European Union external relations

The September 2021 edition of the IRMO Brief deals with energy security of the Balkans and the upcoming changes in the energy security of the region. Year 2023 could bring a dramatic overhaul on the energy map of the Western Balkans countries, as by then the derogation from EU environmental regulation for a number of thermal power plants expires while reliability of lignite mines and power plants deteriorates. As the region’s energy supply is to a large extent dependent on lignite-fired power plants, the 2023 will be a turning point for the Balkans in terms of energy supply. At the same time, the Western Balkan countries are aware of the importance of the EU Green Agenda and that the replacement of coal by other energy sources, is at the core of EU climate policy. The author also analyses the energy map Europe after the completion of the Nord Stream 2 and Turk Stream gas pipeline projects as well as closures of nuclear and coal plants and phase out of Groningen gas field , and positions the role of the Balkans in the overall energy security of Europe. Paper address the risk that developments in Balkans affect credibility of the EU promotion of the rule of law, climate change awareness and human rights.  Findings are confirmed by recent failures in gas and power supply across the region and spike in wholesale prices.

In June 2016, the European Union launched its new ‘Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy’. In less unusual times, it would have been received as merely the latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external action, this time with an enhanced dose of pragmatism to respond to a more challenging international environment. However, with the contours of ‘Brexit’ becoming clearer and the start of the Trump Presidency in the United States, the EU’s Global Strategy has acquired a whole new level of significance. This paper argues that while meant to express a largely uncontroversial consensus, it now needs to be recontextualized as a distinctive vision in the face of trends of anti-globalism and Euroscepticism. This concerns in particular its emphasis on rules-based global governance. Challenged by both President Trump ‘America First’ policy and the British government’s course for a ‘hard Brexit’, the Global Strategy represents a blueprint and rallying point for a continued pursuit of a liberal world order based on the rule of law.

This publication - The Balkan Human Corridor - is a
collection of essays from scholars and opinion
makers in Southeast Europe. Contributing authors
explore some of the thorniest issues concerning national
capacity and security. Our publication is offered to
policy-makers in concerned countries, as well as
leaders in Northern and Western Europe who are
grappling with the national and collective response to
the crisis. The publication is part of a broader project
undertaken by the Program on Peace-building and
Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study
of Human Rights. The ‚Southeast Europe Dialogue
Project‛ fosters contact, communication, and
cooperation between officials, politicians, journalists,
and civil society in Athens and Skopje. The Project
seeks to derive practical benefits for civil society. It also
tries to create an improved climate conducive to
resolution of bilateral issue.

In this article for Just Security, the authors explain how the EU institutions (European Commission and External Action Service) and the US are pressing forward with a package assembled by Enlargement Commissioner Oliver Varhelyi, which not only continues their pursuit of electoral law and constitutional changes which would reinforce the power and unaccountability of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political elites, but also put huge swathes of BiH land up for natural asset stripping. In addition, genocide denial and war crimes glorification criminal sanctions imposed by High Representative Valentin Inzko would be on the chopping block. These moves reward allied politicians Milorad Dodik and Dragan Covic, who have jointly driven the ongoing crisis in BiH.

'Critical security studies' has come to occupy a prominent place within the lexicon of International Relations and security studies over the past two decades. While disagreement exists about the boundaries of this sub-discipline or indeed some of its central commitments, in this article we argue that we can indeed talk about a 'critical security studies' project orienting around three central themes. The first is a fundamental critique of traditional (realist) approaches to security; the second is a concern with the politics of security-the question of what security does politically; while the third is with the ethics of security-the question of what progressive practices look like regarding security. We suggest that it is the latter two of these concerns with the politics and ethics of security that ultimately define the 'critical security studies' project. Taking the so-called Welsh School and Copenhagen School frameworks as archetypal examples of 'critical security studies' (and its limits), in this article we argue that despite its promises, scholarship in this tradition has generally fallen short of providing us with a sophisticated, convincing account of either the politics or the ethics of security. At stake in the failure to provide such an account is the fundamental question of whether we need a 'critical security studies' at all.

Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Abdruck oder vergleichbare Verwendung von Arbeiten der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik ist auch in Auszügen nur mit vorheriger schriftlicher Genehmigung gestattet. SWP-Studien unterliegen einem Begutachtungsverfahren durch Fachkolleginnen und-kollegen und durch die Institutsleitung (peer review). Sie geben die Auffassung der Autoren und Autorinnen wieder.

European Union Member States have committed themselves, individually and collectively, to the fight against impunity for serious international crimes. The record is, however, ambiguous: support for the current investigations of the International Criminal Court is uneven and Member States are reluctant to exercise universal jurisdiction and develop binding common policies under the 'third pillar'. This article assesses the extent of the discrepancy between stated normative preferences and flexible practices. It argues that this discrepancy results from the clash of accountability with other prevailing norms and interests, on the one hand, and from the lack of effective drivers pushing Member States towards increased commitment to combat impunity through a set of social mechanisms such as rhetorical action and socialization, on the other.

This dissertation will examine the military intervention conducted by NATO in Kosovo in 1999.  By examining the pre-existing situation, the justifications given, the methods used, and the results of the intervention, it will be determined whether the characterization of this event as a “humanitarian intervention” is accurate.  In the first chapter, the literature on Kosovo, human rights, and humanitarian intervention is examined to assess the current state of the debate on the Kosovo intervention.  Following this introduction is a chapter on the idea of human rights.  This begins with a brief history of human rights, then assesses the standing of human rights in international law and international relations and the ways in which they apply to the Kosovo intervention.  The concept of humanitarian intervention is examined in the next chapter, including a short survey of its history in the post-World War II period, an examination of different definitions of the term, and a determination of what criteria were (or should be) applied in order to evaluate whether or not an intervention qualifies as “humanitarian”.  The fourth chapter is a case study of the intervention in Kosovo in the spring and summer of 1999, applying the ideas of human rights and humanitarian intervention to the course of events before, during, and after the NATO bombing campaign.  This chapter includes a brief historical background to the conflict, then moves on to an analysis of the motives, behaviour, and interests of the intervening parties, and an assessment of the outcome of the intervention.  The final section of this chapter is the conclusion, which summarizes the findings of this thesis and evaluates their significance in both academic and practical terms.

This article focuses on the way the European Union acted as a negotiating party during the international negotiations leading to the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (1998–2000). Starting from a principal–agent model, the article discusses how the EU participated in these negotiations and how the internal decision-making process developed. It argues that the EU was able to negotiate in a unified and influential way by defending a common position, which was expressed by a flexible negotiation arrangement, at the international level. Three features of the EU decision-making process engendered such a strong EU negotiation arrangement: homogeneous preferences among the actors in the EU, symmetrically distributed information among them and a cooperative and institutionally dense decision-making context. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.

This article addresses the question whether the European Union defaulted on the ‘strict observance’ of international law and ‘respect’ for the UN Charter, which are now express objectives of the EU following the Lisbon reform, in the course of the famous Kadi cases. With the final appeals judgment having been handed down by the Court of Justice of the European Union in July 2013, this question can now be conclusively answered in the negative. Despite the general tension these legal challenges created between EU law and international law, the EU managed, in the course of twelve years, to weave a seamless coat of compliance with international law. The article contrasts this finding with the general academic discourse on this case law, which tends to depict Kadi as a ‘sacrifice’ of compliance with international law for the benefit of fundamental rights (as well as the autonomy of the EU legal order). By retracing the entirety of this string of cases, the article demonstrates that, all rhetoric aside and for all practical purposes, the EU courts and other institutions managed to avoid any violations of international legal obligations towards the UN Security Council in this matter. The EU discontinued its own sanctions against Mr Kadi only after he had been delisted by the UN by means of a political decision, not by virtue of judicial intervention.

Les partisans de la construction européenne ont toujours avancé que
celle-ci avait amené la paix. Pourtant, aucune étude scientifique n’a
jamais développé une approche critique d’une telle prétention. Pour
remédier à cette surprenante lacune, l’auteur établit une typologie qui
permet de reconstituer les deux conceptions principales qui s’opposent
autour de cette question : celle des européistes et celle des eurosceptiques.
La confrontation dialectique entre ces deux approches constitue
le fil rouge de l’ouvrage. Reprise dans chacun des chapitres, elle
permet, de dégager un point de vue synthétique visant à dépasser cette
opposi tion. L’auteur montre que la contribution de la construction
européenne à la paix se situe dans les nuances, se démarquant ainsi
des slogans irénistes des européistes tout en démontant les arguments
des eurosceptiques. Il conclut que l’UE ne pourra jamais empêcher
des dérives extrémistes et belligènes. Elle peut cependant en limiter
les dommages par les règles et les institutions que les Etats membres
se sont eux-mêmes imposés.

The European Union (EU) is widely recognized to be a major actor in international development cooperation. First, this chapter discusses key issues and debates on EU development policy. Secondly, the uniqueness of this policy domain, compared to other EU policies in this volume, is highlighted. Thirdly, the chapter elaborates two main policy-making domains: the EU as a donor itself and as a coordinator of member states' policies. Overall, the EU follows the regulatory and distributional modes in its role as a donor, and when it seeks to coordinate member-state policy, the policy coordination mode is to the fore. Moreover, intensive transgovernmentalist features appear in both domains. The conclusion summarizes the main trends and future challenges.

Kazamias drew a distinction between immediate and underlying causes of Kotzias's resignation.  He said "Kotzias' resignation underscores the already weak position of the Tsipras Government" and exposes shortcomings within its core policymaking team, slamming Tsipras's decision to let Kotzias go at such an inappropriate time.

Late 2014 and early 2015 have seen new developments in the Court of Justice’s case-law on the relationship between international agreements and EU law, as well as their invocability when the validity of secondary EU legislation is challenged. On 18 December 2014 the Court gave a negative opinion on the compatibility of the Draft Agreement on the Accession of the EU to the ECHR,  and in a different case refused to extend the Fediol  and Nakajima  exceptions to the compatibility of the EU’s banana regime with WTO law. 
Then, on 13 January 2015 the Grand Chamber handed down two nearly identical judgments,  concerned with the application of the afore-mentioned exceptions to the Aarhus Convention.  The Grand Chamber continued its December approach and overturned the General Court’s judgments in Vereniging Milieudefensie v. Commission  and Stichting Natuur v. Commission.  In these latter cases the General Court was willing to circumvent the lack of direct effect of Article 9(3) Aarhus Convention (‘the Convention’)  by extending the Fediol and Nakajima exceptions to this Convention. Following the Grand Chamber’s judgments, it seems that the two exceptions will remain confined to WTO law, more specifically anti-dumping, anti-subsidies and trade barriers.
The upcoming sections will take a critical look at the reasoning of the General Court, the Advocate General, and the Grand Chamber in Vereniging Milieudefensie. For matters of simplicity Stichting Natuur is not handled in this annotation, since the General Court and the Grand Chamber  presented nearly identical arguments for the application/non-application of Fediol and Nakajima.

This article argues that Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations have a positive legal story worth recounting as to the effects of the negotiations upon the EU legal order. The paper explores the negotiation of EU international agreements as a specific field of law and considers how the TTIP negotiations overall contribute to the politicisation of the EU through shifts in legal practice on the part of all major institutional actors to EU international relations in changes to approach, procedure and actions. It uses the metric of responsiveness to measure or chart the former, considering the responses as actually practiced by institutional actors in law to normative concerns arising. It considers these practices across a range of actors, specifically the European Commission, the European Parliament, the Ombudsman, the Committee of the Regions and the TTIP Advisory Group.

"Only Duroselle was vindicated" - Ahrweiler, Megalommatis and the Greek Disease
Republication from the currently inactive blog 'The Greeks of the Orient'
First republished on 7th August 2021 here:
https://profmegalommatistextsingreek.wordpress.com/2021/08/07/μόνον-ο-ντυροζέλ-δικαιώθηκε-αρβελέ/
ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”
Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 19η Ιουλίου 2019.

Στο ενθουσιαστικά υπέρ εμού γραμμένο κείμενό του, ο φίλος κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης αποδεικνύεται πολύ φειδωλός στις αναφορές του στο άχρηστο, μολυσμένο και σάπιο ακαδημαϊκό, εκπαιδευτικό, δημοσιογραφικό, δημοσιοϋπαλληλικό, πολιτικό, ψευτο-θρησκευτικό, καλλιτεχνικό και επαγγελματικό κατεστημένο της θεοκατάρατης ψευτο-Ελλάδας, η οποία βαδίζει προς το απαιτητό τέλος της και την βιολογική εξαφάνιση του εκεί συγκεντρωμένου ψευτο-έθνους. Όλα εδώ πληρώνονται, και η κάθαρση από την αριστερή-κομμουνιστική χολέρα της Χρυσής Αυγής, της ΝΔ, του ΠΑΣΟΚ, και των λοιπών κομματικών αποβρασμάτων θα απαιτήσει την εξολόθρευση του μισού πληθυσμού της χώρας. Το τι λέω είναι πολύ χαριστικό σε σχέση με τις επερχόμενες θεόσταλτες καταστροφές. Άλλωστε, και αν ακόμη λάβουμε υπόψει τις Κατευθυντήριες Πλάκες της Γεωργίας, η Ελλάδα -αναλογικά- δεν χρειάζεται πάνω από 700000 κατοίκους όλους κι όλους. Χωρίς έμφυτη και εμφανή τάση για ψυχική αυτοκυριαρχία, ηθική, ανεξαρτησία, ελεύθερη οικονομία, δημιουργικότητα και επινοητικότητα, ένας άνθρωπος δεν χρειάζεται να υπάρχει επειδή πολύ απλά δεν είναι άνθρωπος.

Ακολουθεί το κείμενο του κ. Μπαϋρακτάρη για την υπόθεση Ντυροζέλ, και ακολουθεί και δεύτερο μέρος.

Προσωπικά, δεν έχω ακόμη μιλήσει δημόσια για το θέμα μετά την Συνηγορία μου υπέρ του βιβλίου του επιφανούς ακαδημαϊκού παλιά, προ τριακονταετίας. Είναι προτιμώτερο να μην υπάρχει Ελλάδα, όταν θα μιλήσω.
----------------------------------- 
Το καθαυτό κείμενο της Συνηγορίας μου υπέρ της Ιστορίας Ντυροζέλ βρίσκεται εδώ¨
https://www.academia.edu/86544955/Κοσμάς_Μεγαλομμάτης_Συνηγορία_υπέρ_της_Ιστορίας_Ντυροζέλ_1990_

The political evolution of Russia led by Putin is a recreation of the pure ideals of Socialist former USSR, this connection to its loyal to the former Soviet Union fruit of having full military service by socialist land, provides the curiosity to understand how it is possible in full season of Western democracies, Russia to assert itself as a superpower in the international system. The entry into Putin scene with the new Russian doctrine for its external action as well as the remarkable return of the Russian Federation to the global arena are phenomena for which it is necessary to make an introspection on Putin's terms, perceive the rotational logic between Putin and Medvedev and how can the Russian Federation to respond to the attacks of Western organizations to Eastern European countries, more precisely, the former territories of the EX-USSR. The understandings of Putin's policies under foreign will be presented based on studies conducted at different times about your attitude and your burning interest to act on the international stage, whether as evidence of its existence (Munich Conference on 2008), either by their action with the 'near abroad', colliding with cooperative ideals of NATO and the European Union Community. Certain questions are raised mainly by attempts to annexation by Russia, as well as the constant attempt by the European Union to promote an integrative culture of the Eastern countries and use NATO as a security force, which describes Putin as a premise to the United United States assert themselves by being part of that organization.

Using objective measures of investor protections in 170 countries, I establish that the level of investor protection matters for cross-country differences in GDP growth: countries with stronger protections tend to grow faster than those with poor investor protections.

CONVENIOS INTERNACIONALES.—Competencia exclusiva de la UE.—Convenio de La Haya sobre los aspectos civiles de la sustracción internacional de menores.—Aceptación de la adhesión de nuevos Estados parte. Arts. 3.2, 218.1, 218.11, 258 TFUE; Reglamento 2201/2003.

2021---GIBRALTAR TRAS EL BREXIT ¿UN NUEVO MODELO DE COOPERACIÓN TRANSFRONTERIZA EN EL MARCO UE?
TIEMPO DE PAZ Nº 140 2021 PP. 55-69
SEPARATA
ALEJANDRO DEL VALLE-GÁLVEZ
INMACULADA GONZÁLEZ-GARCIA

RESUMEN
          El Brexit ha impactado directamente en la relación de España con el Reino Unido (RU) por la cuestión de Gibraltar. La salida británica ha obligado a redefinir el estatuto europeo de Gibraltar, y sus relaciones con España y la Unión Europea (UE), en términos institucionales, jurídicos y económicos. En este contexto, también se ha ideado unos mecanismos novedosos para regular y encauzar el tratamiento de la cooperación transfronteriza con Gibraltar, frecuente objeto de vaivenes políticos y cambios con los diferentes Gobiernos españoles y británicos.
      La cooperación transfronteriza del territorio de Gibraltar con el Campo de Gibraltar, Andalucía y España ha tenido variadas e intermitentes fases en su planteamiento y evolución en el tiempo.  En el marco del proceso de salida del RU de la UE se ha acordado un nuevo modelo en los sucesivos Tratados y acuerdos UE-RU que combinan Hard Law de Derecho originario con Soft Law de Memorandos de Entendimiento (Memorandum of Understanding - MOU). Esta regulación ha requerido de una negociación específica previa británico-española.
      El primer Tratado de Retirada de 2019 ha conformado un auténtico sistema de cooperación transfronteriza que involucra al RU, la UE, Gibraltar y España, mediante una serie de Memorandos interconectados con un Protocolo sobre Gibraltar, que reenvían al Tratado fiscal y establecen una cooperación concreta sobre derechos de los ciudadanos y trabajadores fronterizos; tabaco y otros productos; cooperación en materia medioambiental; y cooperación policial y aduanera.
      Por su parte, el segundo Tratado, el Acuerdo comercial de relación futura, aún no en vigor, no trata el estatuto de Gibraltar, pues se ha preferido dedicar un Tratado separado RU-UE al estatuto de Gibraltar con la UE, Tratado que debe aún negociarse y celebrarse; sin embargo, un ‘Principio de acuerdo’ previo hispano-británico ya ha sentado las bases de esa futura negociación y convenio específico para el futuro de Gibraltar en su relación con la UE y España, con una cooperación transfronteriza reforzada y garantizada con el Campo de Gibraltar y Andalucía.
        En definitiva, el proceso del Brexit parece aportar un nuevo modelo para la cooperación trasfronteriza con Gibraltar, articulado bilateralmente por España y Reino Unido en el marco institucional y jurídico de la UE.


ABSTRACT
            Brexit has directly impacted Spain's relationship with the UK due to the Gibraltar issue. The British withdrawal from the EU has forced the redefinition of the European statute of Gibraltar, and its relations with Spain and the European Union, in institutional, legal and economic terms. In this context, novel mechanisms have also been devised to regulate the treatment of cross-border cooperation with Gibraltar, which is frequently the subject of political ups and downs and changes with the different Spanish and British governments.
          The cross-border cooperation of the territory of Gibraltar with the Campo de Gibraltar, Andalusia and Spain has had intermittent phases in its evolution over time. Within the framework of the British exit process, a new model has been agreed in successive EU-UK agreements that combine Hard Law (Primary EU Law) with Soft Law (Memoranda of Understanding – MOU). This regulation has required a specific prior British-Spanish negotiation.
          The first Withdrawal Treaty of 2019 has formed a peculiar cross-border cooperation system involving the UK, the EU, Gibraltar and Spain, through a series of Memoranda interconnected with the Protocol on Gibraltar. The Protocol refer to the Tax Treaty and establish concrete cooperation on rights of citizens and cross-border workers; tobacco and other products; cooperation in environmental matters; and police and customs cooperation.
          The second Treaty, the Future Relationship Trade Agreement, not yet in force, does not deal with the status of Gibraltar, as it has been preferred to dedicate a separate UK-EU Treaty to the status of Gibraltar with the EU, a Treaty that still must be negotiated and celebrated.  However, a prior Spanish-British 'Principle of Agreement' has already laid the foundations for that future negotiation and specific agreement for the future of Gibraltar in its relationship with the EU and Spain, with a reinforced and guaranteed cross-border cooperation with the Campo de Gibraltar and Andalusia.
          In short, the Brexit process seems to provide a new model for cross-border cooperation with Gibraltar, articulated bilaterally by Spain and the United Kingdom within the institutional and legal framework of the EU.


PALABRAS CLAVE
Brexit, Gibraltar, Soft Law, Memorandum of Understanding, Unión Europea, Acuerdo de retirada, Schengen, Cooperación transfronteriza
KEYWORDS
Brexit, Gibraltar, Soft Law, Memorandum of Understanding, European Union, Withdrawal Agreement, Schengen, Cross-border Cooperation.

L'arrêt 130/10 de la Cour de Justice de l'Union européenne est l'héritier d'un débat politique qui se retrouve transposé au niveau du droit européen. Il est relatif aux compétences de l'Union en matière de lutte contre le terrorisme, que la Cour rattachera in fine à la Politique Etrangère et de Sécurité Commune (PESC). Le débat qui se trame en arrière-plan de cet arrêt a déjà commencé avec l'affaire Kadi du 3 septembre 2008. Il consiste à connaître les droits, les bases juridiques et les procédures qui doivent encadrer la lutte contre le terrorisme au niveau européen. Ces questions ont conduit la Cour à proposer un véritable exercice de droit européen institutionnel -voire constitutionnel- sur lequel nous reviendrons au fil du commentaire. Pour l'instant, l'important est de bien saisir la continuité entre Kadi et notre affaire

Una de las tantas transformaciones a las que se enfrenta el sistema mundial en la actualidad, y que tiene consecuencias directas en la región iberoamericana ver con las formas de cooperación internacional. Ya sea en calidad de país receptor o donante, las transformaciones del mundo actual, los cambios en los desafíos y las amenazas, así como los embates de las crisis financieras internacionales han transformado en mucho las tendencias tradicionales de cooperación.

Die EU versucht, nicht-europäische Staaten in die europäischen Migrationskontrollen einzubinden und die eigenen Ziele zu vorgeblich gemeinsamen Zielen zu machen. Ein Beispiel dafür sind die "Mobilitätspartnerschaften", deren Konzept 2007 von der Europäischen Kommission vorgestellt wurde und die mittlerweile mit acht sogenannten Drittstaaten abgeschlossen wurden.

This contribution addresses the scope of the Member States’ duty of “sincere cooperation” towards the Union. It notes that the goals of this duty are not limited to those listed in Article 3 TEU. They can relate to the interests of the Union and, the more precise the interest, the more naturally it can be enforced on the basis of the duty of “sincere cooperation”. The contribution acknowledges that a broad application of the principle allowed the Court to establish structural principles such as primacy, the unity of international representation and the principle of effective judicial protection — principles that have completed the EU legal construction. However, it is important not to make the mistake of promoting unity to the detriment of subsidiarity. The application of Article 4(3) must be justi ed by fundamental interests such as the principle of equality between Member States, respect for the rule of law or the effet utile of a measure. The loyalty mechanism can indeed be used for legal bootstrapping. The contribution proposes that, to avoid these pitfalls, the Court should explain, in pedagogic fashion, what Union interest it seeks to protect, where it derives that interest from and in what way that interest risks to be harmed in the absence of an obligation of loyalty.

In dit fraai geschreven boek beschrijft Lotte Jensen negen vredesverdragen tussen 1648 en 1815. De Vrede van Münster vormt het startpunt. Nadat de Republiek door Spanje werd erkend als zelfstandige staat, werden er tal van lofdichten geschreven. Dit niet vaak bekeken aspect geeft een nieuw licht op dit deel van de vaderlandse geschiedenis. Tegelijkertijd laat Jensen het verloop tussen oorlog en vrede zien aan de hand van diverse vredesverdragen die op hun buurt weer tot een nieuwe strijd zouden leiden. Dit boek wordt daarmee onderdeel van een nieuw onderzoeksterrein, namelijk Peace Studies. Het wordt duidelijk dat Jensen zich voornamelijk situeert in het kamp der traditionalisten dat tegenover de modernisten worden geplaatst. Dit standpunt houdt in dat de wortels van bijvoorbeeld nationalisme al vóór 1800 zijn waar te nemen. Hoewel zij de kant van de traditionalisten kiest, spreekt ze wel regelmatig over de modernistische invention of tradition en imagined community. Jensen geeft inzicht in personen die vaak vergeten zijn in de bestudering van deze verdragen die vanuit een politiek historisch standpunt worden onderzocht. Gedichten, liederen en toneelstukken komen uitvoerig aan bod, ondersteund door mooie gravures en kleurenplaten. In het eerste deel 'Nederlands zelfbesef' worden drie vredes beschreven, namelijk de Vrede van Münster (1648), de Vrede van Breda (1667) en de Vrede van Nijmegen (1678). Het eerste vredesverdrag uit 1648 toont aan dat verzoening het algemene thema was. Niet alleen protestantse groeperingen als doopsgezinden en remonstranten, maar ook katholieken waren zeer te spreken over de blijdschap die na zoveel jaren van onderdrukking eindelijk openlijk belijd mochten worden. De Nederlandse Opstand bracht een supranationaal oogpunt tot stand dat boven de gewesten transcendeerde. Opmerkelijk is de verbindende en verheffende rol van de Oranjes. Hierbij werd het klassieke idee van de Gouden Tijd aangehaald als reflectie op de eigen tijd. In 1748 werd de honderdjarige vrede herdacht tijdens de Vrede van Aken. Het was belangrijk dat de grandeur van de Gouden Eeuw tot in lengte van dagen zou doorklinken. Helaas zou 1652 een keerpunt worden in de Nederlandse geschiedenis, toen de Nederlands-Engelse Zeeoorlogen van start zouden gaan. Met de minder bekende Vrede van Breda kwam er op 31 juli 1667 een einde aan de Tweede Engelse Zeeoorlog. Ook hier werd positief door de bevolking op gereageerd. De Haagse dichter Jacob Westerbaen (1599-1670) hoopte dat deze vrede zou blijven voortbestaan, ondanks dat Nieuw-Amsterdam aan de Engelse werd overgedragen en de Republiek Suriname zou behouden. Hoewel minder bekend, waren er veel grote schrijvers die lofzangen opschreven zoals Joost van den Vondel en Joannes Antonides. Jensen wil met de beschrijving van dit verdrag aantonen hoezeer oorlog nog in het bloed zat. De onderlinge relaties tussen orangisten en staatsgezinden kon elk moment exploderen. Het verschil met de Vrede van Münster was dat het concept vrijheid hier veel meer politiek geladen was. In de gedichten op de Vrede van Breda zijn meerdere kenmerken herkenbaar, zoals de positieve invloed op koophandel en welvaart, de herdenking aan eerdere oorlogen en tenslotte respect voor de bestuurders van de Republiek, specifiek Johan en Cornelis de Witt. Andere belangrijke

En el marco del Proyecto de Cooperación Interuniversitaria (pci) financiado por la Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (aecid) realizado durante 2010, este manual se elaboró como resultado del trabajo conjunto llevado a cabo entre investigadores mexicanos y españoles como respuesta a la necesidad de contar en México con textos, libros y manuales que reflejaran la realidad, la práctica y las necesidades en la gestión de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo.

No está en duda que la Unión Europea es uno de los grandes actores de la diplomacia climática. Sin embargo, la estrategia e influencia de la llamada diplomacia climática europea ha pasado por diferentes etapas históricas en donde se mezclan elemento internos y externos que la van modelando. En este documento se clasifican estos cambios en tres períodos: el unilateralismo, la realpolitik y la grand strategy. Se analizará cada una y se propondrán estrategias para la última de ellas, aun en desarrollo.

There is no doubt that the European Union is one of the main players in the climate diplomacy. However, the strategy and influence of the European Climate Diplomacy has lived different historical periods depending on internal and external circumstances. In this paper these changes are classified into three periods: unilateralism, realpolitik and grand strategy. Each one will be analysed including proposal strategies for the last one, which is still ongoing.

This article expresses a note of caution regarding the general enthusiasm surrounding the duty of sincere cooperation in the external relations of the European Union. It argues that according to the recent case law of the European Court of Justice, the duty is in practise not only first and foremost incumbent upon the Member States, but manifests itself as a strict duty to refrain from acting – a duty to remain silent – rather than a duty of best endeavours. Tracing the Court’s key judgements in this regard (Inland Waterways, IMO and PFOS), the authors conclude that in the presence of Union competence, but in the absence of a (quasi)-authorisation by the Union institutions to act, the Member States are to remain idle. While arguably necessary to safeguard the Union’s unity of international representation, this development is prone to legally favour inaction and hinder the Union’s ambitions for actual “external action”.

The book presents selected aspects of the emergence, development and functioning of the European Union, taking into account the legal status as of 1999, when the book was published. It covers such issues as: (1) the history of European integration, starting with the situation in Europe after World War II and the establishment of the European Communities in the 1950s, till the entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty on May 1, 1999; (2) the institutional system and decision-making process of the European Union; (3) economic and monetary integration within the European Union; (4) the Common Foreign and Security Policy; (5) relations of the European Union with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

Since the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis, sanctions and counter-sanctions are a lively subject of public discussion. With all the differences in assessments, the general view boils down to the fact that sanctions are a double-edged sword. Unlike the Cold War in the current single global financial and economic system, the more damage is done to the enemy, the greater the risk of harming oneself. When representatives of the European Union said that "sanctions are not punishment, but only a way to cause a change in the politics and activities of the country, as well as specific citizens," they should have thought more thoroughly about the side effect.

Il processo di costruzione di una politica estera dell'Unione Europea (UE), distinta da quella dei suoi paesi membri, è stato lungo e faticoso e, come dimostra l'impotenza dell'UE di fronte alle crisi recenti -in Ucraina piuttosto che in Libia o in Siria -è ancora lungi dalla sua conclusione. I suoi principi, i suoi valori, i suoi strumenti, i suoi punti di forza e di debolezza sono il risultato dell'interazione tra gli interessi nazionali degli Stati membri nel quadro dei vincoli posti dal sistema internazionale. Come illustrato in seguito, le diverse fasi del mutare del sistema internazionale hanno posto dei vincoli allo sviluppo di una politica estera comune, ma hanno offerto anche opportunità (Bretherton and Vogler 2006, 24-27). La fase attuale, segnata da una crisi economica internazionale da cui l'Europa fatica a riprendersi e da un disordine globale contraddistinto da sistemi di governance inefficaci e inadatti a gestire le dinamiche derivate dalla globalizzazione, non fa eccezione.

Criza din Ucraina a deteriorat relațiile dintre Uniunea Europeană și Rusia, ajungîndu-se la sancțiuni reciproce, precum și la acuze aduse de către Bruxelles Moscovei. Astfel, aceasta din urmă ar folosi mass-media și centrele sale culturale pentru contracararea și destabilizarea politicilor UE. În această optică, comunicarea strategică dobândește o valoare principală, ea fiind un obiect de studiu care analizează capacitatea organizațiilor de a se angaja într-o comunicare concretă și țintită, care utilizează diverse activități cum ar fi relațiile publice, managementul comunicării și publicitatea.
Avem plăcerea să discutăm cu Evgheni Pașențev de la Academia Diplomatică a Ministerului Afacerilor Externe al Moscovei și director al Centrului pentru Studii Sociale și Politice și Consiliere (ICSPSC) pentru a discuta despre rolul geopolitic al comunicării strategice în relațiile ruso-europene.

This paper identifies a global trend towards hardened, militarised borders through the use of military technologies, hardware and personnel. In contrast to claims of waning state sovereignty, drawing on detailed case studies from the United States and European Union, we argue the militarisation of borders represents a re-articulation and expansion of state sovereignty into new spaces and arenas. We argue that the nexus of military-security contractors, dramatically increased security budgets, and the discourse of threats from terrorism and immigration is resulting in a profound shift in border security. The construction of barriers, deployment of more personnel and the investment in a wide range of military and security technologies from drones to smart border technologies that attempt to monitor, identify and prevent unauthorised movements are emblematic of this shift. We link this increasing militarisation to dehumanisation of migrant others and to the increasing mortality in border spaces. By documenting this trend and identifying a range of different practices that are included under the rubric of militarisation, this paper is both a call for nuanced interpretation and more sustained investigation of the expansion of the military into the policing of borders.

Książka jest aktualnym i kompleksowym opracowaniem przedstawiającym główne komponenty wspólnej polityki handlowej (WPH). Przedstawiono w niej istotę i ewolucję WPH, proces zarządzania nią, instrumentarium oraz strategiczne priorytety jej bieżącej realizacji. Istotną wartością publikacji jest aktualność omawianych zagadnień oraz przedstawienie ich w szerokim kontekście zmian zachodzących na wszystkich płaszczyznach kształtowania wspólnej polityki handlowej, tj.: na forum Światowej Organizacji Handlu, jak również w działaniach podejmowanych przez UE na poziomie dwustronnym i jednostronnym. Książka jest adresowana głównie do studentów, pracowników naukowych i naukowo-dydaktycznych oraz pracowników administracji państwowej zainteresowanych aktualizacją i poszerzeniem wiedzy w zakresie wspólnej polityki handlowej Unii Europejskiej i kształtowania gospodarczo-handlowych relacji UE z państwami trzecimi.

This chapter analyses the participation and contribution of the EU to international environmental negotiations. It gives an overview of the EU’s status as a partner in these negotiations and as a party to multilateral environmental agreements. In order to grasp how the EU acts as an negotiator at the international level, it is important to understand the internal division of legal competences, the external representation arrangement and the internal coordination process in the EU. This chapter also reviews the role of the EU in international environmental negotiations, the impact that the EU can have on their outcomes and the future challenges confronting the EU as it seeks to exert greater international leadership.

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Este artículo analiza el papel que las triangulaciones juegan en la política internacional, con especial atención a la política exterior española y, muy en concreto, a la triangulación España-UE-América Latina, que España ha impulsado con relativo éxito desde la década de los años ochenta del siglo XX. Para ello se hace un estudio de lo que ha sido el papel de España en las relaciones entre la UE y América Latina desde el inicio de las negociaciones de adhesión hasta el presente, y de las sinergias y contradicciones que se han derivado y derivan de esa triangulación, concluyendo que su futuro presenta algunos importantes interrogantes, desde la perspectiva española, europea y latinoamericana.


This article analyses the role that triangulations play within international relations, paying special attention to the foreign policy, and in concrete, the Spain-EU-Latin America’s triangulation, which since 80’s has been successfully enhanced by Spain. For this purpose, it is developed a study about the role of Spain within the EU and Latin America’s relations. The study covers since adherence negotiations up to date, as well as the synergies and contradictions which has arisen and currently arises out of this triangulation. The study will finish with a thorough analysis of the future of this triangulation viewed from Spain, EU and Latin America’s perspective.

How do EU law and international law interact? Is the relationship between EU law and international law different from the relationship between general international law and one of its specialised legal orders, for example the relationship between international law and the law of the sea? In other words, is the question of the relationship only one about the fragmentation of international law? Are the rules of interaction between the legal orders just 'technical' conflict rules in this context? Or are the rules of interaction between the international and the EU legal order which has been described as an autonomous legal order, akin to rules that govern the interaction between international law and national legal orders? Elements of both the international and the constitutional paradigms are reflected in most areas of EU law. But they are particularly prominent when analysing the relationship between international and EU law, a topic that has enjoyed increasing attention in recent years. In this paper, firstly, the more formal basis for the relationship is considered by looking at the international law framework of EU law before, secondly, looking at the relationship between the two legal orders and the realities of the relationship as expressed in the status of international law within the EU legal order.