Divide and Rule in British India

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a major uprising in India against the rule of the British East India Company. After the outbreak of the mutiny in Meerut, the rebels quickly reached the different parts of the country and the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against British oppression. Apart from the many known and glorified leaders, many silent leaders who organized and fought against Britishers at local level remained neglected and disregarded even today in the 75th years of Indian Independence. Bandhu Singh, who was the forerunner of the revolution in Purvanchal during the first freedom struggle of 1857, is one of such brave freedom fighters who has been forgotten for long. Often regarded as Amar Shahid or immortal martyr among the local folks, Bandhu Singh was a guerrilla warrior who fought against the British Raj after being inspired by the great revolutionary Mangal Pandey. Though many post-colonial thinkers including Ania Loomba have found it problematic to pinpoint the exact positionality of such unsung freedom fighters, Prof. Chandrabhushan Ankur argues that Historians did not find much in the documents regarding Bandhu Singh whereas, Prof. Rizvi is of the opinion that unfortunately his contributions could not be recorded. My paper intends to embrace the subaltern narrative of Bandhu Singh's participation in India's freedom struggle as part of the mainstream. This subaltern hero needs to be remembered and embraced by every citizen and these narratives need to move from the periphery to the center.

भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन 1942 से ग़द्दारी की कहानी: आरएसएस और सावरकर की ज़बानी 
FOR ENGLISH VERSION:
https://countercurrents.org/2024/08/hindutva-gang-colluded-with-british-rulers-and-jinnah-against-quit-india-movement-1942-a-peep-into-hindutva-archives/
https://sabrangindia.in/how-hindutva-forces-colluded-with-both-the-british-jinnah-against-the-historic-quit-india-movement-archives/

ON 82ND ANNIVERSARY OF QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
HINDUTVA GANG COLLUDED WITH BRITISH RULERS & JINNAH AGAINST QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT 1942: A PEEP INTO HINDUTVA ARCHIVES
FOR HINDI VERSION:
https://www.hastakshep.com/column/Quit-India-Movement-story-of-betrayal-since-1942-RSS-and-Savarkar-43351-1

Lord Bentinck's Regulation XVII of 1829, which made Sati a crime despite the statistics of the cases of Sati being manipulated to the most significant level when it was a rare occurrence, was the culmination of the British divide-and-conquer policy. The subjects of this study are the Sati custom's history in India from a different and repressed perspective, as well as the peculiarities of this ceremony as they are described in little-known British literature. Additionally, it tries to prove that Sati was a single act committed by a relatively small group of Hindu widows across all eras. An exaggeration of its events occurred throughout the Indian subcontinent in the nineteenth century, which is curiously also the century in which the British East India Company started to impose its power over politics and despotism. It also tries to cover the aspect where Sati might just be a branch of Jauhar.

The underlying study is an endeavor to trace the role of British colonial legacies and it's off shot in formulation of political authority and power politics in Lahore. The various administrative, recruitment and socioeconomic policies of British in United India were one of the key determinant factors for shaping influential local identities and economic classes among the indigenous population. These led to manifest the role of local kinship in politics and its ability to control the distribution of resources in post-colonial Punjab. It has been observed that British's attempt to define and redefine local identities for their sake of their administrative and political control over the colonial territory played a vital role for the materialization of power configuration in post-colonial societies in general and specifically in Lahore. This research primarily deals with notion that how British's deliberate patronage to two significant identities; Kashmiris and Arians led to strengthen the role of these respective biraderis (caste) in electoral politics of Lahore in later years especially in the Walled city of Lahore. This study highlights that these two biraderis are leading the contemporary power politics of National and Provincial assemblies in the respective constituency as voting preferences of electorates and ticket allocation by key political parties are largely shaped by influence of biraderis. This study is primarily qualitative as historical and explanatory approaches have been incorporated while employing empirical evidences from the primary and secondary resources. This research aims to identify the link between British policies of using local power apparatus for the colonial objectives and its role to shape the power patterns of electoral politics of Lahore.

In this article, written on the occasion of the 167th anniversary of the Rebellion, an attempt has been made to find out that at the core of the Rebellion was the idea of Indian nationality born out of the pain of subjugation. This attempt is made through a reading of the 'Flag Salute Song' (Jhanda Salami Geet) or national song (Qaumi Tarana) of the revolutionaries. Actually, the idea of nationality, when we associate it with nationalism, has never been a simple and straightforward idea. Era-specific factors, contemporary circumstances, social structures etc. make the idea of nationality a complex, and at times contradictory idea. The idea of nationality, which was at the root of the Rebellion, should also be viewed from this perspective.

Bahrain's Royal Family, the Al Khalifa, has long pursued a strategy of divide and rule in order to prevent the emergence of cross-opposition coalitions, while exacerbating the country's sectarian divide has become a critical means of ensuring regime survival. This article examines the country's twentieth century imperial and post-independence history through the framework of divide and rule theory, providing crucial context for current events in Bahrain. It demonstrates how a divide and rule strategy is structurally embedded within the ruling family's mode of governance, and reveals how it continues to be employed as an effective means of maintaining absolute monarchy in Bahrain.

This paper delves into the history of the ‘promissory
notes’ introduced by the founder of the Khaksar Movement
during the 1930s. The movement was one of several that aimed
to overthrow British rule in the Indian subcontinent through
organized military action. The notes were used as a means of
remunerating volunteers, and their history is traced through
government archives and a handful of surviving specimens.

From its inception, this State was a military-entrepreneur which was stabled by a warrior group, the Daudputras. Later, when they became able to cope with the political crises of the State, they adopted the classical mansabdari system to deal with the matters of land revenue and military requirements, simultaneously. At local level, they termed this system as iwaz-e-lashkari. It was not a true copy of mansabdari system but the basic concept was adopted in which state provided land to jagirdars in return of their military services. This article is concerned with the military aspect of iwaz-e-lashkari system and will not deal with land revenue under this system. This system continued in Bahawalpur State even after the inclusion of Bahawalpur in the British Protectorate areas in 1838. The British did not interfere in this formation rather they benefited by this in their wars of this realm and got control of Sindh, Punjab and Rajputana with the support of Bahawalpur Army.

the author of the History of the Freedom Movement in India, volume I, tells us on the basis of his lifelong researches in the history of the country that: "I thought it necessary... to counteract the current view that the outbreak of 1857 was the first national war of independence. I have tried to show, with the help of details given, that it was neither 'first', nor 'National' nor 'a war of independence." [Preface, xvii, 258. Cf. The Tribune, January 31, 1968] The Mutiny failed, as described in the following pages, not because the Sikhs, or the people of the Panjab, or of any other province, kept themselves aloof from it or sided with the British, but because there was no patriotic and national sentiment, either among its prompters or soldiers, to back it, and also because there were no selfless leaders, no general plan and no central organisation

1857 -How the Rebellion Spread like wild fire but only in a certain region
October 2012
DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29892.81287
Agha H Amin

The rebellion of the Bengal Army in 1857 was a traumatic event in the history of British rule in India. Even today it is difficult to describe it as a 'War of Independence', 'Revolution', 'Religious War' or a 'Mutiny'. The discussion is made more complicated because of the fact that India is a jigsaw puzzle of races and ethnic groups made further complicated and confusing by the presence of a variety of religions, castes etc. Thus Indo-Pak History has always remained a far more confusing affair than lets say French or British History. Any event in Indian History is hard to judge because of presence of various aspects like diversity of race, religion etc. The Indo-Pak Sub-Continent has the unique distinction of being invaded, colonised and ruled by a multiple number of actors motivated by racial, religious, economic or commercial reasons. Thus whenever we pick any book on Indo-Pak History we come across so many conflicting and confusing views like the Muslim view, the Hindu view, the British view etc. Behind every happening in Indo-Pak history there is some 'Conspiracy Theory', some ethnic or religious bias, some personal elements or grievances etc. One may think that this is true for all types of history. However in our case it is felt that these biases are much more pronounced because of the fact that we are still undergoing the historical processes through which many other parts of the world underwent five hundred or a thousand years ago. Perhaps all this is there because India and Pakistan even today are not cohesive integrated states with a clearheaded Intelligentsia or Leadership in the real sense. Perhaps the Indo-Pak Sub-Continent cannot be called a country or two or three countries in the real sense. One may add that Bangladesh is less trouble or confusion free being a nation state in the real sense despite its junior vintage in terms of length of years. We may state with conviction that writing anything on any aspect of Indo-Pak History is a much more arduous task than writing history of any other country. Coming precisely down to Indo-Pak History 1857 is particularly a very challenging subject to write about. The major difficulty in writing stems from the fact that little is available from the Indo-Pak side since most of the people who formed the core elements of the rebels or freedom fighters or whatever anyone may choose to call them were either hanged or blown off the mouths of guns or destroyed in the Terai Jungle by disease or tigers. All those who were left were either living in British India and thus rendered unable to state anything based on truth because of fear of life or forfeiture of liberty. Some were so overwhelmed by disgust and grief that they thought it pointless to leave anything for posterity. Some who managed to save their life by escaping were so much pressed by privation and misery that they died premature deaths and were unable to leave for the future historians anything which may have proved useful in arriving at a rational explanation of the design of events and may have enabled historians to understand whether the outbreak was based on deliberate planning or was a spontaneous outbreak.Thus we are left with three broad categories of historical accounts i.e. the 'Original British Viewpoint', the 'Indian Viewpoint while under Subjugation' and 'Modern Indo-Pak Reinterpretations'. Things are made yet more complex by other schools of thought like the 'Religious', 'Ethnic' and the 'Class Warfare' etc. Karl Marx called it the failure of the policy of divide and rule. Muslim revivalist historians call it Jehad, Hindus have their own explanations, Modern Nationalist Historians have further made it more colourful and glorious by liberally mixing myth with reality! The British are ever keen to prove that it was a mutiny of troops.

The Muslims of the Indian subcontinent opposed the colonial rule and endeavoured to liberate their homeland in the second half of nineteenth and the first half of twentieth century. The British tried to bribe the 'ulama and sajjadanashins of the mystic shrines but they did not succeed in winning over the favours of the whole community. A shrine at Sial Sharif in the Punjab established by Khwaja Shams al-Din Sialwi played an important role in the liberation movement. The four generations of the sufis of Sial Sharif opposed the foreign rule tooth and nail, expressed their hatred for the British openly and participated in different anti-colonial movements.This paper discusses the contribution of Khwaja Sialwi and his three successors for the independence of their country.

Educational system in British India was in fact, a plan of control. British government wanted to facilitate Hindus therefore this system was destroying Muslim identity and recognition. Although, one of its prime objectives was to promote Christianity and western culture in Indo-Pak Subcontinent but its other features were covering interests of Hindus. Therefore, Muslims had been forced to give up getting education. This article highlights all the seven educational plans which are called seven terms of British educational system in India, introduced by the British Government according to the need of time. Impacts of every term are also presented here while characteristics of British educational system are covering the whole tenure of British educational policies in Indo-Pak Subcontinent from 1813 to 1947. The socio-political consequences of this system after the formation of Pakistan are also discussed here.

The research paper deals with the megalopolis city of Calcutta as a cinematic space for the film Do BighaJameen that depicts rural exodus to the city and how the city of calcutta has represented through the cinematic lens. Rural populace have an enchantment about city life and they assumed it as a dream place to fulfill their needs and how they cope up with the city life which presentsbefore them as a puzzle. We would also explore that, Does city fulfills their needs or turns their dreams into nightmares.

This is the covers and table of contents for the three book series studying the more than four hundred erstwhile Indian Princely States now integrated into Gujarat. Gujarat was formed after independence from parts of British India like Surat and Ahmedabad and what was then labeled Baroda, Gujarat, Kathiawar, Kutch, and Western India. These states ranged from large and progressive Baroda with a population of 2,433,077 in 1931 to Bilbari in the Dangs with a population of 27. Somehow the whole area has not garnered close scrutiny or much interest. For example, it still surprises many Westerners to learn that most of the Rajput States were here and not in Rajasthan.

This thesis deals with development of efficient methods for global active noise control (ANC) in vibro-acoustic cavities, such as automotive vehicles, aircrafts and other transportation equipment, under the presence of both the acoustic and structural disturbances. First, optimal control inputs to the acoustic and structural control sources for the maximum reduction in acoustic potential energy in a vibro-acoustic cavity under the presence of both the acoustic and structural disturbances are derived and studied. Then, an adaptive feedforward control algorithm using acoustic sensing, which is applicable to irregular-shaped vibro-acoustic cavities under the presence of both acoustic and structural disturbances, is developed to realise the optimal control. Numerical study in a car-like vibro-acoustic cavity shows that the noise reduction obtained using the proposed global ANC method using acoustic sensing is very close to the maximum reduction possible with the optimal control. A simul...

Transportation system is the movement of people and goods. There are various modes of transport i,e air, rail, road, cable, pipeline and space. The main fields are divided into following categories namely, infrastructure, vehicle, and operation

Educational system in British India was in fact, a plan of control. British government wanted to facilitate Hindus therefore this system was destroying Muslim identity and recognition. Although, one of its prime objectives was to promote Christianity and western culture in Indo-Pak Subcontinent but its other features were covering interests of Hindus. Therefore, Muslims had been forced to give up getting education. This article highlights all the seven educational plans which are called seven terms of British educational system in India, introduced by the British Government according to the need of time. Impacts of every term are also presented here while characteristics of British educational system are covering the whole tenure of British educational policies in Indo-Pak Subcontinent from 1813 to 1947. The socio-political consequences of this system after the formation of Pakistan are also discussed here.

After 24 years of the partition, the new neighboring country, Bangladesh, was born in 1971 in the Eastern region of India. The division of India and the birth of Bangladesh are, apparently, two unconnected events standing at two different times.

ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਇਨਕਲਾਬੀ  ਵਿਰਾਸਤ  ਦਾ  ਫੌਜੀਕਰਨ
Bhagat singh de Inqualabi Virasat da Fauikaran
FOR ENGLISH VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/93525392/MILITARIZATION_OF_BHAGAT_SINGH_S_REVOLUTIONARY_HERITAGE
FOR HINDI VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/93762548/%E0%A4%AD%E0%A4%97%E0%A4%A4_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%82%E0%A4%B9_%E0%A4%95%E0%A5%80_%E0%A4%95_%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%82%E0%A4%A4%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B0%E0%A5%80_%E0%A4%B5%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B8%E0%A4%A4_%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%BE_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A5%88%E0%A4%A8_%E0%A4%AF%E0%A5%80%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%A3_%E0%A4%B6%E0%A4%AE_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A5%81%E0%A4%B2_%E0%A4%87%E0%A4%B8_%E0%A4%B2%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%AE

भगत सिंह की क्रांतिकारी विरासत का सैन्यीकरण
नीचे जो अंश दिया गया है वह लेनिन की महान रचना ‘द स्टेट एंड रेवोल्यूशन : द मार्क्सिस्ट थ्योरी ऑफ़ द स्टेट एंड द टास्क ऑफ़ द प्रोलितेरियत इन द रेवोल्यूशन’ (1917) का पहला ही पैरा है. इससे पता चलता है कि सत्ताधारी शासक और उनके पिट्ठू लोग किस तरह उन सिद्धान्तों और लोगों को दबाने का प्रयास करते हैं जो आम जन को शोषक शासकों के ख़िलाफ़ खड़े होने के लिए प्रेरित करते हैं, कैसे ये गिरगिट जैसे लोग इसके लिए अपने तरकश के हर तीर का इस्तेमाल करते हैं.
“मार्क्स की शिक्षा के साथ आज वही हो रहा है, जो उत्पीड़ित वर्गों के मुक्ति-संघर्ष में उनके नेताओं और क्रांतिकारी विचारकों की शिक्षाओं के साथ इतिहास में अक्सर हुआ है.  उत्पीड़क वर्गों ने महान क्रांतिकारियों को उनके पूरे जीवन-काल में लागतार यातनाएं दीं, उनकी शिक्षा का अधिक बर्बर द्वेष, अधिक से अधिक करोधोंमत घृणा तथा झूट बोलने और बदनाम करने के अधिक से अधिक अंधाधुंद मुहिम द्वारा स्वागत किया.  लेकिन उनकी मौत के बाद उनकी क्रांतिकारी शिक्षा को सारहीन करके, उसकी क्रांतिकारी धार को कुंद करके, उसे भ्रष्ट करके उत्पीड़ित वर्गों को ‘बहलाने’ तथा धोखा देने के लिए उन्हें अहानिकर देव-प्रतिमाओं का रूप देने, या कहें, उन्हें देवत्व प्रदान करने और उनके नामों को निश्चित गौरव प्रदान करने के प्रयत्न किये जाते हैं.  मार्क्सवाद को इस तरह संसाधित करने में बुरजुवा वर्ग और मजदूर आंदोलन के अवसरवादियों के बीच आज सहमति है.  उस शिक्षा के क्रांतिकारी पहलू को, उस की क्रांतिकारी आत्मा को भुला दिया जाता है, मिटा दिया जाता है, विकृत कर दिया जाता है.  उस चीज़  को सामने लाया जाता है, गोरवान्वित किया जाता है जो बुरजुवा वर्ग को  मान्य है या मान्य प्रतीत होती है. ” 
शहीदे-आज़म भगत सिंह के साथ आज भारत में जो किया जा रहा है वह इस बात का जीता-जागता सबूत है कि लेनिन इस प्रक्रिया को कितने अच्छे ढंग से समझते थे. और क्योंकि अब भारत को विश्व-गुरु भी बनना है तो हमने इस प्रक्रिया को कुछ और भयावह बना दिया है. ब्रिटिश शासकों ने भगत सिंह (और उनके साथियों) का पीछा किया और अंततः राजगुरु और सुखदेव के साथ उन्हें फांसी पर लटकाकर ही छोड़ा. आज़ादी के बाद उनके तथाकथित प्रशंसक आए और उन्होंने भगत सिंह को उनकी क्रांतिकारी विरासत से रहित करके एक अहानिकर देव-प्रतिमा में बदल दिया. उन्हें जाटों और सिखों के नायक के रूप में पेश करने लगे. भगत सिंह के ऊपर बनी दर्जन-भर फ़िल्मों में भी यह चीज़ देखी जा सकती है. यहाँ तक कि वह हिंदुत्व-गैंग जो स्वतंत्रता आन्दोलन के समय निर्लज्जतापूर्वक अंग्रेज़ों  के साथ रहा, वह भी शहादत की पूरी परम्परा को धता बताते हुए उनके चित्रों के सार्वजनिक इस्तेमाल की ढीठता दिखा रहा है.
अब इसमें एक नयी चीज़ और जुड़ी है, और यह पूरे तौर पर आपराधिक है. एक ऐसी चीज़ जिसके बारे में वे लोग, जिन्होंने भगत सिंह को पढ़ा है और जो उनकी प्रतिबद्धताओं को जानते हैं, कल्पना तक नहीं कर सकते. इस बार भगत सिंह को एक सजावटी कॉफ़ी-टेबल बुक के रूप में बतौर एक पॅकेज भारतीय सशस्त्र सेनाओं के सामने प्रस्तुत किया गया है और वह भी भारत के सैन्यीकरण के एक प्रतीक के रूप में. और यह किसी ऐसे व्यक्ति ने नहीं किया जो विचारधारा से कम्युनिस्ट क्रांतिकारी भगत सिंह को नहीं जानता या उनके प्रति शत्रु-भाव रखता है, यह उन्होंने किया है जिन्हें भगत सिंह के जीवन और विचारों का आधिकारिक जानकार माना जाता है. प्रोफ़ेसर चमन लाल जिन्हें मैं आज तक एक ऐसे व्यक्ति के रूप मैं इज़्ज़त देता रहा जो उस महान क्रांतिकारी के विचारों में भरोसा रखता है.
ENGLSH VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/93525392/MILITARIZATION_OF_BHAGAT_SINGH_S_REVOLUTIONARY_HERITAGE
PUNJABI VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/93828941/Bhagat_singh_de_Inqualabi_Virasat_da_Fauzikaran

MILITARIZATION OF BHAGAT SINGH’S REVOLUTIONARY HERITAGE
The following quote is from the first paragraph of Lenin"s great work; The State and Revolution: The Marxist Theory of the State and the Tasks of the Proletariat in the Revolution (2017) underlining a cardinal truth; how rulers and their henchmen/women repress those ideologies and individuals who strive to emancipate masses from the exploitative rules. This chameleon like lot uses every trick in their criminal armoury.
FOR HINDI VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/93762548/%E0%A4%AD%E0%A4%97%E0%A4%A4_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%82%E0%A4%B9_%E0%A4%95%E0%A5%80_%E0%A4%95_%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%82%E0%A4%A4%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B0%E0%A5%80_%E0%A4%B5%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B8%E0%A4%A4_%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%BE_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A5%88%E0%A4%A8_%E0%A4%AF%E0%A5%80%E0%A4%95%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%A3_%E0%A4%B6%E0%A4%AE_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A5%81%E0%A4%B2_%E0%A4%87%E0%A4%B8_%E0%A4%B2%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%AE
FOR PUNJABI VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/93828941/Bhagat_singh_de_Inqualabi_Virasat_da_Fauzikaran

The Indian National Congress was founded by AO Hume during the reign of Governor-General Lord Duffering. Its first session was held in Bombay in 1885 under the presidency of W.C. Banerjee.

The Congress split into two parts-Moderates and Extremists in the year 1907 at the Surat Session of Congress, which was also popularly known as the 'Surat Split'. Congress politics during the first twenty years of its history is roughly referred to as moderate politics.

There had been some distinct phases in moderate politics, but on the whole, there was an overall uniformity in their objectives and methods of agitation.

Shiv Gajrani has focused on the Revolt if 1857 in Punjab and especially focused on the Sikhs. Surprisingly, almost a majority of historians agree that the Punjabees, particularly the Sikhs cooperated with the British, and aided their victory in 1857. This conclusion, ignores very important issues relating to the nature of the Revolt , a primitivist response to the western threat. Shiv Gajrani argues that the important question is whether the Sikhs acted as a community in favour of the British. In pre-modern societies cohesion has always been far less than in modern societies because in rural economics the role of economic exchange was very confined or limited. The aristocracy interrelated with wider society through institutions which expressed society as a whole, secondly through their political authority. The unit of organised action for the peasantry was either the community or the tribe. In the pre-modern hierarchically stratified society initiative rested with the top. Lower section of the society, especially the peasantry could merely exhibit a readiness to follow a direction. This was the reason that the Revolt took the found individual heroism rather than a General Revolt heroism. Another important point of the Revolt if 1857 was that it was spearheaded by the agrarian based military elite of the poor bias.

The partition of Bengal 1905 and its annulment in 1911 was a momentous event in the history of India in general and Bengal in particular. This partition issue awoke the Bengal Muslims to the consciousness of reorienting their political ideas and to rebuild their political organization to meet the changing challenges. After the revolt of 1857 Muslim moved backward in the political arena although Mohammedan Literary Society of Anwar Abdul Latif, Central Mohammedan Literary Society of Sayed Amir Ali and the Aligarh Movement of Sir Sayed Ahmed created some kind of awareness among the Muslims. However, Ulemas of Bengal remained far from all these organizations and associations. The issue of the partition of Bengal approached them towards their future political career.

"'The Queen and I' is the author, H Masud Taj's, recollection of his (in Canada) and his family's (in Moradabad) encounters with two Queens of British Monarchy. The architect's essay journeys from his childhood home in Moradabad,  the design he did for Eagle Vacuum Flask in Mumbai, the calligraphic long-poem permanent installation he designed for the Consulate General of Canada in Bengaluru and the induction of his book in the Library of Parliament in Ottawa, Canada."

ArchitectureLive  October 11, 2022

Cross Ref. See also:
"A Walk with Sardar Mohammed Malik" in Memoirs section
"Embassy of Liminal Spaces" in Books section

Compiled quite meticulously, the volume under review brings under one cover almost all writings and edited works of Khawaja Hasan Nizami (25 December 1878-31 July 1955) on the revolt of 1857. The importance of 1857 has been highlighted by almost all historians and other writers who made it a subject of their research. A turning point in the history of India, the events of 1857 have been variously described, and designated as War of Independence, ghadar (mutiny), baghawat (revolt), shorish (turmoil), and mufsida (riots). Different historians have approached the events from their varying points of view. The compiler of the book refers to five categories of writings on 1857. One, the books written by the British authors who held Muslims responsible for the revolt; two, local, authors particularly the Hindu writers, who held the same position as the British authors; three, the writings based on secret diaries, memoirs and contemporary chronicles written by the British and local people; four, the works based on neutral, unemotional and rational analyses, such as the one by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind); and, five, the impressionistic accounts in which the human tragedies and ironies were depicted in a literary mold. According to the compiler, Khawaja Hasan Nizami's work falls within the last category, of which two other prominent representatives were Khawaja Nasir Nazeer Firaq Dehlvi and Allam Rashid-ul Khairi. Khawaja Hasan Nizami spent a major part of his life in Busti Nizamuddin (the neighbourhood having the shrine of the great sufi Nizamuddin Awliya, to whom he had dedicated his life). A prolific writer that he was, Nizami wrote about five hundred books on various subjects including literature, history, mysticism, religion, etc. He was especially interested in the events of 1857 on which he wrote some of the

PM MODI IDOLIZES SAVARKAR: 2ND KILLING OF THE TRUE MARTYRS OF INDIA'S FREEDOM STRUGGLE
LINKS:
https://www.counterview.net/2022/08/hindutva-archives-rebut-modi-view.html
https://www.hastakshepnews.com/pm-modi-idolizes-savarkar-2nd-killing-of-the-true-martyrs/
https://countercurrents.org/2022/08/pm-modi-idolizes-savarkar-second-killing-of-the-true-martyrs/