Saleem Samad
Saleem Samad is an award-winning investigative journalist, columnist, and media rights defender @RSF_inter.
Former stringer for TIME magazine, India Today and Outlook magazines in India, and South Asia magazine published from Pakistan. His article often appears in India Narrative, the Times of India and an Indian think-tank Observer Research Foundation (ORF).
A recipient of the prestigious Ashoka Fellowship (1991) for agenda-setting journalism and Hellman-Hammett award (2005). Also a Fellow of Advocacy Institute (1996).
He has excellent communication skills. His working language is English and fluently speaks and understands Urdu, Hindi, and Bangla, which are widely spoken in South Asia. He is work-alcoholic and promotes ideas and newly acquired skills.
Former stringer for TIME magazine, India Today and Outlook magazines in India, and South Asia magazine published from Pakistan. His article often appears in India Narrative, the Times of India and an Indian think-tank Observer Research Foundation (ORF).
A recipient of the prestigious Ashoka Fellowship (1991) for agenda-setting journalism and Hellman-Hammett award (2005). Also a Fellow of Advocacy Institute (1996).
He has excellent communication skills. His working language is English and fluently speaks and understands Urdu, Hindi, and Bangla, which are widely spoken in South Asia. He is work-alcoholic and promotes ideas and newly acquired skills.
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Papers by Saleem Samad
In addition to its human impact, the shipbreaking industry in Chattogram (formerly Chittagong) is destroying environmental ecosystems in Sitakunda Beach.
Polychlorinated Biphenyls (PCB), engine oil, spent fuel, and asbestos concentrations at ship recycling yards on the beaches of Chattogram are at alarming levels. The industry in Bangladesh is highly dangerous and unregulated.
The monitoring of the shipbreaking industry by non-government agencies (NGOs) lacks specialised training, expertise and equipment to monitor the dirty business.
The country cannot properly manage the dangerous toxic materials generated from dismantling end-of-life vessels on the beach, outside a contained zone. At the yards, toxic exposure is accepted as the price for domestic economic development and employment, allowing ship owners from the Global North to exploit weak laws and externalise costs.
Most vessels are imported to Bangladesh with false documents stating the vessel is asbestos-free. Based on an asbestos survey done between 2011 and 2020, more than 55 per cent of operating vessels and 50 per cent of all new vessels were found to contain asbestos materials. The powerful shipbreaking industry, which generates more than half of Bangladesh’s raw steel supply, has had a devastating impact on workers’ lives and the environment, and European shipowners are frequently shamed for sending their vessels to Bangladesh for demolition6 with no respite.
The Europeans ought to know that their vessels contain numerous toxic materials, including asbestos, and that the conditions at the shipbreaking yards in Bangladesh are appalling.
Kissinger’s complicity in the slaughter of millions in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War is part of his poisonous legacy in Southasia – one he never answered or apologised for
The coins tell us in economic terms, they reveal a close connection with Byzantium for two decades after the conquest; they show that the whole region, city and country alike, remained on a money economy; they illustrate patterns of trade and military activity. Their cultural significance is even greater. They reveal the endurance of pre-Islamic symbols and, in Iran, rulers, for a half century or more, reflecting tolerance and accommodation during the age of transition from classical antiquity to Islam.
Kutupalong, the world’s largest refugee camp—crammed into an undulating ghetto hewed out of 13 sq. km. of what was once impenetrable woodland. During daylight hours, its deadly underbelly stays hidden. The singsong of nursery rhymes floats above rows of thatch shelters. Children wallop threadbare soccer balls as workmen tend roadside flowerbeds and women in niqab veils barter over samosas and sour plums.
From 1982, a new citizenship law recategorized the Rohingya as Bengali aliens, and systematically stripped them of basic rights such as freedom of movement, reproduction, and access to education. As the noose tightened, the impetus to slip away became overwhelming. Rohingya began fleeing the country on rickety fishing boats, hoping to find sanctuary in Muslim-majority nations like Malaysia and Indonesia.
Misinformation should not be confused with the quality of journalism and the circulation of trustworthy information which complies with professional standards and ethics.
Misinformation has rather become increasingly more powerful as they are fuelled by new technologies and rapid online dissemination. The consequence is that digitally‑driven fake news and misinformation, in contexts of polarization, risks eclipsing quality journalism, and the truth.
Often talkshow-wallas blame the low-literacy rate in South Asia, the grassroots population and so-called ill-informed people for spreading fake news and hate speech. Apparently, it is not at all correct!
In South Asia, political scientists agree that the majority of people, not necessarily the ‘aam-janta’ (mango people) but also the urban elites and politicians succumb to believing in fake news and rumours, without giving it a second thought.
The mindset of people tends to believe in fake news, justifying that the source is from a responsible citizen, credible group of persons, and news organisation.
Most fake news, misinformation and disinformation have been generated during the coronavirus pandemic which created havoc in life, livelihood and the economy.
The pandemic has impacted social development and the human development index. The pandemic has challenged democracy and pluralism in South Asia – Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
Most of the fake news was spread primarily through social media. Secondly, online news portals, and third was inter-personal communication – be it mobile phones or other
Human rights groups, journalist unions, media rights defenders and cyber security researchers have expressed their reservations regarding the new Cyber Security Act and dubbed it as an ‘Old Wine in New Bottle’.
The rights organisations and media rights defenders fear that the new cyber security law will continue to silence the critical voice of independent media, investigative journalists, critics, dissidents, opposition and millions of netizens who frequently post their comments and graphics on social media.
The media rights and digital rights defenders believe that there will not be any significant change in the threat perception of freedom of expression having a law which will continue to demonise free speech.
The media and digital rights defenders have reviewed the draft Cyber Security Act 2023 posted online https://ictd.portal.gov.bd/sites/default/files/files/ictd.portal.gov.bd/page/6c9773a2_7556_4395_bbec_f132b9d819f0/Data%20Protection%20Act.pdf. It was found that the law in a thick line contradicts several clauses of the Bangladesh constitution. Also, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child and also Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) is conflicting with the CSA.
Once again defenders of freedom of expression urge upon the government that the Cyber Security Law should not be passed in the parliament unless the draft is thoroughly discussed with the participation of the stakeholders. Especially with the media leaders, editors, human rights organisations, human rights lawyers, media and digital rights groups and the public. The lawmakers should have the patience to the critical voice and take it on board to ensure a people’s-friendly cyber security law.
– Archer Blood, American diplomat, April 6, 1971.
Blood wrote this dispatch two weeks into the bloody massacre that would lead to the birth of Bangladesh. Unlike the Rwandan genocide, or the Holocaust, or the killing that followed the breakup of Yugoslavia, the genocide in Bangladesh that ended 45 years ago this week has largely slipped out of public awareness—even though the upper estimate for the death toll is 3 million. With the ongoing debate over how or even if America should assist Syria and those trapped in Aleppo, understanding how the U.S. has responded to genocides in the past is more crucial than ever.
The revolt had a pan-Indian character. What is usually overlooked in standard textbooks is that eastern and north-eastern areas of the subcontinent too were affected. The British were in the process of consolidating their position in the region from the 1820s onwards following a war against Burma (First Burma War, 1824-26). A major uprising occurred in November 1857 when soldiers ('sepoys' or sipahis) stationed in Chittagong mutinied, attacked the jail and released prisoners, ransacked the government treasury, and set fire to the 'sepoy lines' (lodgings) in the cantonment. The rebels then marched northwards to Cachar via Sylhet and Tripura. They were able to enlist the support of some of the princes of the Manipur royal house, who had been living in Cachar since the 1830s. The British were able to put down the insurrection by the beginning of 1858. News of the events at Chittagong resulted in rumours about preparations for an uprising in Dacca. When the British authorities attempted to disarm Indian troops stationed in the city they met with resistance.
More than forty sipahis were killed in the confrontation between the rebels and the British, while others were killed when they were attempting to escape. Many of the remaining soldiers marched out of Dacca towards Mymensingh and Rangpur; some were captured while others found shelter in the foothills of Nepal. Unfortunately, the history of this resistance has not been adequately researched.
Host community members see the effects of Rohingya refugees on their lives and communities as mostly negative and are frustrated by continuing assistance to the refugees, whom they view as having received sufficient aid.
Host community members rarely interact with refugees, but interaction is often negative when it occurs. Host community members are also losing confidence in the ability of government to address their concerns, and many see violence as an acceptable response to their grievances.
Rohingya refugees view intercommunity relations with Bangladeshis as far less tense than do host community members.
A range of conflict mitigation approaches that involve citizens, the Bangladeshi state, and the international community is urgently needed to alleviate intercommunity tension and forestall potential conflict
At the PFII session, the Bangladesh government delegation highlighted that this year, 40 projects have been implemented for the CHT region's development, and 1,555 more projects have been approved. But how sustainable will the development plan be for the Indigenous Jumma people? Will the Jumma villagers lose their land, be evicted from their ancestral land and homesteads, be deprived of their right to self-governance as well as self-determination of development priorities, as per the CHT Accord? Will the biodiversity, environment and water resources of the region be protected, or will the Jumma people be deprived of their traditional farming and livelihoods?
The radicalised Muslims and Islamists have attacked, vandalised and desecrated hundreds of places of worship, shops and homes of Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and of course the Adivasis soon after the birth of Bangladesh.
Adivasi leaders often lament the grabbing of lands and forcible occupation of their properties by influential local persons who are affiliated with the ruling parties – whichever party remains in power.
None of the perpetrators listened to the music of justice. They enjoyed impunity and they remain free from justice, which is frustrating for human rights organisations.
The 1971 War, which culminated in the birth of Bangladesh, has been one of the most difficult histories for Pakistan to contend with. Textbooks brush over the subject, packaging a complex and nuanced history into a few paragraphs, and mainstream discourse on 1971 is limited if not absent, with efforts to sincerely reflect on the past curbed. Yet, it would be a mistake to argue that there is a blanket silencing of 1971.
This was the war cry of the Mukti Joddhas (war veterans) who liberated the country in 1971. I haven't heard that slogan in over 40 years since the country was liberated.
The Joy Bangla slogan became a taboo after the assassination of independence hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. "Today I walk in the streets shout the slogan without fear, prejudice or being bashful," Shamsuddin Ahmed, media consultant and writer tells me.
The revival of the war cry of Bangladeshi nationalism is significant. Young people from all walks of life have turned out in their thousands to protest the life sentences handed out to Islamists.
If they persist, Bangladesh could become the world's first Muslim nation to bury political Islam once for all. It is a devil which needs to be contained. And here's why.
Bangladesh has 50 different national minorities. They have distinctive languages, cultures and practices which they inherited from their ancestors. The Adivasis are inhabitants in forests in the plainland and the hill forests in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT).
Economist Prof Abul Barakat said two-thirds of the Adivasis are caught in a functionally landless category.
The budget allocations for the Adivasi people are too little and too inadequate. A large part of the allocations are not spent for them and they get an insignificant amount from a large pie.
The heavyweight US Secretary for State at the onset of the meeting asked Gen. Westmoreland: What is your military assessment? How long can Pakistan hold out in the east [Bangladesh]?
Gen. Westmoreland candidly said, up to three weeks. Once Pakistan Army runs out of supplies, all the troops in East Pakistan [Bangladesh] will become a hostage.
No doubt sly Kissinger was worried about the safety and security of marauding Pakistan’s troops battling in occupied Bangladesh.
In addition to its human impact, the shipbreaking industry in Chattogram (formerly Chittagong) is destroying environmental ecosystems in Sitakunda Beach.
Polychlorinated Biphenyls (PCB), engine oil, spent fuel, and asbestos concentrations at ship recycling yards on the beaches of Chattogram are at alarming levels. The industry in Bangladesh is highly dangerous and unregulated.
The monitoring of the shipbreaking industry by non-government agencies (NGOs) lacks specialised training, expertise and equipment to monitor the dirty business.
The country cannot properly manage the dangerous toxic materials generated from dismantling end-of-life vessels on the beach, outside a contained zone. At the yards, toxic exposure is accepted as the price for domestic economic development and employment, allowing ship owners from the Global North to exploit weak laws and externalise costs.
Most vessels are imported to Bangladesh with false documents stating the vessel is asbestos-free. Based on an asbestos survey done between 2011 and 2020, more than 55 per cent of operating vessels and 50 per cent of all new vessels were found to contain asbestos materials. The powerful shipbreaking industry, which generates more than half of Bangladesh’s raw steel supply, has had a devastating impact on workers’ lives and the environment, and European shipowners are frequently shamed for sending their vessels to Bangladesh for demolition6 with no respite.
The Europeans ought to know that their vessels contain numerous toxic materials, including asbestos, and that the conditions at the shipbreaking yards in Bangladesh are appalling.
Kissinger’s complicity in the slaughter of millions in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War is part of his poisonous legacy in Southasia – one he never answered or apologised for
The coins tell us in economic terms, they reveal a close connection with Byzantium for two decades after the conquest; they show that the whole region, city and country alike, remained on a money economy; they illustrate patterns of trade and military activity. Their cultural significance is even greater. They reveal the endurance of pre-Islamic symbols and, in Iran, rulers, for a half century or more, reflecting tolerance and accommodation during the age of transition from classical antiquity to Islam.
Kutupalong, the world’s largest refugee camp—crammed into an undulating ghetto hewed out of 13 sq. km. of what was once impenetrable woodland. During daylight hours, its deadly underbelly stays hidden. The singsong of nursery rhymes floats above rows of thatch shelters. Children wallop threadbare soccer balls as workmen tend roadside flowerbeds and women in niqab veils barter over samosas and sour plums.
From 1982, a new citizenship law recategorized the Rohingya as Bengali aliens, and systematically stripped them of basic rights such as freedom of movement, reproduction, and access to education. As the noose tightened, the impetus to slip away became overwhelming. Rohingya began fleeing the country on rickety fishing boats, hoping to find sanctuary in Muslim-majority nations like Malaysia and Indonesia.
Misinformation should not be confused with the quality of journalism and the circulation of trustworthy information which complies with professional standards and ethics.
Misinformation has rather become increasingly more powerful as they are fuelled by new technologies and rapid online dissemination. The consequence is that digitally‑driven fake news and misinformation, in contexts of polarization, risks eclipsing quality journalism, and the truth.
Often talkshow-wallas blame the low-literacy rate in South Asia, the grassroots population and so-called ill-informed people for spreading fake news and hate speech. Apparently, it is not at all correct!
In South Asia, political scientists agree that the majority of people, not necessarily the ‘aam-janta’ (mango people) but also the urban elites and politicians succumb to believing in fake news and rumours, without giving it a second thought.
The mindset of people tends to believe in fake news, justifying that the source is from a responsible citizen, credible group of persons, and news organisation.
Most fake news, misinformation and disinformation have been generated during the coronavirus pandemic which created havoc in life, livelihood and the economy.
The pandemic has impacted social development and the human development index. The pandemic has challenged democracy and pluralism in South Asia – Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
Most of the fake news was spread primarily through social media. Secondly, online news portals, and third was inter-personal communication – be it mobile phones or other
Human rights groups, journalist unions, media rights defenders and cyber security researchers have expressed their reservations regarding the new Cyber Security Act and dubbed it as an ‘Old Wine in New Bottle’.
The rights organisations and media rights defenders fear that the new cyber security law will continue to silence the critical voice of independent media, investigative journalists, critics, dissidents, opposition and millions of netizens who frequently post their comments and graphics on social media.
The media rights and digital rights defenders believe that there will not be any significant change in the threat perception of freedom of expression having a law which will continue to demonise free speech.
The media and digital rights defenders have reviewed the draft Cyber Security Act 2023 posted online https://ictd.portal.gov.bd/sites/default/files/files/ictd.portal.gov.bd/page/6c9773a2_7556_4395_bbec_f132b9d819f0/Data%20Protection%20Act.pdf. It was found that the law in a thick line contradicts several clauses of the Bangladesh constitution. Also, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child and also Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) is conflicting with the CSA.
Once again defenders of freedom of expression urge upon the government that the Cyber Security Law should not be passed in the parliament unless the draft is thoroughly discussed with the participation of the stakeholders. Especially with the media leaders, editors, human rights organisations, human rights lawyers, media and digital rights groups and the public. The lawmakers should have the patience to the critical voice and take it on board to ensure a people’s-friendly cyber security law.
– Archer Blood, American diplomat, April 6, 1971.
Blood wrote this dispatch two weeks into the bloody massacre that would lead to the birth of Bangladesh. Unlike the Rwandan genocide, or the Holocaust, or the killing that followed the breakup of Yugoslavia, the genocide in Bangladesh that ended 45 years ago this week has largely slipped out of public awareness—even though the upper estimate for the death toll is 3 million. With the ongoing debate over how or even if America should assist Syria and those trapped in Aleppo, understanding how the U.S. has responded to genocides in the past is more crucial than ever.
The revolt had a pan-Indian character. What is usually overlooked in standard textbooks is that eastern and north-eastern areas of the subcontinent too were affected. The British were in the process of consolidating their position in the region from the 1820s onwards following a war against Burma (First Burma War, 1824-26). A major uprising occurred in November 1857 when soldiers ('sepoys' or sipahis) stationed in Chittagong mutinied, attacked the jail and released prisoners, ransacked the government treasury, and set fire to the 'sepoy lines' (lodgings) in the cantonment. The rebels then marched northwards to Cachar via Sylhet and Tripura. They were able to enlist the support of some of the princes of the Manipur royal house, who had been living in Cachar since the 1830s. The British were able to put down the insurrection by the beginning of 1858. News of the events at Chittagong resulted in rumours about preparations for an uprising in Dacca. When the British authorities attempted to disarm Indian troops stationed in the city they met with resistance.
More than forty sipahis were killed in the confrontation between the rebels and the British, while others were killed when they were attempting to escape. Many of the remaining soldiers marched out of Dacca towards Mymensingh and Rangpur; some were captured while others found shelter in the foothills of Nepal. Unfortunately, the history of this resistance has not been adequately researched.
Host community members see the effects of Rohingya refugees on their lives and communities as mostly negative and are frustrated by continuing assistance to the refugees, whom they view as having received sufficient aid.
Host community members rarely interact with refugees, but interaction is often negative when it occurs. Host community members are also losing confidence in the ability of government to address their concerns, and many see violence as an acceptable response to their grievances.
Rohingya refugees view intercommunity relations with Bangladeshis as far less tense than do host community members.
A range of conflict mitigation approaches that involve citizens, the Bangladeshi state, and the international community is urgently needed to alleviate intercommunity tension and forestall potential conflict
At the PFII session, the Bangladesh government delegation highlighted that this year, 40 projects have been implemented for the CHT region's development, and 1,555 more projects have been approved. But how sustainable will the development plan be for the Indigenous Jumma people? Will the Jumma villagers lose their land, be evicted from their ancestral land and homesteads, be deprived of their right to self-governance as well as self-determination of development priorities, as per the CHT Accord? Will the biodiversity, environment and water resources of the region be protected, or will the Jumma people be deprived of their traditional farming and livelihoods?
The radicalised Muslims and Islamists have attacked, vandalised and desecrated hundreds of places of worship, shops and homes of Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and of course the Adivasis soon after the birth of Bangladesh.
Adivasi leaders often lament the grabbing of lands and forcible occupation of their properties by influential local persons who are affiliated with the ruling parties – whichever party remains in power.
None of the perpetrators listened to the music of justice. They enjoyed impunity and they remain free from justice, which is frustrating for human rights organisations.
The 1971 War, which culminated in the birth of Bangladesh, has been one of the most difficult histories for Pakistan to contend with. Textbooks brush over the subject, packaging a complex and nuanced history into a few paragraphs, and mainstream discourse on 1971 is limited if not absent, with efforts to sincerely reflect on the past curbed. Yet, it would be a mistake to argue that there is a blanket silencing of 1971.
This was the war cry of the Mukti Joddhas (war veterans) who liberated the country in 1971. I haven't heard that slogan in over 40 years since the country was liberated.
The Joy Bangla slogan became a taboo after the assassination of independence hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. "Today I walk in the streets shout the slogan without fear, prejudice or being bashful," Shamsuddin Ahmed, media consultant and writer tells me.
The revival of the war cry of Bangladeshi nationalism is significant. Young people from all walks of life have turned out in their thousands to protest the life sentences handed out to Islamists.
If they persist, Bangladesh could become the world's first Muslim nation to bury political Islam once for all. It is a devil which needs to be contained. And here's why.
Bangladesh has 50 different national minorities. They have distinctive languages, cultures and practices which they inherited from their ancestors. The Adivasis are inhabitants in forests in the plainland and the hill forests in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT).
Economist Prof Abul Barakat said two-thirds of the Adivasis are caught in a functionally landless category.
The budget allocations for the Adivasi people are too little and too inadequate. A large part of the allocations are not spent for them and they get an insignificant amount from a large pie.
The heavyweight US Secretary for State at the onset of the meeting asked Gen. Westmoreland: What is your military assessment? How long can Pakistan hold out in the east [Bangladesh]?
Gen. Westmoreland candidly said, up to three weeks. Once Pakistan Army runs out of supplies, all the troops in East Pakistan [Bangladesh] will become a hostage.
No doubt sly Kissinger was worried about the safety and security of marauding Pakistan’s troops battling in occupied Bangladesh.