European Union external relations

La saga jurisprudencial Kadi se ha convertido en uno de las mayores y más importantes sagas para el Derecho de la Unión Europea, ya que establece de manera clara y concisa la manera en que el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea (antiguamente Tribunal de Justicia de las
Comunidades Europeas) debe relacionarse con los actos comunitarios que pretendan dar cumplimiento a los mandatos internacionales, en este caso las resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. La pugna entre el ordenamiento comunitario y el internacional sobre la primacía en territorio de la Unión Europea consigue esclarecerse en esta
saga, especialmente en su segunda sentencia, donde el Tribunal de Justicia de las Comunidades Europeas dictó la nulidad de los actos comunitarios que pretendiesen aplicar resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas siempre que estos vulneraran los Derechos Fundamentales de todo ciudadano de la Unión Europea o que tuviera alguna relación con alguno de los Estados Miembros de la Unión. Pero la saga Kadi nos revela más información aparte de la estrictamente legal, ya que, con la segunda sentencia de la saga, el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea – institución de la Unión según el artículo 13 del Tratado de la Unión Europea – no solo se presenta como un mero ejecutor del cumplimiento de la legalidad, sino como un actor más dentro del escenario internacional. A pesar de no poder ser clasificado como una de los actores tradicionales que modifican el tablero de juego internacional, tales como, por ejemplo, los Estados, las organizaciones internacionales y las no gubernamentales, el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea se erige en esta saga como otro actor internacional cuyo poder reside en la posibilidad de conformar normas que no solamente se apliquen en territorio comunitario, sino también en el escenario global, aprovechando la importancia de la Unión como actor internacional, e impulsando los objetivos de la Unión Europea en el mundo.

The article is devoted to the analysis of sanctions policy in relation to the leading economies of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). We note the main risks and threats to the national economies of the countries of this union in the context of challenges in the sphere of economic policy. The application of possible protective collective measures by the EAEU countries in response to sanctions is assessed. There is an important role of the EAEU in the development of national economies, in the convergence of economies and management systems of the members.

The European Union (EU) deploys a number of legal techniques in an effort to make sure that virtually no denial of racialized non-citizens rights – across the spectrum from equality and dignity to the right to life – is ever presented as a violation of EU law, even as the death-toll climbs to the dozens of thousands, turning the Mediterranean Sea into a mass grave through the EU’s and Member States’ incessant efforts. Making this possible is the work of what we would term “EU lawlessness law”: a careful summoning of diverse legal techniques to make basic accountability and the protection of the rights of the racialized passport poor impossible by creating a shield of impunity against the application of international, national, EU and ECHR rights, values, and principles in a principled breach of the spirit – but not the letter – of EU law. We explain how EU lawlessness law operates, how the EU pays for it, how it passes legal scrutiny, and what its objectives are. We outline why it is a grave violation of EU values and why deploying legality to ensure that the most significant rights are turned into fiction is an affront to the Rule of Law. In the EU, there is usually no need to break the law to deny a foreigner her crucial rights: apartheid européen is an essential feature of EU law, from the internal market to the Belarusian forest and the Mediterranean, where the EU’s proxies – such as the so-called Libyan Coast Guard – are hunting, torturing and imprisoning by now more than 120,000 racialized innocents. This contribution elaborates on this starting point showing the evolution over the last decades from passive rightlessness to active criminality, committed with full impunity under the aegis of EU law. The rightlessness of the “other” is achieved through the near complete exclusion of non-EU citizens from the fundamental freedoms in the EU dating back to the colonial inception of the Union. Lawlessness sensu stricto is the next step. It stems from the pro-active stance of the Union and its Member States towards ensuring that the right to seek protection in the EU is turned into an unworkable proclamation where any means are acceptable to guarantee that the law on the books does not apply to the racialized passport poor at the EU’s borders, resulting in unspeakable suffering and a huge death toll. Systemic lack of accountability – legal, as well as democratic – ensures that the EU lawlessness law always favors the Union, never the victims. This paper aims to start bridging the gap between two extremes. On the one hand, there is the day-to-day reality of the outright exclusion of non-citizens from dignity and the protection of the law, backed by the billions the EU has invested alongside countless other incessant efforts to promote lawlessness and a lack of any accountability in targeting the racialized passport poor at EU’s borders and further afield. On the other hand, there are the numerous proclamations about the Union’s equitable value-laden nature.

As members of the European Economic Area (EEA) but not of the European Union (EU), Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein have specific mechanisms through which they can influence EEA law and thus EU law. However, their ability to enforce amendments to acts adopted in the EU is limited compared to EU Member States. They can propose amendments and provide input during consultations and decision-making processes, but ultimately must rely on negotiations and agreement with the EU to incorporate these changes. Direct enforcement of amendments to EU legislation is not within their legal powers, which highlights the limitations of their status as non-EU members within the EEA. In the present article, we look at the different ways in which Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein can interact with EEA and EU legislation and influence its shape at different stages of the legislative process. In particular, we will focus on a content analysis of EEA/EFTA comments over the last thirty years since the EEA was established.

Attacchi contro torri e ripetitori televisivi; 3. Attacchi contro le centrali nucleari; 4. La partecipazione dei civili nel conflitto: la levata in massa; 5. La partecipazione di combattenti stranieri e mercenari nel conflitto; 6. Conclusioni.

In 2020, then-German Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer wrote that “illusions of European strategic autonomy must come to an end: Europeans will not be able to replace America’s crucial role as a security provider”. This quote by the former German Defence Minister raises several questions. Who are the Europeans in strategic autonomy? What is strategic autonomy? Why should said Europeans become strategically autonomous? Or why not? Is strategic autonomy really an illusion? This article starts by examining the often-neglected question of which Europeans should precisely be more autonomous. Subsequently, this article answers the question of why said Europeans should become more autonomous by weighing the pros and cons of autonomy. In conclusion, this article discredits the accusation that strategic autonomy is an illusion.

The power politics return, the unregulated globalization, and the complexity of the contemporary international system have caused a severe crisis in multilateral organizations and in the multilateral decision-making processes by sparking the rise of populism and nationalism in the EU and the world. Within this context, the EU encounters a two-faceted multilateralism crisis, the international and the intra-EU one, that threatens the EU’s unity. This analysis, after identifying the connection between the two facets of the multilateralism crisis, focuses on the window of opportunity that emerges by making the EU proceed to further steps on the CSDP. The study argues that unexpected developments like the BREXIT and the alteration of US foreign policy pivot to Asia led to the strengthening of the CSDP, a credible option for the EU’s future. Furthermore, the analysis states that a stronger CSDP can strengthen the NATO alliance and not undercut it. All in all, the analysis ends up by arguing that, paradoxically, it is the multilateralism crisis itself that leads to the strengthening of multilateralism.

La Cumbre Unión Europea-Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños (UE-CELAC) celebrada el 17 y 18 de julio de 2023 en Bruselas marca un punto de inflexión y un nuevo comienzo para las relaciones euro-latinoamericanas. En un contexto internacional de creciente incertidumbre y riesgos, el relanzamiento de estas relaciones se erige como plataforma de beneficio mutuo. En primer lugar, puede servir para ampliar la autonomía y la resiliencia de ambas regiones ante un mundo de creciente rivalidad geopolítica, pero necesitado de gobernanza y reglas. En segundo lugar, puede ser útil para fortalecer la democracia y las sociedades abiertas en ambas regiones, lo que también implica hablar de desarrollo, de políticas públicas eficaces, y de la renovación del contrato social. En tercer lugar, la relación birregional puede contribuir a definir estrategias novedosas de asociación económica y comercial, y de cooperación para relanzar el desarrollo, con una “triple transición” societal: digit...

The EU faces a complex challenge in navigating its trade relations with Morocco, balancing strategic and economic interests with its legal obligations. As Spanish Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, Luis Planas, recently summarised: “We will respect the ruling, but we are politically very interested in deepening strategic relations with Morocco”. As the Court’s decision, the liberalisation agreement remains provisionally in effect for 12 months, to avoid serious negative consequences for EU external relations and to ensure stability in its international commitments. There is a temporary framework to maintain stability in EU-Morocco relations, tough, but there is no time to waste.

The Chapter addresses the dispute settlement system of the BBNJ Agreement. It analyses its assonances and dystonias with the disputes settlement systems of other international agreements subsequent to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The latter usually provide for a mutatis mutandis application of Part XV of UNCLOS. Article 60 BBNJ states instead that «[d]isputes concerning the interpretation or application of this Agreement shall be settled in accordance
with the provision for the settlement of disputes provided for in Part XV of [UNCLOS]». Quite apart from the manner in which it refers to PART XV UNCLOS, the BBNJ is to be ascribed to the category
of agreements that place reliance on the UNCLOS dispute settlement system. The Chapter therefore also addresses the possible reasons for such favor.

How to understand the EU's common defenceand solidarity clauses 5 France and NATO: Reintegration as part of a process towards "Europeanisation" and a continuing transatlantic security community? 6 Conclusions References 2 The "Deutschian" security community concept and alliance solidarity According to Arend Lijphart, it was Karl W. Deutsch' works on security communities in the late 1950s and 1960s, that first broke with the dominant school in international relations of that time, namely Realism (cited in Waever, 1991: 71). According to the realist approach, perpetual peace among sovereign states is a near impossibility (Mearsheimer, 1994; Mearsheimer, 2001). Furthermore, with the introduction of the security community approach, it also became possible to make a much clearer distinction between the realist concepts of "the state of nature" and "the state of war". On the security community research agenda, these two concepts and the interplay between them, are studied empirically, first quantitatively, as done by Deutsch and his colleagues

This paper examines the European Union’s (EU) gradual development of external border management, focussing on the militarisation and externalisation of migration control. Through an analysis of the role of Frontex and the increasing integration of military technology, it argues that the EU has shifted from cooperative regulation to a security-centric paradigm, frequently at the expense of human rights. Key findings show how migration is increasingly being presented as a security threat, impacting EU partnerships with non-EU countries and transforming the Mediterranean into a militarised zone. The paper advocates for rethinking the EU border strategy to balance security goals with humanitarian responsibilities, arguing that the future of European border management must prioritise human dignity alongside effective security measures.

The European Union has been the pioneer and undisputed leader of regional integration processes. Since its inception in the 1950s, following the Schuman Declaration that set in motion Jean Monnet's innovative idea to join together European coal and steel industries, Europe has offered a useful model for regional integration. Strengthened by the 1957 Treaty of Rome (exactly half a century ago), this bold entity was later transformed into the European Union by the Maastricht Treaty. Having successfully accomplished its primary goal (“to ...

The article examines how the European expert community perceives China and how this perception has changed from 2003 to 2023, using the classic image theory ap-proach of Richard Herrmann and Michel Fischerkeller. The main objective of this study is to trace how the transformations in the image of China were affected by the evolu-tion of Sino-European relations and to what extent these transformations influenced EU policy toward China. Given the significant role that the epistemic community plays in shaping policy in Europe, both at the national and EU levels, the focus is made on ex-pert positions. The study applies qualitative content analysis of policy papers from sev-en of the most reputed European think tanks, covering the period of 2003–2023 (a total of 187 documents). Relying on the five ideal-typical images of the “Other” (enemy, al-ly, degenerate, empire and colony), the paper contributes to the theoretical framework by introducing a new ideal-typical image – a rival – to better describe the nature of EU-China relations and European experts’ perception of China. The conclusion is made that the image of China has shifted from that of an ally with degenerate elements to that of a rival with significant enemy elements. Key periods and turning points in the evolu-tion of China’s image are identified and the linkage between this image and the official EU policy toward China is revealed.

This is the final peer reviewed version of the paper.
After quite a long period of denying the increasingly obvious, one had to conclude with a very high degree of confidence that at some point a decision was taken not to publish a part of the work that I worked on for more than eighteen months.
This paper is “AMISOM (2007-2023) Lessons Learned: A Robust Peace Support Mission and Human Security”, unformatted emergency version.
More here: https://lkukkuk.substack.com/p/publish-or-perish and related here: https://lkukkuk.substack.com/p/once-again-people-think-i-work-for
AMISOM operated in Somalia for seventeen years in a very dynamic security and political environment. It provides an important indicative experience from which important lessons can be learned. The AU-led mission has gone through several very distinct phases that the mission provides the clearest opportunity to compare responses to conflict dynamics over time. This paper aims to focus primarily on the human security related lessons that emerged from the mission.
AMISOM originated as an attempt to protect and foster initiatives to rebuild the state. From 2013 onwards the UNSC encouraged AMISOM to develop an effective approach to the protection of civilians and was given an explicit Protection-of-Civilians (PoC) mandate. There was significant evolution in the mandate of the mission extending responsibility to proactive protection activities, much closer aligned to the concept of human security that emerged as a key operational imperative and essential  to  mission effectiveness. But discussion or consideration for people oriented security models - delivery of services and delivery of justice - lagged behind the militarised security response.

Article 50 of the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) contains provisions for a  Member State to withdraw voluntarily from the EU. Article 50 TEU is known to have come into play only once, and that was in relation to the United Kingdom (UK) exiting the European Union, commonly known as Brexit.

This paper, however, does not dwell on the complex and arduous procedure that resulted in United Kingdom untying from the EU political and legal framework, but aims at analysing it from a more global perspective. Thus, reference is provided as to the background of the abovementioned Article (which has been part of the acquis communautaire since its inclusion by Lisbon Treaty provisions in 2009) and an analysis of the significant paradigm shift that the withdrawal of one of the larger EU Member States experienced with respect to the core conception of the Union and its functioning mechanisms and protocols.

This paper also provides insight into the withdrawal procedure, with all its phases; its repercussions on community policies and, finally, it considers prospects for future withdrawals, in the light of the emergence of movements in various Member States in favour of disconnecting their links with the EU. In this sense, the importance of the exit from the EU for a Member State is highlighted, and, noticeably enough, how not being bound to the Treaties and secondary EU legislation can affect citizens' rights, its implications on common policies and the complexity of a future bilateral framework between the State which might eventually activate the Article 50 TEU procedure again and the remaining Member States that would continue to abide by EU policies and legislation.

The book chapter examines the European Union's (EU) strategic response to challenges surrounding critical raw materials within a fragmenting global order. It highlights the EU's growing dependence on critical raw materials, essential for the green and digital transitions, and the geopolitical risks of reliance on major suppliers like China. The chapter traces the evolution of EU policies, from the 2008 Raw Materials Initiative to the 2024 Critical Raw Materials Act, showcasing a shift from economic concerns to security-focused strategies. Using interviews and policy analysis, it explores nationalist, Atlanticist, and Europeanist responses, emphasizing the EU's pursuit of resource sovereignty and strategic autonomy.

This text is the introductory chapter of the book "EU Foreign Policy in a Fragmenting International Order", edited by Oriol Costa, Eduard Soler i Lecha, and Martijn Vlaskamp. It examines how the European Union (EU) addresses the fragmentation of the Liberal International Order (LIO), which has been exacerbated by events such as Brexit, the first Trump presidency, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The chapter introduces an analytical framework to explore the responses of EU actors, contrasting nationalist, Atlanticist, and Europeanist approaches. Furthermore, it briefly discusses the content of the book's chapters.

On the 14th of October, the news emerged that the EU is in the final stages of a discussion to award €20million to the Rwandan army for its operations in Mozambique – where it is fighting insurgents in the oil-rich Gabo Delgado province. It would be the second time in two years that the EU awards this amount under the European Peace Facility (EPF): it also did so in December 2022. At that time, the decision was met with anger in the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC), as it was already documented by the UN how the Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) were supporting the M23 rebellion in Eastern DRC. In the meantime, this support has become clearer, with the last report from the UN Group of Experts from June 2024 extensively documenting the RDF operations with M23 in Eastern DRC. The news of potentially another €20 million is therefore met with anger in Congolese politics and society, primarily directed at the EU.It is a question which puzzles many: why does theEU want to award €20 million to the Rwandan army,in the midst of its violations of international law in Eastern DRC? This piece will unpack this question and reflect on the consequences for the regional dynamics and the EU.

This 2023 report examines the consultations held by EU Delegations (EUDs) with civil society (CSOs) at the country level, analysing both quantitative and qualitative aspects. It covers all 101 EU Delegations in DG INTPA countries, presenting aggregate data on the type of civil society actors consulted, the frequency of consultations, the subject matter of the consultations (e.g. Global Gateway, Green Deal, Human Rights) as well data on the quality of the consultations, which include, whether EU Delegations sent information well in advance for CSOs to prepare, or, gave feedback afterwards, whether the recommendations by CSOs have been followed or not.

Gli investimenti esteri nel settore dell’energia costituiscono uno strumento centrale per l’Unione Europea (UE) per attuare il Green Deal europeo. Il Trattato sulla Carta dell’Energia (TCE) risulta il principale accordo internazionale per la protezione degli investimenti esteri nel settore dell’energia, soprattutto quella derivante da combustibili fossili. Il TCE è stato adottato in un periodo storico nel quale la transizione verde non costituiva la priorità internazionale. Lo scopo di questa monografia è individuare le scelte che consentono all’Unione di rispettare gli obblighi internazionali che ritiene prioritari; infatti, essa si trova di fronte alla necessità di effettuare scelte difficili per rispondere alle sfide della transizione verde. In questo lavoro ci si chiede se e come dovrebbero essere risolti i conflitti tra gli obblighi di diritto dell’UE e quelli internazionali nell’ambito del TCE e quali siano le implicazioni per l’investitore se si applica il diritto dell’Unione, anziché il TCE. L’indagine ha ad oggetto anche gli effetti che ricadono sull’investitore a seguito della sua scelta di ricorrere ad un meccanismo di risoluzione delle controversie che non appare compatibile con il diritto dell’UE. Queste questioni sono di centrale importanza sia per l’attuale processo di modernizzazione sia per l’evoluzione della partecipazione dell’UE e dei suoi Stati membri al Trattato.

Las relaciones entre la Unión Europea (UE) y la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) se han caracterizado por ser interregionales, es decir, en el marco de un interregionalismo puro, el cual se caracteriza por las relaciones de una organización regional de integración con organizaciones del mismo tipo de otras regiones; o de uno híbrido, el cual comprende las relaciones de organizaciones regionales de integración con terceros Estados de otras regiones. Además, una red de relaciones entre organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC) de ambos lados del Atlántico se entretejen en el marco de las relaciones interregionales entre la UE y la CAN, las cuales inciden sustancialmente en la agenda birregional y en el diseño de políticas, por un lado, de la UE y sus Estados miembros para la subregión andina; y, por otro, de la CAN y sus Estados miembros con la UE. En efecto, las acciones conjuntas de las OSC andinas y europeas han promovido el respeto a los derechos laborales y ambientales, así como la promoción del comercio bajo un enfoque integral que contribuya al logro de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. Además, dichos actores han liderado denuncias sobre la vulneración derechos humanos y la protección de la mujer, a tal punto que han logrado incidir en la agenda de los gobiernos y los enfoques adoptados por los diversos actores que realizan proyectos de cooperación en la región. Desde esta perspectiva, se busca analizar en nuestro escrito la manera en que las relaciones interregionales entre la UE y CAN han contribuido a la promoción y respeto de los derechos sociales en los países miembros de esta última.

As attested by a steadily expanding scholarship, Samuel Pufendorf (1632-94) was one of the most eminent and influential political thinkers in early modern times. 1 In particular, he significantly shaped early modern natural jurisprudence, being called, for instance, 'the most influential figure in the academic institutionalisation of natural law'. 2 In addition, Pufendorf 's importance is also increasingly recognized among scholars working on (the history of) international law and thought. 3 Yet, to date, there has been no comprehensive work dedicated to this dimension of his thought. 4 The present volume seeks to remedy this state of affairs by clarifying

Las peores perspectivas se han cumplido! Tras años de actuaciones ineficaces y pasividad de los Estados de la comunidad internacional, un grupo terrorista afiliado al Dáesh se ha hecho con el control efectivo de parte del territorio en la frontera de Malí, Níger y Burkina Faso, convirtiéndose en una amenaza a la paz y seguridad internacionales. Los Estados ya no pueden permanecer más tiempo indiferentes a la situación, encontrándose ante una presión mediática y popular que les empuja a tomar cartas en el asunto. A través de una versión adaptada del popular y extendido Modelo de Naciones Unidas, el alumnado se pondrá en la piel de los Estados del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas, los Estados africanos afectados y Organizaciones internacionales de la región, llevando a cabo una simulación del Consejo de Seguridad, a fin de atajar la emergencia de una entidad paraestatal terrorista similar a la que surgió en Siria e Iraq con el Dáesh. Para ello deberá conocer a fondo el funcionamiento del Consejo de Seguridad, los pormenores de la lucha militar contra el terrorismo internacional, lo acontecido en los últimos años sobre el terreno, así como las posiciones e intereses de los diferentes Estados y Organizaciones internacionales para tratar de proponer una solución concreta a este hipotético escenario. ¿Será posible que todos los actores involucrados se pongan de acuerdo para aprobar una resolución que aborde verdaderamente la crisis o el Consejo de Seguridad volverá a quedar bloqueado por las dinámicas de sus miembros permanentes?

This article focuses on the EU's sanctions against Russia, which were adopted in several rounds after Russia's aggressive actions against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. This article reviews and critically examines the existing academic works on this topic. In particular, it identifies, distinguishes and analyses five types of the existing scholarship, each of which relies on a different explanatory perspective on why the EU has adopted its sanctions against Russia. These are: (1) convergence of normative views within the EU, (2) national preference-based bargaining, (3) emotional resonance and (dis)trust in relation to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, (4) the EU's ambition to be an active political-security actor and (5) threat perception of the EU's geographical proximity with Ukraine. Additionally, the article reviews the debates on the (in)effectiveness of the EU's sanctions on Russia. Although the extant literature offers different perspectives and has been expanding, there are still some gaps in the existing scholarship, which are also discussed in the article.

BCML-Bilateral Cooperation at the Multilateral Level BL-Bilateral level BPM-Bureaucratic Politics Model CAMEX-Chamber of Foreign Trade (Câmara de Comércio Exterior) CAP-Common Agricultural Policy CDF-Clean Development Fund CDM-Clean Development Mechanism CECLA-Special Latin American Coordinating Committee CFSP-Common Foreign and Security Policy CHR-Commission on Human Rights COHOM-The Human Rights Working Group COP-Conference of the Parties of the Convention CPR-Commitment Period Reserve CSP-Country Strategy Paper Total (R+S) 113 25 82

Sharing the interest in building a strong international climate regime, over the past years the European Union (EU) and Brazil have been shaping their bilateral relations around this common goal. Launched in 2007, the EU‐Brazil Strategic Partnership not only best represents the interest of the partners in discussing issues from the multilateral agenda bilaterally, but a commitment to jointly promote “effective multilateralism.” Climate change has been placed as one of the priority areas of their strategic partnership. Nine years later, however, the EU and Brazil have not been able to become strategic allies at that level. This paper asks why the EU and Brazil have not been successful in promoting a spillover from cooperation at the bilateral level to the multilateral arena, ultimately cooperating more on international climate negotiations. The scrutiny of this question is developed under a theoretical debate on the correlation between different levels of cooperation. This paper then...

Los sucesos del 24 de junio de 2022 en la frontera de Melilla, en la zona del Barrio Chino, han vuelto a poner de relieve la cuestión de la delimitación y demarcación de las fronteras terrestres entre España y Marruecos. Desde un punto de vista jurídico puede considerarse que todos los hechos sucedieron en territorio bajo soberanía española, y a partir de los Tratados internacionales del siglo XIX así como de las evidencias jurídicas y declaraciones políticas realizadas. Sin embargo la práctica y las declaraciones tanto desde el Ministerio como de la Fiscalía del Estado son distintas al considerar que se ha producido una prescripción adquisitiva a favor de Marruecos, vulnerando de este modo el título jurídico de soberanía española, cuales son los Tratados internacionales.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is an interdisciplinary research methodology used to analyze discourse as a form of “social practice”, exploring how meaning is socially constructed. In addition, the methodology draws from the field of critical studies, in which research places deliberate focus on the social and political forces that produce social phenomena as a means to challenge and change societal practices. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate the benefits of CDA to population public health (PPH) research. We will do this by providing a brief overview of CDA and its history and purpose in research and then identifying and discussing three crucial principles that we argue are crucial to successful CDA research: (1) CDA research should contribute to social justice; (2) CDA is strongly based in theory; and (3) CDA draws from constructivist epistemology. A key benefit that CDA brings to PPH research is its critical lens, which aligns with the fundamental goals of PPH including addressing the social determinants of health and reducing health inequities. Our analysis demonstrates the need for researchers in population public health to strongly consider critical discourse analysis as an approach to understanding the social determinants of health and eliminating health inequities in order to achieve health and wellness for all.

Die Kooperation in der Terrorismusbekämpfung zwischen der Europäischen Union (EU) und Drittstaaten, insbesondere den USA, hat in Politik wie Wissenschaft zunehmend Beachtung gefunden. Anfangs als "Papiertiger" angesehen, hat die EU in den letzten Jahren Anstrengungen unternommen, international stärker zu kooperieren und dabei eigene Normen und Praktiken zu externalisieren. Die Kooperation der EU mit anderen Regionalorganisationen im Bereich Terrorismusbekämpfung hat jedoch bislang kaum Aufmerksamkeit bekommen. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht dieser Beitrag die Erfolgsaussichten wie Hindernisse einer Externalisierung von EU-Normen und Praktiken in der Terrorismusbekämpfung nach Südostasien.

A terrible monster has appeared in Russia's head, the likes of which have not been seen since Hitler. Putin, who has been fighting for the invasion of an independent neighbouring country for three years, is eagerly awaiting the results of the U.S. presidential election today. If Trump wins the election, Putin hopes he can co-author the new global geopolitics he wants and fundamentally change the world map. Such concepts and advertisements have become widespread; some people look at them with concern, and others with disgust. Nonsense caused by propaganda and election fever for those who do not understand and do not know the American political system, the basic principles and workings of government.

ABSTRACT:
The current paper "Development of the European Union and the European Institutions" presents the political system of the EU with its specific nature and differences in comparison with the classic democratic political systems in national states. For this purposes the division in the power competences between the EU institutions and the national institutions of the members’ counties are described and analyzed. As a main element of EU political system are described the specific characteristics of the EU institutions – Council of the European Union, European Council, European Commission, European Parliament, Court of Justice of EU, European Central Bank, European Court of Auditors and others. The special intention is focused on their participation in the EU policies development, the decision making and the legislation development. The relations with the national power bodies/institutions are described. Some conclusions on the future development of the EU and its institutions are made in relation with the pointed out visions by the European Commission with The White Paper On Future of Europe (2017) summarized in 5 scenarios as well as by the Reflection papers (RP) for future of the main policies of EU (RP on European defense, RP on EU finances, RP on social dimensions of Europe, RP on harnessing globalization).

РЕЗЮМЕ:
Докладът "Развитие на Eвропейският съюз и европейските институции" разглежда политическата система на Европейския Съюз с нейните специфични особености и различия в сравнение с класическите демократични политически системи в националните държави. За тази цел са анализирани разделението на компетентностите в управлението между институциите на Съюза и държавите-членки.
Като основен елемент на европейската политическа система са описани специфичните характеристики на институциите на Европейският Съюз – Съвет на Европейския Съюз ("Съвета"), Европейски Съвет, Европейска Комисия (ЕК), Европейски Парламент (ЕП), Съд на Европейския Съюз, Европейска Централна Банка (ЕЦБ), Сметна Палата на Европейския Съюз (СПЕС). В докладът е фокусирано вниманието върху тяхното участие във формирането на политиките на Съюза, вземането на решения и законодателния процес. Описани са и връзките и взаимоотношенията с националните органи за управление. Направени са изводи за бъдещото развитие на ЕС и неговите институции в съответствие с повдигнатите за дискусия виждания на Европейската комисия в Бялата книга за бъдещето на Европа (2017 г.), обобщени в 5 сценария, както и на вижданията за развитието в основните политики на Съюза – отбрана, финанси, социални въпроси и глобализацията.

ABSTRACT:
The current paper "Social Policy of EU in the globalizing world – between European and national" presents some aspects of the social policies of EU and the member states and, also, the challenges EU faces because of the continuous changing and developing technological world. The globalization, which affects direct he existence and the life of people, holds out new challenges for the social activities and policies within EU. Shall the policies in the separate countries members of EU continue according to the existing rules in place and every country would determine the social policies by its own or a new approach for unifying should be found in order to be used in the Union as a whole. A comparative analysis is prepared based on the historical experience for the new challenging factors in front of the labour force in Europe and the trends worldwide – negative growth of population, modernization and robotization of production, global network development (Internet), labour migration, etc., showing the new requirements to be met by the European working population in order to keep its competitiveness for the business environment. It is notified that there is a trend of future deeper integration in the social area within EU in order to balance the standard of living in all countries – richer or poorer, by unifying the social area standards.

РЕЗЮМЕ:
В доклада "Социалната политика на Европейския Съюз в глобализиращия се свят – между европейското и националното" са представени аспекти от социалната политика на държавите членки на Европейския съюз. Разгледани са предизвикателствата, пред които е изправена предвид факта на непрекъснато променящия се и развиващ се технологично свят. Глобализацията, която рефлектира пряко върху съществуването и битието на хората предлага нови предизвикателства пред развитието на социалната дейност и политика в рамките на Общността. Дали политиката на отделните страни членки в ЕС да продължи да съществува по-сега вече действащите правила и всяка държава да я определя сама за себе си или да се потърси един нов подход на унифициране, който да обхване цялата европейска общност. Направен е сравнителен анализ с примери от близкото минало на досега действащите предизвикателства пред работната сила в Европа и на база на новите европейски и световни тенденции – отрицателен прираст на населението, модернизация и роботизация на производството, развитието на глобалната мрежа (интернет), работната миграция и мн. др., са отбелязани новите изисквания, към които работоспособното население на Европа, трябва да се приспособи за да остане конкурентноспособно за бизнес средата. Отбелязана е тенденцията в бъдеще да се задълбочи интеграцията в социалната сфера в рамките на Европейския съюз, с цел изравняване на стандарта на живот между по-богати и по-бедни държави членки, посредством уеднаквяване на стандартите в социалната сфера.

ABSTRACT:
The current paper "European Union: Challenges for substantially changes” presents a an analysis on the economic and social changes in European Union (EU) which have come in it from its foundation until the current state on the world stage as an unique, most influential and economically strong union worldwide. Especially, we have reviewed and we have made comparative analyses in chronological order on the main changes of EU, introduced by the Treaty of Maastricht (1992, in force from 1993) and The Treaty of Lisbon (2007, in force from 2009, concerning the organization on European (supranational) level. The competences of EU on the member countries moves more and more from national to the European level. The European legislation becomes more and more obligatory and applicable in the Union in more and more sectors like Customs union; establishment of completion rules in local markets; monetary policy in Eurozone members; protection of the sea biological resources; common trade policy, etc. EU has faced the necessity of continuing its development after the new world changes in the last decade: first, extension with twelve new members and respective trade markets and economic potential for economic growth and, second, the increasing separatism in Europe and a menace of fragmentation in the Union, especially after the Brexit and the British decision the leave the EU. In international aspect, the military conflicts in the Near East and the Arab World (Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq) and conflict between Ukraine and Russia, as well as the continuous stream of political and economic immigrants, seeking for asylum and protection (from Africa, Asia and Europe), resulted in serious doubts about the ability of EU to act, as a whole, when some crises appear on European level or worldwide. As a result some different new scenarios were designed for development (the ways that EU would follow) and a White Paper on The Future of Europe was announced by the European Commission. In the present paper five scenarios for the future EC development are reviewed and the expected positive or negative changes that could appear when applied each of them are analysed: "Carrying on”; "Nothing but the single market”; "Those who want more do more”; "Doing less more efficiently”; "Doing much more together”.

РЕЗЮМЕ:
Докладът "Eвропейският съюз: Предизвикателства за съществени промени” представя анализ на икономическите и социални промени, настъпили в Европейския съюз от неговото възникване до сегашното му положение на световната сцена, като единствения по рода си, и най-влиятелния и икономически силен Съюз съществуващ по света. По-конкретно са разгледани Договорите от Маастрихт и Лисабон и е направен сравнителен анализ в хронологичен ред на развитието на промените, които те въвеждат в организацията на европейско (наднационално) ниво. Сферата на влияние (компетенциите) на ЕС в държавите-членки се измества все повече от национално към наднационално ниво. Европейското право (законодателство) става задължително за прилагане в Общността във все повече сектори, като: митнически съюз; установяване на необходимите за функционирането на вътрешния пазар правила относно конкуренцията; парична политика на държавите от Еврозоната; опазване на морските биологични ресурси; обща търговска политика и др.
ЕС е изправен пред необходимостта да продължи развитието си след настъпилите по света промени през последното десетилетие: от една страна разширяването с дванадесет нови страни-членки, довели до приобщаването на нови търговки пазари и потенциал за икономически растеж, от друга засилващия се сепаратизъм в Европа и угроза от фрагментация в Съюза, особено след "Brexit” и решението на Великобритания да го напусне.
В международен план военните конфликти в Близкия Изток и Арабския свят (Сирия, Афганистан, Ирак и др.) и между Украйна и Русия, както и неспиращият емигрантски поток от търсещи закрила и убежище политически и икономически бежанци (от Африка, Азия и Европа) поставя под сериозен въпрос способността на ЕС да действа, като едно цяло, при възникването на кризи на европейско и световно ниво. Това доведе до разработването на няколко нови различни сценария за развитие (пътя, по който да тръгне ЕС), и лансирането сред европейската общност на така наречената "Бяла книга за бъдещето на Европа” от Европейската комисия. В доклада са разгледани петте сценария на развитие на Съюза, както и очакваните промени в положителна и отрицателна посока, които ще настъпят при прилагането на всеки един от тях: "Продължаваме, както досега"; "Остава само единния пазар"; "Тези, които искат да правят повече, правят повече"; Правим по-малко, но по-ефективно"; "Правим много повече заедно".

ABSTRACT:
The current paper „Defence as a common priority in the development of the European Union and/or a policy element of nation states“ presents the challenges faced by the European Union with the emergence of changes in the international security and defence environment (hybrid, cybernetic, chemical, biological, terrorist and many other threats). Military conflicts are no longer just a memory of the past (for example, two world wars on the Old continent), but are getting closer and closer to the external borders of the EU, which leads to a number of negative consequences. The migration flow of refugees from conflict zones to the community is increasing. The idea of a Common European defence has come to the fore, given that some of the Union's smaller and poorer member States lack the necessary military power and resources to counter modern security threats. Their weapons are outdated and belong to a bygone era– „the cold war“. The role of the United States in NATO remains fundamental to the maintenance of world peace, but in recent years it has become clear from the statements of the US President that NATO member states should allocate more money from their state budget to rearm their armies so that they can carry out peacekeeping military missions of the Alliance and be its real and equal member. All this requires even more sense from the search for strengthening military cooperation within the EU and the creation of a single and strong European army, which does not duplicate the activities of NATO, but updates it and can compete with the major military forces of the world, such as Russia, China, India and more. By the year 2025, the EU envisages consideration of this issue at the level of the EU Council and the European Parliament, with possible options for continued cooperation between member States, characterized by three main guidelines (models): „Security and defence cooperation“, „Shared security and defence“ and „Common defence and security“.

РЕЗЮМЕ:
В доклада „Отбраната като общ приоритет в развитието на Европейския съюз и/или елемент от политиката на националните държави“ са представени предизвикателствата, пред които е изправен Европейския съюз с настъпването на промени в международната обстановка в сферата на сигурността и отбраната (хибридни, кибернетич-ни, химични, биологични, терористични и мн. др. заплахи). Военните конфликти вече не са само спомен от миналото (пример са двете Световни войни на стария континент), а се оказват все по-близко до външните граници на ЕС, като водят след себе си редица негативни последици. Увеличава се миграционния поток на бежанци от конфликтни зони към Общността. На преден план изплува идеята за Обща Европейска Отбрана, предвид факта, че някои от малките и по-бедни държави-членки на Съюза не разполагат с необходимата военна мощ и ресурс да се противопоставят на съвременните заплахи в сферата на сигурността. Тяхното въоръжение е остаряло и е от една отминала епоха – времето на студената война. Ролята на САЩ в НАТО продължава да е основополагаща за поддържа-нето на световния мир, но през последните години става ясно от изказванията на американския президент, че страните членки на НАТО трябва да отделят повече пари от държавния си бюджет за превъоръжаване на армиите си за да могат да изпълняват миро- опазващите военни мисии на Алианса и да му бъдат реален и равнопоставен член. Всичко това предпоставя още повече смисъла от търсене на засилване на военното сътрудничество в рамките на ЕС и създаване на една единна и силна европейска армия, която да не дублира дейността на НАТО, а да я надгражда и да може да се конкурира с големите световни военни сили, като Русия, Китай, Индия и др. До 2025 г., в ЕС се предвижда разглеждането на този въпрос на ниво Съвет на ЕС и Европейски парламент, като възможните варианти за продължаване на сътрудничеството между държавите-членки са характеризирани в три основни насоки (модела): „Сътрудничество за сигурност и отбрана“, „Споделена сигурност и отбрана“ и „Обща отбрана и сигурност“.

ABSTRACT:
The report presents new realities faced by the political system of the European Union in the modern world. Economic crises, an aging European population, escalating military conflicts, some near the external borders of the Union, an influx of immigrants from weaker economic States, cybersecurity, pandemics, etc., are a small part of the problems that will be addressed at the European level in the future. The Lisbon Treaty, which has been in force for more than a decade, introduced significant improvements in the way European institutions function that they can meet the new challenges of an ever-globalizing world. To make the EU more competitive in the world's economic powers, a more safety and secure place to live, European integration should be strengthened and move to the creation of a new Treaty on the functioning of the Union, gives more powers to European institutions. The Euro parties, The European Commission and the whole political system from Brussels should find a management model, supporting the European Union in the fight against new world realities. The advantages that would occur for the community after changing the main EU Treaty that determines the activity and its way of functioning are also noted. A number of proposals were made for improvement of the European institutions activities of and for development of the  European integration.

РЕЗЮМЕ:
Докладът представя новите реалности, пред които е изправена политическата система на Европейския съюз в съвременния свят. Икономическите кризи, застаряващото европейско население, ескалацията на военни конфликти, някои в близост до външните граници на Съюза, притока на имигранти от по-слаби икономически държави, киберсигурността, пандемиите и т.н., са една малка част от проблемите, на които в бъдеще ще се търси решение на европейско ниво. Лисабонският Договор, действащ повече от десет години въведе значителни подобрения в начина на функциониране на европейските институции, така че те да отговарят на новите предизвикателства на непрестанно глобализиращия се свят. За да бъде ЕС по-конкурентноспособен на световните икономически сили, по-защитено и по-сигурно място за живот, следва да се засили европейската интеграция и да се премине към създаване на нов договор за функциониране на Съюза, даващ повече правомощия на европейските институции. Европартиите, Европейската комисия и цялата политическа система от Брюксел би трябвало да намерят модел на управление, подпомагащ Европейския съюз в борбата с новите световни реалности. Отбелязани са също така и ползите, които биха настъпили за Общността след промяна на основния договор за ЕС, детерминиращ дейността и начина му на функциониране. Направени са редица предложения за усъвършенстване дейността на евроинституциите и за развитието на евроинтеграцията.

РЕЗЮМЕ:
Политическата и институционалната системи на Европейския Съюз са сложни системи, изградени на много нива – национално, регионално и европейско. Върху организацията и функционирането на ЕС оказват влияние множество фактори, а евроинституциите срещат непрекъснато предизвикателства и трябва да решават възникнали проблеми в условията на динамично развиващия се свят. От способността (капацитета) на институционалната система да взема своевременно и ефективно краткосрочни и дългосрочни решения по възникналите проблеми, зависи нормалното функциониране на Съюза и неговото бъдещо развитие, като уникална политическа и икономическа система на доброволно присъединили се страни. В настоящата статия сме направили опит да идентифицираме и класифицираме основните предизвикателства в настоящото развитие на ЕС и факторите – външни (глобални) и вътрешни за системата, както и тяхното комплексно въздействие и последици.

ABSTRACT:
The article presents the changes that have taken place since Britain's decision to leave the Union. This process, which began with the organization of the Referendum in 2016, had a negative impact on both the EU's domestic and foreign policy, as well as its micro and macroeconomics. Doubts have been raised about the danger of a total or partial disintegration of the Community, as well as the possibility of the future EU development at several speeds. The question is whether, after Brexit, the gap in living standards between Member States and regions will begin to narrow or will there continue to be a confrontation between small/large in territory and poor/rich in economic development member states. The weakening of the European Union's political influence worldwide with regard to international organizations (UN, G7, G20, Commonwealth of Nations composed of 53 English-speaking Member States supporting the Queen of England, etc.) has been noted. The strengthening of Euroscepticism among the citizens of Europe has been noted, as well as the danger of fatigue before the deepening of European integration and the possibility of future EU enlargements with new member states (for example, with the countries of the Western Balkans).