coming from selected companies and institutions located in Iligan City. Based on the results and findings, there is a significant relationship between homophily and organizational identification; and organizational identification and organizational commitment among male office workers while there is a significant relationship between organizational identification and organizational justice among female office workers. Finally, there is a significant interaction between invested self-concept to organizational commitment of male office workers in Iligan City while there are significant interactions between background homophily to organizational justice; management connection to organizational justice; and coworker connection to organizational justice of female office workers in Iligan City.

This article aims to explore the relationship between local government and civic groups in the budget planning of the local government of Malang in Indonesia. A qualitative method are applied in this study. The findings indicate that; firstly, there isa relationship between local government and civic groups showingthat the principles of democracy (equality, participation, and justice) remain insufficient in the budget planning. Secondly, the local government has dominated civic groups in the process of approval of the budget planning.These findings contribute to developing budget planning in Malang to find a way to establish democratic budget policy and to establish budget policy regarding public needs and preferences. Therefore, the local government should realize that public participation is a way to achieve democratic budget policy. On the other side, civic groups may need tobuild civic awareness and a willingness to participate in the budget policy, through civic education.

Globalization and its threat continuously endanger Bali, an Island with natural and cultural uniqueness, as well as one of the 33 provinces in Indonesia. This study aims to find out, how big a threat that endangers the contemporary Bali, and the role of 'jengah' (selfconsciousness) to face the globalization. It is found in the research that 'jengah' and its value transformation in it gives positive contribution to face the threat and those values can guarantee the sustainability of Bali uniqueness in the future. The research was conducted at Bali Province Government or 'Pemprov Bali'. The research showed that by transforming the 'jengah' (self-consciousness) values, Bali Province Government succeeded in improving its good governance as well as the apparatuses sense of nationalism. The values also gave the positive impact to prevent the swift threat on Bali uniqueness. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ Keywords: 'jengah' (self-consciousness), value transformation, and contemporary Bali ABSTRAK Globalisasi dengan kandungan ancamannya, terus mendera Bali dalam kapasitasnya sebagai sebuah pulau dengan keunikan alam dan budaya yang dimiliki, yang saat ini menjadi salah satu provinsi dari 33 propinsi di Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui, seberapa besar ancaman yang mendera Bali kontemporer, serta peran jengah dalam menghadapinya. Ditemukan dalam penelitian ini, jengah dengan transformasi nilai-nilai yang dikandungnya berkontribusi positif dalam menghadapi ancaman itu serta mampu memberikan jaminan kelangsungan masa depan Bali dengan keunikan yang dimilikinya. Penelitian ini dilakukan terhadap lingkungan pemerintahan provinsi atau Pemprov Bali, yang menunjukkan bahwa dengan melakukan transformasi terhadap nilainilai jengah, Pemprov Bali berhasil meningkatkan good governance-nya serta nasionalisme aparaturnya, yang mampu memberikan dampak positif dalam upaya menangkal derasnya ancaman terhadap keunikan yang dimiliki Bali. Kata kunci: Jengah, transformasi nilai, dan Bali kontemporer

The article analyzes the link between gender and power in the governmental elites of the National Executive during the presidencies of Fernández de Kirchner (2011), Macri (2015) and Fernández (2019) in Argentina. The systematic study of 857 ministers, secretaries and undersecretaries shows the degree of female participation, masculinization/feminization trends in management areas and agencies, and the relationship between position and gender, identifying which "glass ceilings" hinder parity.

El artículo analiza el vínculo entre género y poder en las elites gubernamentales del Ejecutivo Nacional durante las presidencias de Fernández de Kirchner (2011), Macri (2015) y Fernández (2019) en Argentina. El estudio sistemático de 857 ministros, secretarios y subsecretarios muestra el grado de participación femenina, las tendencias a la masculinización/feminización de las áreas de gestión y las dependencias, y la relación entre cargo y género, identificando qué “techos de cristal” obstaculizan la paridad .

Malaysia's technocracy (administrative elite) and the government of the day (political elite) have had and continue to enjoy a harmonious and symbiotic relationship. Such synergy had its origins and background in British colonial rule when promising Malays were groomed for administrative positions. The dawn of merdeka (national independence) allowed for the transition from administrative positions to political leadership. The first three prime ministers, namely Tunku Abdul Rahman, Abdul Razak and Hussein Onn were drawn from these ranks. There was an organic development in the relationship between the 'old' technocrats and politicians expressed in shared strategic outlook and direction. As such, national development was characterised not by intermittent periods of political disruption but a sustained period of continuity in the preconditions for economic growth which extended and heightened throughout the premiership of Mahathir Mohamad. His successor, Abdullah Badawi, started to install corporate figures as technocrats to professionalise the governance of the administrative system. Under Najib Razak the role of these 'new' technocrats was further entrenched andenhanced.

The Changes in the Scopes of Activity of Ministers Directing Branches of Government Administration from 1997 to 2016

Until 1997, the principle of the creation of ministerial offices by statute was in force in Polish
constitutional law. In light of the rules of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997
and the Branches of Government Administration Act of 4 September 1997, the current principle is
that the ministry offices are established by regulations of the Prime Minister. In addition, the head
of government has a great deal of freedom in defining the name of the ministerial office and its
scope of activity. The practice of functioning the Cabinet from 1997 to 2016 has shown that the
prime ministers often made changes to the scopes of activities of “departmental” ministers, dividing
the existing portfolios into smaller ones, and merging several ministerial offices into one “super
minister” office that handles several portfolios. This has affected the number of ministers directing
a branch of government administration, which ranged from 14 to 19 in the period in question.

Do 1997 r. w polskim prawie konstytucyjnym obowiązywała zasada tworzenia urzędów ministrów w drodze ustawy. W świetle przepisów Konstytucji RP z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r. oraz ustawy
z dnia 4 września 1997 r. o działach administracji rządowej obecnie urzędy ministrów kierujących
działami administracji rządowej tworzone są w drodze rozporządzenia Prezesa Rady Ministrów.
Ponadto szef rządu dysponuje dużą swobodą w przedmiocie określania nazwy urzędu ministra i zakresu jego działania. Praktyka działania Rady Ministrów lat 1997–2016 wskazuje, iż kolejni premierzy często dokonywali zmian zakresów działania ministrów „działowych”, dzieląc dotychczasowe
resorty na mniejsze oraz łącząc kilka urzędów ministrów w jeden superresort kierujący kilkoma
działami administracji. Wpłynęło to na liczbę ministrów kierujących działami administracji rządowej, która w omawianym okresie wahała się od 14 do 19.