Elis - Messenia - Achaea - Ionian islands

Η Κεφαλονίτικη Πρόοδος. Τριμηνιαίο περιοδικό Ιστορίας, Λαογραφίας, Τέχνης και Επικαιρότητας, περ. Β΄, τχ. 27, Κοριάννα Λειβαθούς Αργοστόλι, Ιούλιος-Σεπτέμβριος 2018, 14-20· τχ. 28, Οκτώβριος-Δεκέμβριος 2018, 17-20· τχ. 29, Ιανουάριος-Μάρτιος 2019, 19-22 (in Greek).

Very little, practically nothing has been written about the Submycenaean period in Western Achaea, a fact reflecting the belief that this stage was not particularly developed or that it had nothing significant to offer. 1 Moreover, in the few reports the word "Submycenaean" defines objects that do not fall stylistically into the Mycenaean period and, at the same time, cannot be classified as EPG, without taking into consideration their cultural environment, as usually happens elsewhere. 2 The simple definition "probably Submycenaean" is the most common in these cases and it refers exclusively to objects, so that the phase is merely being insinuated, without the slightest effort to place these objects in a general cultural frame, if there should be one. It seems that the existence of this hypothesis does not leave room for further analysis and for thorough examination so that the subject is finally overlooked and not discussed. This situation is due to objective difficulties related to the region, but also to the numerous and often different and contradictive views which are still pertinent to the use of the term Submycenaean. 3 This fact gives the impression that there are only few and isolated objects, mostly pottery, in Achaea that probably belong to the Submycenaean Style, which is either rare or confused with the local LH III C Late/Mature Achaean pottery Style. 4 As a result this particular phase, stage, period or whatever it is, is practically considered to be non-existent. However, this perspective is not exclusively related to pottery but it partly includes bronze items as well. If the classification of bronze or other objects in the Submycenaean period is correct, and given that the Submycenaean is not exclusively associated with a certain pottery style only, then the presence of other features, which so far have been overlooked or regarded as insignificant, must be expected. Below we are going to propose that in Achaea there is not only a particular or local Submycenaean style but features which define a Submycenaean Period. These features are beyond changes in the settlement but also beyond fashion in dressing, like the appearance of new bronze accessories, as we shall see below.

¡ Hola a todos! Aquí seguimos, en la brecha, con vosotros y presentando nuestro séptimo número de la revista. Pues sí, los problemas superados y con muchas ganas de continuar, juntando fi las y cargando sobre el enemigo, todo por el bien de nuestra disciplina y por supuesto, por vosotros, que sois nuestro leit motiv.

Premessa i. vincenzo franciosi Il "Doriforo" di Pompei 11 L'identificazione del Doriforo di Policleto 12 Una voce discordante: Eugen Petersen 13 Un caposaldo nella conoscenza della statuaria greca di età classica 15 Una nuova indagine filologica 21 Alla ricerca del vero Doriforo 33 Bibliografia ii. luigi tricarico La Palestra Sannitica: rilievo e analisi tecnica delle strutture 51 Descrizione generale dell'edificio 52 Indagini sulla planimetria 55 Indagini sugli elevati 59 Pavimentazione e sistema idrico 60 Proposta ricostruttiva 63 Bibliografia Sommario iii. alessandra avagliano Il ginnasio di Vibio Adirano e la vereiia. Con una nota sulla domus publica di Pompei 67 Il Doriforo di Pompei e il suo contesto 72 L'arredo scultoreo 75 Un ginnasio ellenistico a Pompei 79 La Palestra Sannitica nella Regio VIII 82 La domus publica e la «eítuns» Ve 27 94 Teseo, l'efebia attica e la vereiia pompeiana 102 Bibliografia iv. petros. g. themelis The "Doryphoros" of Messene 127 The city of Messene 130 The Gymnasium of Messene 141 The Mausoleum of the Saethidae family 143 Ephebic catalogues 145 The Propylon of the Gymnasium 149 Honorary statues 152 A statue of Hermes 153 The Herakles statue 161 The Temple of Herakles at Messene 163 The "Doryphoros" 177 The Workshop of the Alexandrian artists 181 Bibliography tavole

When Spyridon Marinatos excavated the LH I–II chamber tomb cemetery at Volimidia, among other sites in the region of Pylos (1955–1965), Messenia started to emerge as a prosperous and dynamic region of the early Mycenaean world that contributed essentially to the formation of the elite sites of the Mycenaean Peloponnese. The cemetery of Volimidia was founded in the transitional MH III/LH I period, and its rock-cut chambers stand among the earliest examples of this type of tomb, probably as a result of successful local experimentation at the time of the foundation of the first tholos tombs in the region. Despite the fact that the considerable quantity of LH I–II vases from Volimidia were not found in association with the burials they accompanied due to the continuous use of the cemetery until LH IIIC Early, these ceramics constitute the best-preserved assemblage of early Mycenaean pottery from the Pylos region. Their preliminary study points to a local production, consistent with the LH I–II repertoire of northern Triphylia (Elis), but also combining Argive, Lakonian, Kytheran and Cretan elements, which echo the cultural blend thanks to which the hegemonic ‘estates’ of Pylos thrived.

Archaeological research on the island of Ithaca had been conducted to a large extent with Homeric associations and as a search for the palace of Odysseus. However, recent rescue excavations on Ithaca have thrown new light on the archaeology of the island, which covers many other periods than only the Homeric. Human presence on the island stretches back as far as the Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic times. Excavations in the island's capital of Vathy have provided evidence for habitation in the Neolithic, the Bronze Age and Classical to Hellenistic periods. Of particular importance are the Roman remains at Vathy, which enable the certain identification of the Roman town. In addition to settlement remains, tombs have been excavated at several places on the island, for example in Polis bay. The new finds provide a more complete picture of the archaeology of Ithaca.

To Sigrid De ger-Ja lkotzy on th e occasion of he r 60th birt hday The fall of the Mycenaean palaces and the collapse of their political, economic and administrative system around 1200 BC mark the end of LH IIIB and the beginning of the post-palatial period of Mycenaean Greece, which in archaeological terms corresponds to the period of LH IIIC. The irreversible breakdown of the palace economies and centralised bureaucracies implied considerable changes. The emergence of regional pottery styles in LH IIIC, which followed the Mycenaean koine of the palatial period, illustrates clearly a process towards regionalism. At the same time, however, LH IIIC was also a period of intensive contact and communication and by no means a period of decline and poverty I.

The study is a contribution to the Church History of the local history of Methoni, during the second Venetian rule in the region. By the publication of source material, the Venetian policy is outlined and the personality of the orthodox bishop Hieremias Typaldos is highlighted.

The urban landscape of Messene was constructed in the Early Hellenistic era, according to certain architectural and town-planning principles of spatial organization, which reflected the political and social values of the period applied to the demands of this programmatic city founded by the Thebans in 369 B.C. on the south slopes of mount Ithome. The city was famous for its mighty fortification walls, the monumentality of its pubic buildings and the Hippodamian town-plan.

Wooden doors on Mycenaean chamber tombs.
Following a burial in a Mycenaean chamber tomb, the stomion was sealed as a rule by means of a dry stone wall and more rarely by a stone door. Generations of archaeologists have grown up with this assertion so that when excavating a chamber tomb we are certain in advance what awaits us at the doorway. Every time the dry stone wall or stone door is esposed, the conviction finds further substantiation. But can we be sure of this, or is there perhaps something we are overlooking? In the following article a new proposal is put forward: when an excavation reaches the dry stone wall or the stomion of a tomb, we must ask ourselves whether originally a wooden door stood in front of it. Characteristic examples of the existence of wooden doors in Mycenaean tombs are considered and, among other things, the various support mechanisms of wooden doors are discussed. The presence of wooden doors is linked on the one hand to Mycenaean eschatological concepts and on the other to the good state of preservation of the dry stone walls.

Ξύλινες θύρες θαλαμωτών τάφων.
Το σφράγισμα του στομίου των θαλαμωτών τάφων μετά από μία μυκηναϊκή κηδεία γινόταν ως επί το πλείστον με το χτίσιμο της ξερολιθιάς και σπανιότερα με τη χρήση μίας λίθινης θύρας. Η παραπάνω φράση μεγάλωσε γενιές αρχαιολόγων, ώστε όταν σκάβουμε έναν θαλαμωτό τάφο να είμαστε σίγουροι εκ των προτέρων για το τί περίπου θα συναντήσουμε στην είσοδο. Και όταν αποκαλύπτεται η ξερολιθιά, ή η λίθινη θύρα, η παραπάνω πρόταση επιβεβαιώνεται για μία ακόμα φορά. Πρέπει, όμως, να είμαστε σίγουροι, ή μήπως υπάρχει και κάτι άλλο που παραβλέπουμε; Στο κείμενο που ακολουθεί παρουσιάζεται μία νέα πρόταση: Όταν κατά την ανασκαφή συναντούμε την ξερολιθιά ή το στόμιο ενός τάφου, πρέπει οπωσδήποτε να αναρωτηθούμε εάν μπροστά από αυτά υπήρχε κάποτε μία ξύλινη θύρα. Εξετάζονται χαρακτηριστικές περιπτώσεις ύπαρξης ξύλινων θυρών σε μυκηναϊκούς τάφους και προσεγγίζονται οι διάφοροι τρόποι στήριξης της ξύλινης θύρας. Η παρουσία των ξύλινων θυρών συσχετίζεται με μυκηναϊκές εσχατολογικές αντιλήψεις και συνδέεται με την καλή διατήρηση των ξερολιθιών έως τις μέρες μας.

Ao analisarmos os discursos desenvolvidos na Antiguidade Clássica da Hélade, verificamos que Esparta era o centro de poder político da Lacedemônia. Em decorrência deste aspecto, os cidadãos de Esparta e os seus governantes (esparciatas e basileus, respectivamente) conviviam e interagiam com segmentos sociais vistos como "inferiores". Esta típica representação foi consolidada pelos autores do Período Clássico da Hélade, e posteriores, onde cabia aos basileus (reis) e aos esparciatas assegurar a coesão dos periecos e hilotas na Lacedemônia. Entretanto, os textos literários da Antiguidade representaram de maneira diversa a interação entre esses distintos grupos sociais lacedemônios. Logo, pensadores como Tucídides e Aristóteles demonstraram que os esparciatas teriam se utilizado da violência física na tentativa de controlarem os excessos e as revoltas de hilotas e, ocasionalmente, periecos. Contudo, a violência física seria um mecanismo adequado para conter a sublevação de grupos sociais dotados de um contingente tão amplo? Sendo assim, o presente artigo tem por objetivo identificar as principais características dos esparciatas, periecos e hilotas, enquanto segmentos sociais distintos, porém, integrados em um sistema cultural complexo. Desse modo, a violência simbólica seria o elemento mais adequado para garantir a autoridade dos cidadãos de Esparta sobre os segmentos sociais subalternos da Lacedemônia, no Período Clássico.

La critica ha unanimemente riconosciuto gli elementi di unita Á panrodia presenti nella storia e nelle tradizioni dell'isola: 1) in Omero (Il. II 653-656) i Rodii, provenienti dalle tre citta Á Lindo, Camiro e Ialiso, sono presenti a Troia al comando di unico eroe, Tlepolemo 1 ; 2) i cittadini dell'isola responsabili di fondazioni coloniali «vengono indicati nella tradizione come Rhodioi e non come Lindioi, o Kameireis» 2 ; 3) allo stesso modo, Erodoto (II 178, 2) menziona Rhodos tra i Dori che presero parte alla realizzazione del santuario panellenico di Naucrati 3 ; 4) numerosi, come vedremo, sono gli aspetti panrodii nella settima olimpica di Pindaro dedicata a Diagoras di Ialiso, vincitore nel pugilato nel 464 a.C. 4 ; 5) gia Á A. Momigliano notava la particolarita Á dell'iscrizione IG XII, 1, 773 da cui risulta che «il tempio di Atena Lindia conservava una deliberazione dei Camiresi, anteriore al sinecismo, che non concerneva Lindo» 5 ; 5) Tucidide parla di Rhodioi partecipanti alla spedizione siciliana del 415 a.C. 6 Va aggiunto, poi, che probabilmente tra le citta Á non sussistevano marcate conflittualita Á se e Á vero quanto riferisce Tucidide (VIII 44, 2) che ancora nel 411 a.C. Camiro non era fornita di mura di difesa 7 . Tutti questi dati * Desidero esprimere la mia gratitudine al Prof. Alfonso Mele per l'attenzione e la cura dimostratami nell'elaborazione di questo lavoro. Ringrazio pure la Prof.essa Luisa Breglia per la disponibilita Á offertami. Ovviamente di quanto scritto sono l'unico responsabile.

The article deals with the ancient tradition about Elean delegation sent to an Egyptian pharaoh (Psammetic II or Amasis) in order to find out the best way to organize the Olympic games. The evidences of Herodotus (II. 160) and Diodorus Siculus (I. 95. 2) should be compared with some allusions in Plutarch and Philostratus, with Pausanias’ evidence concerning Elean envoys to the Siwa oracle and with prosopographical and onomastical data. Elean Amasis, mentioned by Theophrastus (apud Athen. Deipn. XIII. 21 (Kaibel)), could take his personal name from the Egyptian king as a result of some real contacts, which had taken place during VI century B. C. Using of names of foreign dynasts is rather typical habit of Greek aristocracy, who wanted to demonstrate in such a way xenic (or quasi-xenic) relations. The historical circumstance of these supposed contacts was the struggle between Elis and Pisatis for control over the Olympic sanctuary and the administration of the Games. The Elean address to Egypt, his kings, oracles and wise men could be originally an attempt to get support from some independent authority, but we can find only the transformed traces of this historical fact presented by anecdotes in the works of Herodotus and Diodorus. The origin of these anecdotes may be anti-elean, but their critical spirit concerning the administration of the Olympic games corresponds with the clause from the VI century B. C. Olympic inscription, which prevents against the partiality of the Elean judges. Taking into account all these facts, the history of Elean envoys itself looks more real than its ‘fairy” anecdotic entourage. The dating of the embassy in version of Diodorus (to the time of Amasis) seems to be more precise.