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Rescue archaeology in Ithaca

Archaeological research on the island of Ithaca had been conducted to a large extent with Homeric associations and as a search for the palace of Odysseus. However, recent rescue excavations on Ithaca have thrown new light on the archaeology of the island, which covers many other periods than only the Homeric. Human presence on the island stretches back as far as the Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic times. Excavations in the island's capital of Vathy have provided evidence for habitation in the Neolithic, the Bronze Age and Classical to Hellenistic periods. Of particular importance are the Roman remains at Vathy, which enable the certain identification of the Roman town. In addition to settlement remains, tombs have been excavated at several places on the island, for example in Polis bay. The new finds provide a more complete picture of the archaeology of Ithaca.

The archaeological work of the 35th Ephorate for Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities at Ithaca A brief presentation1 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Abstract Archaeological research on the island of Ithaca had been conducted to a large extent with Homeric associations and as a search for the palace of Odysseus. However, recent rescue excavations on Ithaca have thrown new light on the archaeology of the island, which covers many other periods than only the Homeric. Human presence on the island stretches back as far as the Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic times. Excavations in the island’s capital of Vathy have provided evidence for habitation in the Neolithic, the Bronze Age and Classical to Hellenistic periods. Of particular importance are the Roman remains at Vathy, which enable the certain identification of the Roman town. In addition to settlement remains, tombs have been excavated at several places on the island, for example in Polis bay. The new finds provide a more complete picture of the archaeology of Ithaca. Keywords Ionian Islands – Ithaca – prehistoric archaeology – Roman archaeology – funerary archaeology. Introduction The work of the newly established 35th Ephorate for Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities (EPKA) created the conditions for the introduction of a new dynamic approach concerning the archaeological protection of Ithaca. The employment of contract archaeologists enabled the close supervision of building operations over the entire island. As a result of this policy, the number of new archaeological sites increased and at the same time, new and important finds were brought to light.2 1 This paper was first presented at a one day conference entitled ‘The Archaeology of Ithaca’, which took place in Ithaca, on the 20th of August 2010, and was organised by the 35th EPKA and the Educational Centre of Ithaca. 2 Warm thanks are extended to civil engineers Masos Defteraios and Stathis Patsalias for their cooperation. All the plans were drawn by contract archaeologist Gerasimos Livitsanis. Pharos 19(1), 95-126. doi: 10.2143/PHA.19.1.3009292 © 2013 by Pharos. All rights reserved. 96 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS For the first time in the history of Ithaca, unknown periods of the local history were unearthed, and new information was added to the existing corpus of evidence concerning the past of the island. Brief history of earlier investigations Archaeological investigations on the island of Ithaca can be divided chronologically into three periods, the period of the Pioneers, the period of the Patrons and the Modern period. The period of the Pioneers begins in 1806, when W. Gell and W.M. Leake visited Ithaca within months of each other.3 Both provided with a good classical education, they systematically recorded the extant antiquities and bequeathed us the first topographical maps of the island. Unavoidably, their descriptions and interpretations were influenced by the Odyssey. After the publication of Gell’s monograph, the ancient sites of Ithaca became known and accessible to all interested parties. Between 1811 and 1813, quite a few antiquity hunters visited the area and through their excavations of ancient tombs, brought to light impressive finds, which are now ‘stored’ in museums in Western Europe and in the United States of America.4 Antiquity hunting was commonplace in the beginning of the 19th century AD, its sole purpose being to enrich the collections of the European museums with Greek antiquities. The positive aspect of these activities is that they were published, not an obvious practice in that period.5 Today, it is, for this reason, easy to trace the provenance of these antiquities. Unfortunately, the material value of these finds also attracted thieves, as for example A. Guitera, the then governor of the island, who apparently dug up many tombs, but destroyed the rich finds he discovered therein.6 Even today it is difficult to evaluate precisely the extent of this destruction. The period of the Patrons begins in 1868, with the first visit to Ithaca of Heinrich Schliemann. Despite a second visit in 1878, the results of his investigations were not what he had expected and he henceforth abandoned all attempts on the island.7 In contrast to the period of the Pioneers, Schliemann heralds the beginning of a period of intensive investigations for the discovery of the palace of Odysseus, through archaeological excavation. The fame he acquired through his discoveries led other wealthy archaeophiles to fund excavations, in the hope that their name 3 Gell 1807; Leake 1835, 24-55. Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002. 5 For full bibliographical references, see Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002. 6 According to contemporary testimonies, Guitera opened approximately 200 tombs and melted the precious metal finds to make cutlery. In a catalogue published by Guitera’s wife, over 1000 silver coins are included; see Kalligas 1978-1979, 3, 48; Steinhart & Wirbelauer, 102-103. 7 Schliemann 1869; id. 1881, 45-50. 4 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 97 too would be associated with a new earthshaking discovery, which would elevate them to benefactors of humanistic thought. Although the excavations of W. Vollgraff in 1904,8 funded by the Dutchman A.E.H. Goekoop, lasted only for a short period, it was because of them, that most of the archaeological sites, destined to become the object of future investigations, were located. It was then that the first photographs of ancient finds from Ithaca were first published. Real progress was made with the excavations of the British School at Athens in the 1930s, which were funded by Lord Rennel of Rodd. A group of capable archaeologists, under the direction of W.A. Heurtley, uncovered the Early Helladic settlement at Pelikata, two sanctuaries, Aetos and the Loizos cave, as well as the Mycenaean settlement at the site of Treis Langades.9 The British, as expected, did not conceal their real purpose, which was none other than locating the Mycenaean palace of Odysseus. Although they did not succeed in this, they bequeathed us the first scholarly publications of antiquities from Ithaca and, thanks to their work, we now have two archaeological museums on the island: one in Vathy, the other in Stavros. Between 1929 and 1932, the architect F.N. Oikonomos, convinced that he would be the one to locate the palace of Odysseus, funded excavations in the southern part of the island, under the direction of N. Kyparissis.10 Nevertheless, despite enthusiastic reports in non-scientific publications, the investigations were conducted in a non-professional, amateur manner and the results were disappointing.11 The third period starts in 1983, with the beginning of the excavations of Prof. S. Symeonoglou, at the site of Aetos, which continue to this day. Ithaca returned to the archaeological limelight, since in the following years, three additional research projects were initiated on the island, i.e. the excavations of the University of Ioannina, at Ayios Athanassios/Homer’s School, the systematic surface survey of the current director of the British School at Athens, Prof. C. Morgan, in the valley of the village of Stavros, and the investigations of the newly established 35th EPKA, over the entire island. The first two projects have focused their efforts on the search for the palace of Odysseus, as if archaeological thought has been frozen in the pre-war years. The third focuses on a specific area, the area of Stavros, in an attempt to study and understand the different cultural phases and the geomorphological changes of the landscape over time. Finally, the efforts of the local archaeological service are confined to rescue excavations and to the recording of the new data, enriching the cultural past of the island. 8 Vollgraff 1905. For a summary of the British excavations, see Waterhouse 1996, 301-317, with full bibliography. 10 Oikonomos 1937. 11 Kyparissis 1931. 9 98 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 1. Map of Ithaca, including the sites mentioned in the text The earliest human presence on Ithaca Until the end of the 20th century AD, the earliest known testimony concerning the habitation of the island involved the settlement at Pelikata, dated to the Early Bronze Age and more specifically, to the Early Helladic II-III periods (2700-2000 BC).12 Recent finds on the island dictate a revision of this view, concerning the earliest habitation on Ithaca, which can be now traced back to quite a few millennia 12 Heurtley 1934-1935; Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999, 96-101. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE Figure 2. Marathias, Ithaca. Flint blades 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 99 Figure 3. Marathias, Ithaca. Microlithic tools earlier. Near the south end of the island, at an altitude of 260 m, lies the small plateau of Marathia-Korakos Petra (Figure 1). During a brief surface survey were collected stone tools, the preliminary study of which dates the latter to the Late Upper Palaeolithic and the Mesolithic period (c. 16,000-7,000 BC). The sample of stone tools from the site consists of 197 stone artefacts, mostly tools. Judging by their typological characteristics they can be classified in different categories, such as blades (Figure 2), backed blades with a blunt end, scrapers, burins, denticulates, geometric and non-geometric microliths (Figure 3) and microlithic arrow points. With a length of less than 2 cm the small tools can justifiably be considered as microliths. They can be divided into those made on flakes, bearing a distinct percussion bulb, and those resulting from bigger pieces intentionally snapped. Classic Mesolithic microliths, such as triangles, trapezes and lunates, seem absent.13 It is interesting to note that all microliths are retouched. The microburin technique is not identifiable with certainty. The precise chronology and the date of abandonment of the site cannot be determined with precision without further archaeological investigations, providing that undisturbed deposits are discovered. Habitation at Vathy Prehistoric period Considering that the favourable geomorphological features of the area of Vathy make it a focus of attraction for prospective settlers, it is odd that the information 13 A comparative study of stone tools from other areas of Greece, such as the Franchthi Cave, in the Argolid, Sidari in Korkyra, etc., was conducted, for the classification of the tools from the site. See Perlès 1987; ead. 1990; Sordinas 2003, 89-97; Runnels & van Andel 2003, 114-124. 100 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 4. Plan of Vathy with sites of rescue excavations about its past was limited to a few lines concerning the Roman period.14 Furthermore, the brief references concerning the site in early excavation reports strengthened the incorrect assumption that the basin of Vathy was not inhabited for most of antiquity.15 The systematic attempt for the location and rescue of monuments within an urban tourist landscape, despite the difficulties it poses, soon yielded results beyond our wildest expectations. During rescue excavations in a number of plots in the east part of the modern town were located considerable quantities of pottery and stone tools of the Neolithic period, in an area extending over at least 9 ha (Figure 4).16 It should be noted that the finds, mostly sherds, were discovered in disturbed layers and therefore their dating is based exclusively on typological and morphological characteristics, 14 Kalligas 1969, 277; Sotiriou 1989, 148. Schliemann 1881, 49; Vollgraff 1905, 145-146; Lekatsas 1998, 142. 16 The areas are called: Kanata, Gyftohori, Palioroga. The plots belong to: P. Manias, E. Mavrokephalou, A. Sombolas, Chr. Karavias, A. Anastasatos, A. Kaphouros, S. Kostiris and I. Georgakopoulou. In 1989, during the opening of a peripheral road in the area of Kanata, were located for the first time sherds of handmade pottery and stone tools, see Basakos & Paschalidis 2001, 305-316. 15 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 101 Figure 5. Vathy, Ithaca. Sherds of handmade Neolithic pottery Figure 6. Vathy, Ithaca. Blades of the Neolithic period Figure 7. Vathy, Ithaca. Ch. Karavias plot. Fragment of clay coating from the wall of a Neolithic hut Figure 8. Vathy, Ithaca. A. Anastasatos plot. Mycenaean kylix sherds pointing to the Late Neolithic Ib phase (4500-4300 BC).17 The majority consists of coarse ware, is incompletely fired and hence friable (Figure 5). The stone tools collected from the area were made from local flint, found in abundance on the hills east of the modern town. The best quality tools are the blades and the bladelets (Figure 6). Among the finds is included a special object, part of a fired piece of clay, 0.035 m long, and 0.016 m wide, preserved to a maximum thickness of 0.018 m (Figure 7). One side is flat, while the other is uneven, with two converging 17 Relevant material was sought from a sufficient number of other sites of the same period, located on the islands around Ithaca and on the mainland coast, see Dörpfeld 1927; Benton 1947, 156-183; Chatziotou et al. 1989, 31-60; Sampson 1997; Kaznesi 2005; Mavridis & Sørensen 2006, 117-170; Stratouli 2007, 105-126. For the absolute chronology of this period, see Sampson 1997, 321- 326. 102 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS grooves. It is a mass of clay used for coating the wall of a hut, the grooves being the impressions of the wattle, reinforcing the core of the hut wall.18 The particularly safe natural harbour of Vathy is ideal for habitation, and judging by the extant evidence, it did not go unnoticed in the Neolithic period. The chosen area of habitation overlooks the harbour and the small valley extending to the south. A small community, settled in this area, would be able to exploit the agricultural resources in the valley, to graze animals in the surrounding mountainous areas and to supplement its subsistence needs by fishing in the safe harbour and the small gulfs nearby. In trial trenches excavated during the summer of 2007, in the east part of the modern town of Vathy (the A. Anastasatou plot), were found some Mycenaean sherds, together with pottery of the Neolithic and the Late Geometric period. The most diagnostic pieces are three sherds of kylikes, a type of drinking vessel typical of the Late Mycenaean period (1350-1050 BC) (Figure 8). Although the finds are neither many, nor impressive, they nevertheless represent the first indications for an organised use of the area during this period. In any case, the few sites of the Late Helladic period on the island are located either at medium altitudes, like Aetos and Stavros, or in lowland areas, near the coast, like the Treis Langades site. Vathy could belong to one of the latter cases.19 Investigations are still at an early stage and therefore nothing can be suggested with any degree of certainty or be precluded in advance. From the Protogeometric to the Hellenistic period Until now, important data concerning the Protogeometric period (1000-800 BC)20 had been identified at the sites of Aetos and the Loizos cave.21 To these can be now added the area of Vathy. A few sherds of the Protogeometric period were found in disturbed deposits in excavations, at various plots in the modern settlement.22 Although the small number of sherds and the circumstances of their discovery do 18 For a recent description of this type of building method, see Perlès 2001, 188-189 and fig. 9.4. Other, similar pieces of building materials have been also brought to light in the prehistoric settlement at Pelikata, see Heurtley 1934-35, 8, 14; id.1931, 4, 18: ‘The foundations of these houses are made of stone, but the walls had been obviously constructed with beams and branches, coated with clay, as suggested by the numerous fragments of clay paste, some of which preserve the impressions of reeds, others of posts.’ Similar scattered building materials of the Neolithic period have been found at the Drakaina cave, near Poros, in Kefalonia. Stratouli (2007, 18) suggested that such pieces had been brought here from neighbouring settlements. 19 For the Mycenaean sites at Ithaca, see Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999, 93-95, with bibliography. 20 For the chronology of the Protogeometric period at Ithaca and generally in Western Greece, see Coulson 1991; Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999, 115-116, 146. 21 Heurtley & Lorimer 1932-33, 22-65; Benton 1934-35, 45-73; ead. 1938-39, 1-51. 22 In the E. Mavrokephalos and I. Georgakopoulos plots. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 103 not lend themselves to firm conclusions, they do testify to the existence of one more site of the Early Iron Age in the south part of Ithaca, apart from the one at Aetos. During the Late Geometric period (760-700 BC), Ithaca reaches a major cultural peak. The settlement at Aetos develops rapidly into a prosperous urban centre, its sanctuary attracting a considFigure 9. Vathy, A. Anastasatou plot. erable number of worshippers. During Sherd from a Geometric vase the British excavations in the 1930s, quite a few votive deposits were excavated; the latter contained a considerable number of clay vases and other small votives.23 During a rescue excavation in the A. Anastasatou plot, at Vathy, which yielded the Mycenaean finds mentioned earlier, was located part of a retaining wall, 2 m long and 1 m thick, preserved to a maximum height of 0.80 m. Although the pottery from the foundation of this wall can be dated to the Neolithic and to the Mycenaean period, the most recent finds were sherds of Late Geometric pottery, with characteristic painted decoration (Figure 9), dating the wall to this period. In the east part of the modern town, 70 m north of the Metropolitan church, lay a ruined building, the architectural features of which, especially the sloping facade of its exterior, date it to the 18th century AD.24 During a small-scale excavation conducted inside the building an undisturbed layer from a pyre was located, which was 0.10 m thick, lying right on the bedrock and consisting of black greasy earth. It contained carbonised wood, burned animal bones and a considerable number of sherds of the Archaic period (700-479 BC) (Figures 10 & 11). The study of the finds will determine if this was a ritual pyre or a family hearth. In any case, this layer represents the first clear indication for the habitation of the area during the Archaic period. As regards the Classical and the Hellenistic periods (479-31 BC), it seems that the soil of Vathy keeps its secrets well hidden. Apart from a few black-glazed sherds collected during recent investigations and the report by N. Kyparissis about similar pottery having been found,25 there is no other evidence. 23 Benton 1953; Heurtley & Robertson 1948. I. Georgakopoulos plot. The locals call it the ‘the Giannoutsos manor’. 25 Kiparissis 1931, 55: ‘…sunantßsamen d’ómwv qraúsmata kai temáxia pantoía RwmaflkÉn kai ElljnistikÉn xrónwn…’ (‘…we encountered though various fragments and pieces of the Roman and the Hellenistic periods…’»). 24 104 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figures 10 & 11. Vathy, Ithaca. I. Georgakopoulos plot. Sherds from an Archaic oinochoe and from a kotyle Indirect evidence for the habitation of the area comes in the form of four funeral stelae of the Hellenistic period, now exhibited in the Vathy museum. These stelae, according to the former Director of Antiquities for the Ionian islands, Mr P. Kalligas, had been incorporated into modern courtyards.26 He also claims that they had originally been found in the Hellenistic cemetery of Aetos, where tens of funerary stelae had been already discovered by antiquity hunters and travellers.27 They were apparently later recorded and published.28 Today, they are considered lost. A comparison between the stelae collected by Kalligas from Vathy and the older ones from Aetos, indicates that none of the extant specimens can be identified with the ones already published; they comprise a new set of funerary stelae, the provenance of which is still unknown. They could have come from a cemetery site of the Hellenistic period, in the wider area of the modern capital of the island. In the summer of 2008, during a surface survey in the hills surrounding the basin of Vathy, the remains of two forts were located. The first lies at an inaccessible site (Sotera-Pagano), to the south-west of the Dexa bay, at an altitude of 250 m, halfway between Vathy and Aetos. A number of ancient boulders (Figure 12), 26 Kalligas 1969; id. 1978-79. Also, see the comments in the respective entries in the Museum Inventory. 27 Quite a few more fragments of funerary stelae were discovered by S. Symeonoglou, during recent excavations on the Aetos saddle, incorporated in the then ruined church of Ayios Yeoryios. See Simeonoglou 1992, 210. 28 The entire corpus of the published funerary stelae from Aetos, was collected in volume IG IX I2 IV, of Inscriptiones Graecae. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA Figure 12. Ancient boulders at the site of Sotera-Pagano Figure 13. Part of the west facade of the tower at Mnemata 105 106 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS scattered on the surface, obviously belong to a substantial building of defensive character, possibly a tower, the precise location of which can not be determined at present. The second fort is located at the site of Mnemata (or Menimata), on the low hills between the harbour of Vathy and bay of Skinos (Figure 1). In the saddle between three hills, at an altitude of 80 m, rises a tower of square or rectangular plan, built in polygonal style (Figure 13).29 It is oriented precisely north-south and is c. 10 m long. Of the tower part of the north, east and west facade are preserved, its south face being obscured by dense vegetation. Although Vathy is not visible from the two forts, the acropolis of Aetos is. Of the two, only the one at the site of Sotera-Pagano has a limited view towards the open sea between Ithaca and Akarnania. Its position has nothing more to offer than the already strategically placed site of the ancient town of Aetos. Considering that their value as direct look-out posts is limited, the real purpose of their existence is a matter of speculation. The substantial construction of the building at the site of Mnemata identifies it as a possible defensive tower, where the population engaged in the intensive exploitation of the countryside, would take refuge in case of danger. Although this theory cannot be proved archaeologically, recent investigations at Lefkas and other islands30 have shown that similar towers served as refuge areas at times of unexpected danger for the personnel engaged in agricultural and pastoral activities in the surrounding area. These archaeological remains in the area of Vathy (artefacts, pottery, funerary stelae and forts) cannot owe their existence entirely to chance. The area is ideal for habitation. Therefore is possible that the diachronical occupation of Vathy will be confirmed through excavation in the future. The Roman period The investigations conducted by the archaeological service proved especially productive concerning the Roman period at Vathy. The site of the Roman settlement was sought, according to our calculations and the extant evidence, in the west part of the modern town, particularly in the area between the municipal building and the market place. Travellers’ reports mention ancient architectural remains in this area,31 and part of a marble statuette was discovered here after the 1953 earthquakes, incorporated in a yard wall near the present location of the municipal 29 A photograph of the tower had been published in Oikonomos 1937, 68, fig. 10. Morris 2004, 79-91; Morris & Papadopoulos 2005, 155-225. 31 Gell 1807, 36; Bellaire 1805, 230. Bellaire mentions the existence of sections of ancient walls and one apse in the west part of the modern settlement of Vathy. According to him, the locals referred to these ruins as ‘the Palace’. 30 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 107 building.32 Earlier on, a stone sarcophagus, with Christian symbols in relief,33 had been pulled out of the rubble (Figure 14). In 2009, building operations in the A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot resulted in the discovery of walls and pottery, which led to the immediate cessation of Figure 14. Ithaca Museum. Sarcophagus with building activities, followed by a rescue Early Christian symbols excavation. The excavated area reached 300 m2 and architectural remains of at least three buildings were investigated (Vathy buildings 1, 2 and 3), as well as four tombs, dating from the 1st to the 6th century AD. In both the buildings and the tombs successive periods of use have been distinguished (Figures 15 & 16). Figure 15. Vathy, Ithaca. A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. General view of the excavation from the north 32 Kalligas 1969. Also, there is a comment in the Museum Inventory. Kalligas dates it to the 4th century BC. 33 Sotiriou 1942, 146, fig. 87. 108 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 16. Vathy. Plan of Roman architectural remains at A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 109 The earliest building consists of Vathy 2 and is 8.85 m long and 7.85 m wide, located in the central part of the plot. Its walls are of good quality, built with half worked stones and white lime plaster. The interior of the building is divided into two identical longitudinal rooms of varying width, 7 m in length, divided by a party wall. The building is orientated north-west to south-east, both entrances being located on the south. Judging by its orientation, one may safely assume that the building was designed to exploit the maximum available sunshine in winter and the maximum shade in summer. Stratified pottery was very limited in quantity and undiagnostic, and therefore its contribution to the dating of the building is negligible. The architectural feature that determines the end of the use of the Vathy 2 building is a brick cist tomb, T. B1, located over the ruins of its south wall. Tomb T. B1 is dated to the first half of the 2nd century AD, providing a terminus ante quem for the destruction of the building. The second building phase is dated to the 2nd or the 3rd century AD: Vathy 3 was erected to the north of Vathy 2, with two distinct building phases. The excavated part of the building covers 60 m2. During the first phase, two rectangular rooms were erected, X11 to the west and X8-X12 to the east. Each space covered c. 26 m2. They were divided by a party wall, including an off-centre doorway, 1.24 m wide, which suggests that internal circulation inside Vathy 3 during the first phase was designed on an east-west axis. The door was provided with a limestone monolithic threshold, which was intact, but had been moved from its original position. The party wall is not clearly distinguishable, because a wall of the second phase was constructed directly over it (wall 20). The destruction of the first phase of the building can be dated to the middle of the 4th century AD, judging by a layer, 0.15 m thick, containing bronze coins of the successors of Constantine the Great. The most recent coin was issued by emperor Julian (361-363 AD) or emperor Jovian (363-364 AD). In the same layer, the second phase was founded. The dates given above therefore provide a terminus ante quem for the destruction of the first phase and at the same time, a terminus post quem for the foundation of the second phase. During the 3rd century AD, a refurbishment of a rectangular niche, 1.10 m in length and 1.05 m in width was constructed in its eastern corner. This niche was accessible from the western open side of the building and only from its exterior. The floor of the niche was lowered by 0,30 m. At its centre was constructed a square base, 0.50 m long on each side and 0.37 m in height, made of half-worked stones and hard, orange lime plaster (Figure 17). 34 From the surface of this square base were collected ashes, surrounded by black, greasy earth, including burnt animal bones and a large number of sherds from lamps of the type Broneer XXVIIB and C, 34 For an almost identical base in a Roman building at Athens, see Bouyia 2008, 210, fig. 12. 110 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 17. Vathy, Ithaca. A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. The Roman shrine, view from the west which reached down to its base. During a second phase, a bench, consisting of two stone slabs lying on earth, was added to the innermost part of the niche, along the east wall.35 The lack of pottery is remarkable. Only a few undiagnostic sherds were collected, which had probably penetrated from later deposits, and the handle of a glass oinochoe of greenish glass. The most important group of finds though, comes from the extremely narrow space between the square base, the bench and the south wall of the niche. It consists of part of a small limestone portable altar, an iron forked point with a funnel-shaped socket, and a bronze statuette, 0.115 m in height. The statuette depicts a mature male, in a standing frontal position, wearing a himation; he is depicted with a relaxed left leg, turned slightly sideways and towards the back (Figure 18). In his left hand he is holding a scroll, which suggests that he is a philosopher, a poet or an orator. Judging by the character of the portable finds and by the internal 35 When we raised the slabs, in order to move them to the museum, we realised that the burnt layer continued below the slabs. This proves, beyond any reasonable doubt, that the slabs had been added at a later phase. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 111 arrangement of this space, it seems that this was a shrine. The built base was an altar, on and around which offerings were made, judging by the evidence for a pyre and the existence of lamps. The recipient of the offerings was probably the figure depicted by the bronze statuette. The most important evidence for the dating of the shrine consists of three bronze coins. To the north of the altar was found a bronze coin of emperor Maximian (286-305 AD), while to its west a bronze coin of a post-mortem honorary mint was discovered of Constantius I Chlorus, father of Constantine the Great, was found. The coin provides a terminus post quem, of 306 AD, the year of the death of Constantius. It may be concluded that the area was in use during the Figure 18. Vathy, Ithaca. A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. fourth quarter of the 3rd century AD and the first Bronze statuette from the quarter of the 4th century AD. Outside the shrine, to Roman shrine the east and south, a destruction layer was excavated, which contained a large quantity of 3rd- and 4th-century AD pottery, as well as sherds from lamps, similar to those found inside the shrine.36 This layer cannot be associated with any other contemporary structure, except with the shrine, which is dated to the same period. Among the finds were bronze coins. The one best preserved features an armed figure and the inscription CONSTANTINOPOLI on the obverse. On the reverse it depicts the figure of a winged Nikè (Victory) holding a shield and standing on the prow of a ship. It is the anniversary issue of Constantine I for the foundation of Constantinople, dated to 330-337 AD. This coin provides a probable terminus post quem of the second quarter of the 4th century AD for the destruction or the abandonment of the shrine. Judging by the numismatic evidence, it seems that until the foundation of Constantinople (330 AD) or a little later, polytheism still prevailed at Vathy, possibly alongside the new religion. After the destructions of the 4th century AD the third building phase followed. Over the ruins of the first phase of building Vathy 3 a second phase was built. It is not known when exactly, but considering the evidence mentioned above, it should postdate the period 361-364 AD. Probably the interval between the two phases was not long, because the masonry of the second phase looks rather careless, as if it was a hasty piece of work. The excavated section of the building consists of four rooms (X8, X11, X12, X13), covering a total of 60 m2. During the second phase, access to these rooms was from the north. Rooms X8, X11, X13 were 36 Of Broneer XXVII type, categories B and C, see Slane 1990, 13-17. 112 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 19. Vathy, Ithaca. A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. Room X11 of Vathy 3, view from the northwest Figure 20. Vathy, Ithaca. A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. Remains of hypocaust pillars THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 113 provided with a stone paved floor. Only that of room X11 is satisfactorily preserved (Figure 19). In the destruction layer was found a large number of Early Christian pottery and lamps, which date the destruction of the second phase in the middle of the 6th century AD. In the south part of the plot was excavated a small section of another building, Vathy 1, which extends to the west and south, beyond the limits of the plot. It consists of three successive rooms, 15 m in length, 45 m2 in all, oriented east-west. Spaces X1, X2 and X5 are 4 m wide and of unknown length. They communicated through openings in the party walls, 0.45 m wide. The exterior wall was founded inside the destruction layer of the shrine, located in the east corner of building Vathy 2. The terminus post quem for Vathy 1 is the middle of the 4th century AD and it is associated with the third building phase. In contrast to the second building phase of Vathy 3, Vathy 1 had been constructed with great care and there is no evidence of hasty work. This differentiation between the buildings suggests that Vathy 1 was built a considerable time after the 4th century AD destruction. In Vathy 1 two successive building phases have been distinguished. During the first, the three extant rooms were apparently hypocausts for hot (caldaria) and/or lukewarm (tepidaria) bath chambers; in room X1 were discovered in situ remains of pillars, built of circular bricks, 0.24 m in diameter (Figure 20). The pillars supported the floor surfaces of the upper chambers (suspensurae) and facilitated the circulation of the hot air below them, for the heating of the water and of the area as a whole.37 In the second phase rooms X1 and X2 cease to function as hypocausts and were probably turned into storerooms, judging by the many amphora sherds discovered. The opening in the party wall between X2 and X5 was blocked with unworked stones and white lime plaster. The dimensions of room X5 were reduced, since the existing walls were widened with additional masonry. Part of the exterior wall of space X5 (wall 1) was demolished, creating an opening, 0.65 m in width, which communicated with an external semi-open area, of 2.25 m2, room X6. The latter is bounded on the north and south by walls, perpendicular to the exterior face of wall 1 (Figure 21). Against the new opening were erected small walls and an exedra with stone slabs. At the north wall of room X6 the beginning of an apse is preserved, probably the furnace of a heated area in a second phase of the bathhouse, during which the dimensions of the latter were considerably reduced.38 The destruction layer of Vathy 1 included a lot of pottery of the Early Christian period and clay 37 A recent description of the hypocaust system was published by Eleftheratou 2000 301: ‘The hypocausts of Roman baths were built in two levels-floors: a subterranean level, on which were founded rows of low pillars and a second raised level, supported by the pillars, on which the bathers walked. In the empty space between the two floors was conveyed the hot air produced in the furnaces.’ 38 From room X6 was collected good quality pottery of the 5th and the 6th century AD, without any traces of burning. 114 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 21. Vathy, Ithaca. A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. The semi-hypaethral room X6, view from the north lamps (Figure 22), which date its destruction to the 6th century AD, coinciding with the destruction of the second phase of Vathy 3. As mentioned above, three building periods have been identified in this plot. The first ends with the destruction of building Vathy 2, approximately in the beginning of the 2nd century AD. This destruction may have been due to an earthquake, since cracks are preserved in the walls and in the foundations of the building, without large gaps. The second period lasts approximately until the 360s AD, when the first phase of building Vathy 3 and the shrine in the east Figure 22. Vathy, Ithaca. corner of Vathy 2, are destroyed. The third building A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. phase lasts until the middle of the 6th century AD, Lamp with a cross in relief and is interrupted by extensive destructions, attested in the second building phase of Vathy 1 and Vathy 3. They are probably due to earthquakes as well, although cracks are visible only in the walls of Vathy 1, again without large gaps, as was the case with Vathy 2. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 115 Tombs and burial customs 1st millenium BC At the harbour of Polis, to the south of Stavros village, excavations were conducted at the plot of A. Fitzgerald and P. Steven, in anticipation of building operations. In the north-east part of the field a destroyed tomb, T. NKIII, was discovered, dating to the 5th century BC, and T. BKIII, dating to the Hellenistic period (Figure 23). T.NKIII was heavily disturbed, and lay below a Roman tileFigure 23. Polis valley, Ithaca. roofed tomb, which had been also disA. Fitzgerald and P. Steven plot. Tile-roofed turbed. T.NKIII was a simple pit, in tomb T.BKIII, view from the southeast which the dead had been placed on the local bedrock (kimilia). Few remains of bones were preserved. The dating of the tomb is based on the presence of black-glazed sherds belonging to diagnostic Attic vases. Tomb T.BKIII, oriented north-south, is tile-roofed, 1.75 m long, 0.55 m wide and 0.20 m high, with the head of the dead facing south. The dead had been placed directly onto the earth, in a supine, extended position. The diagnostic sherds can be dated to the end of the 4th and to the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Three tombs, of the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 3rd century BC were located at the north-west end of the N. Vasilopoulos field.39 They are adjacent burials, with a north-south orientation, within an area marked by fragments of Corinthian-type roof-tiles, placed vertically in the ground (Figure 24). At the east end of the field the bedrock was carved into a rectangular shape. The east tomb, T.OBI, did not yield any grave goods. The dead lay in a supine, extended position, the head facing north. C. 0.10 m above the legs, fragments of a skull were discovered, belonging to a secondary burial. The central tomb, T. OBII, like the one on the west, T. OBIII, is tile-roofed, with Laconian-type tiles. The dead were placed in a similar position and orientation as in the first grave. Among the thigh bones of the dead in T.OBII, were found a bronze coin, a silver ring40 and a 39 During excavations conducted in the same plot by the British Archaeological School in 1937, four tile-roofed tombs were discovered in its southern part. See Waterhouse 1952, 227-242, trench 1, tombs I, II, III, V. Judging by the British topographical plan on p. 228, the new tombs are located a few meters to the north of the barren trench 10. 40 For a silver ring of the same type in another tomb at Stavros, see Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002, 220, fig. 99. 116 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 24. Stavros, Ithaca. N. Vasilopoulos plot. Remains of tombs T.OBI-T.OBII, view from the east bronze high-stemmed kylix,41 while around the feet of the dead in T.OBIII iron nails were located, suggesting that the dead had been buried with his sandals on.42 It is interesting that one of the ankles of the dead had been pierced by an iron nail. To the south of this group of graves a pyre was investigated, which contained a considerable quantity of large, good-quality vases of the Hellenistic period (Figure 25). Among them was discovered part of another vase, most probably a pelike or an amphora, with a high, stepped base, which had been used as a burial urn (burial T.OBIV), containing carbonised human remains.43 The location of these graves, together with the burials mentioned in the extant bibliography, suggests that the size of the cemetery, located between the modern settlements of Stavros and Pelikata, is truly impressive, extending over the east 41 An identical kylix was found in 1813, in another tile-roofed tomb at Stavros, by Haller von Hallerstein. See Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002, 124, 241-242, figs. 51, 52, 129. Two other, identical kylikes, were found in tomb B, at Derveni. See Themelis & Touratsoglou 1997, 73-74, pl. B30, B31. 42 Haller von Hallerstein had discovered two small bronze rings belonging to sandals by the feet of burial A; see Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002, 116, fig. 48. 43 During the British excavations in the area to the south, near another group of graves, part of a large ‘crater’ was found, which contained bones; see Waterhouse 1952, 232. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 117 Figure 25. Stavros, Ithaca. N. Vasilopoulos plot. Pyre with pottery sherds slope of the plain of the city, down to the sea.44 The area had been used continuously from the Classical to the Roman period. The new tombs, as well as the finds from the British excavations and the recent publication of the C. Haller von Hallerstein diaries,45 allow a preliminary assessment of the burial customs in the area of Stavros, at the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century BC. The commonest type of tomb is tile-roofed, with simple interments. The tombs are organised in groups, irrespective of the number of graves in each group, the former in a symmetrical arrangement.46 The orientation of the dead is identical in all the tombs within each group, although this is not an absolute rule, while the supine extended position is the most commonly attested. Around each group of tombs are often found scattered skulls and bones, probably due to the long use of the area. As regards grave goods, it is noted that metal objects, which were 44 According to Leake (1835, 45), ancient tombs were spotted and excavated on the east slope of Polis valley of the City, at least during the period between the end of the 18th and the start of the 19th century AD. 45 Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002, 106-146. 46 Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002, 120, fig. 47; Waterhouse 1952, 229, 231, figs 3-4. 118 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS Figure 26. Polis valley, Ithaca. A. Fitzgerald and P. Steven plot. Pyre 3, view from the north considered precious, were placed with the dead and covered with the tiles, while clay vases lie outside the tomb and around the tiles.47 It is unclear if this practice was associated with ideological, practical, or other parameters and will therefore be the object of further investigation and discussion. Apart from the type of the tomb and the position of the dead, burial practices also include the funerary rituals, which in the case of Stavros, are represented by the funerary pyres. During the excavation in the A. Fitzgerald and P. Steven plot, the remains of three pyres were located, which could be identified as the remains of funerary meals. Their dimensions vary from 2.50 m to 3.50 m long and from 0.20 m to 0.55 m thick(Figure 26). The pyres included animal bones, especially of small animals, and much pottery. The bones indicate in situ consumption of food, while the fragments of amphorae and drinking vessels indicate the consumption of liquids, most probably wine (Figure 27). Among the finds were also other types of offerings, such as pyramidal and disc-shaped loom weights, bronze, iron and lead objects and twelve coins (Pyre 3). One of the main questions here concerns 47 Only one out of the 15 graves excavated by Haller von Hallerstein, tomb H, included three clay unguentaria, see Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2002, 125-127, fig. 53. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 119 Figure 27. Polis valley, Ithaca. A. Fitzgerald and P. Steven plot. Vases to the north of Pyre 3 the relationship of this cemetery with the respective settlements in the area, including the fortified sites at Rousanos and Ayios Athanasios. Settlement remains have not yet been located at Stavros or elsewhere in the area. The space inside the fort at the site of Rousanos does not seem to have been systematically occupied, while the architectural remains at the fortified site of Ayios Athanasios are limited and at a considerable distance from the cemetery. Although the two fortified sites had been obviously established for the security and protection of the population, their settlement has not yet been identified. At a distance of 2 m north of Pyre 2 a bronze lebes was uncovered, c. 0.45 m in diameter, still in situ but badly preserved (Figure 28). No ashes were found Figure 28. Polis valley, Ithaca. inside the cauldron or in the surroundA. Fitzgerald and P. Steven plot. ing area, despite the fact that clear Bronze lebes (tripod cauldron) 120 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS traces of burning were preserved on the exterior of the vase. Some pottery sherds found in its vicinity, which are dated to the beginning of the 5th century BC, indicate that it is contemporary with Pyre 2. It seems that the lebes had not been used as a funerary urn, but perhaps as an ancillary vessel in the context of ritual Pyre 2.48 The Roman period During work for the construction of the new wing of the Ithaca High School, in the summer of 2008, a number of tombs was located near its west corner, leading to a rescue excavation.49 Ten undisturbed burials in pits were excavated, between 1 m and 150 m below the modern surface. Each pit included one burial, while in some cases there were secondary burials also. They can be all dated in the second half of the 1st century and 2nd century AD. Four individuals were buried in tile-graves, formed by two or three pairs of tiles, placed either in a saddle formation or horizontally (Figure 29). Two tiles usually served as the floor surface of the tomb. Burial T.XIV is a secondary cremation, with the ashes and the remains of the bones having been collected in a cooking pot, placed at the edge of the pit, which included an additional, in situ burial, burial T.XII and a secondary burial, T.XIII (Figure 30). Burial T.X is a secondary burial in the same pit as the in situ burial T.XI. Some of the bones of burial T.X preserved intense traces of burning and were accompanied by more grave goods than the in situ burial T.XI. It seems therefore that in the same cemetery two different burial customs coexisted, i.e. both interment and cremation.50 In all the well preserved burials, with only two exceptions, a bronze coin was found in the mouth of the dead. The coin accompanying the dead was the naÕlon (fare), the 48 For the use of a bronze lebes as a funerary urn at Lefkas, during the same period, see Douzougli 2001, 65; Zachos & Douzougli 2003, 90. 49 In 1989, test trenches were dug in the same area and six tile-graves were excavated, see Sotiriou 1989, 148. The numbering of the tombs in the new excavation continues the 1989 numbering. 50 For cremation as the commonest burial custom among the Romans, see Toynbee 1971, 39-42. Some scholars tend to identify cremations during the Roman period with the physical presence of Romans in the eastern provinces, because it was their favourite burial custom (Romanus mos). In the case of Ithaca, there is no reason to suggest such a thing, since, as we saw above, cremation was a widespread custom during Hellenistic times, at least in the north part of the island. Cremation continued during the Late Hellenistic period, as attested by the tomb in the Patrikios plot; see KontorliPapadopoulou 2001, 319-320. The quality of this Late Hellenistic cremation is different from that of cremations in the Early Hellenistic period, since it was discovered in a slab-roofed built cist, accompanied by rich grave goods. Unfortunately, no other tombs of the Late Hellenistic period have been located and we are therefore in no position to tell if this was an isolated case or if cremation was the prevalent burial custom during this period. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 121 Figure 29. Vathy, Ithaca. Ithaca high school. Tile-roofed burial T.VII, view from the southeast Figure 30. Vathy, Ithaca. Ithaca high school. Tombs T.XII-T.XIV 122 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS pay of the boatman for the transportation of the soul to the land of the dead.51 All the coins are worn and their types are no longer identifiable. Only on the coin associated with burial T.X the bust of emperor Nero (54-68 AD) is preserved. The grave goods consisted of clay plates, cups, and lamps, as well as of glass vessels, especially unguentaria. Burial T.XII belongs to an adult Figure 31. Vathy, Ithaca. Ithaca high school. woman and was accompanied by the Gold earrings from burial T.XII richest set of grave goods. The dead woman bore two rings on the fingers of her left hand, one silver and one bronze, as well as a pair of gold earrings (Figure 31).52 In her mouth was found a worn, bronze coin. Most of the grave goods (three clay cups, seven glass spindle-shaped unguentaria, a glass oinochoe with a polygonal body, a yellowish glass cup53 and a bronze set of chains, rings, attachments and a lock54), had been placed on either side and along her right arm. Also, to the left of her left foot, a glass cup, a clay vase and sherds from a clay lamp of an unknown type had been deposited. In the vicinity of her right calf, a glass button had rolled under the floor tile.55 The size of the skeletons and of the bones, as well as the teeth, indicate that most of the burials belonged to children/teenagers. The only certified adult burials are T.XII and T.XIII. As noted, the skeletal remains covered with tiles were badly preserved. In cases where there was no cover, the remains had been preserved relatively well. Part of a cloth attached to the bronze coin of burial T.XI, a glass button from burial T.XII and bone fibulae from tombs T.VII and T.XVII, provide evidence for the attire of the individuals buried.56 In the A. and S. Vlassopoulos plot two tombs of the Roman period were excavated. After the destruction of Vathy 2, cist tomb T.BI was built over the ruins of the west exterior wall of the building. It was founded on a platform of unworked stones and orange lime plaster, on which the rectangular brick cist was constructed, with a north-south orientation. During the investigation of the tomb, it bcame apparent that it had been discovered during the Early Christian period, 51 Kurtz & Boardman 1994, 199. Lubsen-Admiraal 2004, 298, no. 624. 53 Lubsen-Admiraal 2004, 337, no. 722, for the shape. 54 This is quite a common grave offering in the tombs of the 1st century AD. Perhaps it sealed a wooden box. See Brock & Magkworth Young 1949, pl. 26:1, 27:2, 35:3. 55 Brock & Magkworth Young 1949, pls 35:1, 2. 56 For similar interpretations, see Hoskins-Walbank 2005, 274; Yiatroudaki 2008, 179. 52 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK OF THE 35TH EPHORATE AT ITHACA 123 when its roof, as well as its narrow north side, were destroyed. Inside the cist was uncovered an in situ burial in contracted position, the head to the south (Figure 32), with a secondary burial at its north end. The head of the first burial lay on a pillow formed by two inclined bricks. The grave goods accompanying the dead included three clay lamps (Figure 33), two clay plates, two glass oinochoae, a glass cup, and a glass unguentarium. The clay lamps date the tomb to the first half of the 2nd century AD. To the east of Vathy 3 and at a distance of 0.53 m from the latter, was investigated a built cist tomb, Figure 32. Vathy, Ithaca. T. BII, oriented east-west. Its exterior dimensions A. & S. Vlassopoulos plot. measure 2.40 m in length and 1.50 m in width. Its The in situ burial inside the interior dimensions measure 1.68 by 0.66 m. It was built cist tomb T.BI covered by four irregular stone slabs, 0.10 m thick, sealed with a thin layer of lime plaster. Inside the cist was discovered an in situ skeleton on the north side, bones from a secondary burial on the south, as well as scattered bones from another secondary burial. The burial was placed in a supine, extended position, the head to the west. The head lay on a pillow made of tile fragments and lime plaster. Near the skull of the secondary burial on the south Figures 33 & 34. Vathy, Ithaca. A. and S. Vlassopoulos plot. Clay lamps, one with relief decoration depicting Hermes (from tomb T.BI); the other with an inscription by the workshop of Dionysios (DIONUCIOU) at its base (from tomb T.BII.) 124 GERASIMOS LIVITSANIS side of the cist, was found a worn bronze coin. The grave goods were concentrated in the east part of the grave, around the lower limbs of the in situ burial: a clay lamp with an inscription by the Corinthian workshop DIONUCIOU (Figure 34), sherds from a second lamp of identical type, three clay plates, two one handled juglets, a glass bottle, two glass unguentaria, fragments of a glass oinochoe and many fragments of other glass vessels. The grave goods form a homogeneous group, dated to the 3rd century AD. Conclusions Judging by the archaeological evidence unearthed from a number of excavations over the last four years, a new, hereto unknown Ithaca, beyond the Homeric era, but equally enchanting, is now emerging. Older, isolated and forgotten finds are now placed within a new framework of archaeological data. An archaeological area of major importance has emerged, i.e. Vathy, which, based on the recent finds, seems to have been occupied from the Neolithic period to the Byzantine era. We have located the earliest known human habitation, which adds several millennia to the history of human presence on the island. In this area evidence for most periods of antiquity is attested. Furthermore, the location of a prosperous Roman city, in fact a ‘city below a city’, has important historical implications, considering that it adds one more ancient site to the archaeological map of Greece and of the Mediterranean as a whole. 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