Buddhist Literature

The self-referential strategies of Mahāyāna sūtras are woven with time. As recent scholarship has demonstrated, the conception of time as linear, quantifiable, and homogeneous is strongly privileged both in secular history and in much of contemporary life—indeed, to such an extent that different understandings of time are all too easily viewed as evidence of false consciousness. Without denying the considerable insight to be gained by means of the historicist lens through which most contemporary scholars (myself included) usually approach the interpretation of Buddhist sūtras, I seek in this paper to explore the temporal alternatives found in the sūtras themselves. I focus in particular on the temporal frameworks and strategies employed in the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka and the Suvarṇa[pra]bhāsottama, which frequently intervene in the past, present, and future of their audiences. What might we learn by attending to the tension between historical readings of these texts and the temporal frameworks at play in the sūtras themselves? How might the conceptions and experiences of time offered by the sūtras challenge our assumptions about time and history? Are we able to imagine a form of historiography that does not require the imposition of a single temporal framework? I analyze the conceptions and manipulations of time in these sūtras with the aim of identifying alternative hermeneutical approaches and expanding our temporal understanding.

In the aftermath of An Lushan's 安 祿 山 (d. 757) rebellion-that virtually brought the imposing Tang 唐 empire (618-907) to its knees-the middle part of the dynastic epoch was marked by momentous and multifaceted changes, with major impacts on the political and economic landscapes, as well as significant ramifications in the intellectual and religious arenas. This was an initially precarious period of realignment in the distribution of power, which involved reconfiguration of the relationship between the imperial center at the capital and the local administrations in the provinces. There were also notable demographic changes, refocusing of the empire's foreign policy, restructuring of the economy and the tax system, and emergence of new sociopolitical elites. That was accompanied by the development of new intellectual orientations and cultural paradigms, exemplified for instance by the ancient literature [guwen

E Lou Xuan 廅樓亘 is the earliest transcription of avalokiteśvara in Chinese Buddhist texts. The cause of its formation is still unknown to us. This paper examines the different words of E Lou Xuan 廅樓亘 in different editions and examines the different pronunciations of each word. In terms of the general rules of Sanskrit-Chinese transcription and the evolution of Indian language, my conclusion is that (1) 廅 corresponds to *av(a) and the final consonant [-p] of 廅 corresponds to -v-, because the position of articulation is the same; (2) 樓 corresponds to *-lo-; (3) 亘corresponds to *-śva(r) and the final nasal [-n] of 亘 corresponds to -r-, because in the underlying language the sound value of r and n is close. In short, I think the original form of 廅樓亘 is *av(a)...lo...śva(r). This form is closer to the Sanskrit word avalokiteśvara, which is seen in the later Sanskrit manuscripts than to avalokitasvara which is found in the earlier ones.

Religious traditions are imbued with an authority that is structured and animated by notions of continuity and validity. While a variety of elements may be brought to bear on the task of instantiating and transmitting religious tradition, none is more formal, public, and definitive than doctrine: systematic (often rational) ideological self-presentation frequently linked with the narrative and ritual dimensions of the tradition. Within Buddhist traditions, the doctrinal dimension of religion constitutes an important arena for projecting religious identity and authority. Any Buddhist community that claims to represent and transmit an authoritative tradition may be expected to produce an arguably distinctive and authoritative doctrinal discourse. Such doctrines are not created out of thin air, and they do not get delivered into the world whole. Doctrines are the products of social practices, historical events, languages, and—inter alia—competition. With this in mind, we can deepen our appreciation for the form and content of the recent publication of Finding Rest in the Nature of the Mind: The Trilogy of Rest, Volume 1 (Tib: sems nyid ngal gso), a translation of a text authored by one of the outstanding luminaries of Tibetan Buddhism, Longchen Rabjampa Drimé Özer, also known as Longchenpa (1308–1364).

The study first introduces a hitherto completely unstudied anonymous work, for which I reconstruct the title *Saddharmaparikathā. This substantial text is a Buddhist homiletician's guidebook with sample sermons in Sanskrit on a rich variety of topics. I argue that it dates from the 5th century and that it was possibly authored in a Saṃmatīya environment. I first discuss the unique manuscript transmitting the text, the structure and contents of the work, what information it can provide for the tradition of preaching and its importance for Buddhist studies. In the second half, I provide a sample chapter 'On Grief' with an annotated translation.

Sutra of Miscellaneous Jewels which reads Za-Baozang-Jing (雜寳藏經) in Chinese, is a Buddhist Literature translated into Classical Chinese by Sramana Kekaya and Tanyao around 472 C.E. Chattopadhyaya (1977) suggested its original Sanskrit title Saṃyukta Ratnapiṭaka Sūtra. This voluminous literature contains detailed records of Sakyamuni Buddha's life stories in the past and present, as well those of his disciples. Events after the Buddha's parinirvana, and some scattered narratives which brings out Buddha's teachings are also documented, which made up the 121 chapters of the whole scripture. Teachings of karmic retribution, filial piety and generosity are among the main themes of the sutra, which are delivered through analogies and fables. The study of this Buddhist text, however, was long neglected by the modern scholarship in Buddhology. An English translation of this sutra is not available till now. Thus, my project will serve as the first-step to translate the whole volume of Sutra of Miscellaneous Jewels. This paper is my first attempt to the sutra translation, which contains my English translation of the seemingly important chapter of the literature, revolving around the alternate concept of 'generosity' or 'giving' (dana) in Buddhism.

When compared with the Pāli versions of the Nanda tale-the story of the ordainment and liberation of the Buddha's half-brother-some of the peculiar features of Aśvaghoṡa's telling in the Saundarananda come to the fore. These include the enticing love games that Nanda plays with his wife Sundarī before he follows Buddha out of the house, and the powerful, troubling scene in which Buddha forces Nanda to ordain. While the Pāli versions are aware of fantastic elements such as the flight to the Himālayas, and while each adds its own unique emphases that re-shape the events, none raise such deep ambivalence as done by Aśvaghoṡa. The Comparison of the different tellings then raises a more general theoretical point in relation to Buddhist literature-that genre defines the special features of each adaptation of the story, rather than any historical conditions regarding transmission; the versions each conform to the specific intellectual context of the text that appropriates them. This understanding allows an advancement of the idea of genre in Buddhist canonical and semi-canonical texts.

Las historias que componen el Jātaka-Aṭṭhakathā pertenecen al género narrativo conocido como Jātaka, literalmente “Nacimiento” o “Relato de un Nacimiento Previo”, un tipo de narración que aparece en las colecciones literarias de todas las escuelas budistas. Cada uno de los jātakas presenta una de las vidas del ser conocido como Bodhisatta, quien finalmente llegaría a convertirse en el Buddha Gotama y que, a diferencia de los buddhas, todavía se encuentra condicionado por el nacimiento, la enfermedad, la vejez, la muerte y la ignorancia.
Debido a la belleza y flexibilidad del género, así como a su valor cultural, los jātakas constituyen uno de los modelos narrativos más importantes de la India budista antigua. Con la traducción de los dieciocho relatos que componen esta antología, espero ofrecer una muestra de la riqueza de esta tradición literaria cuya relevancia puede atestiguarse en su amplia difusión en distintas regiones de India, Sureste de Asia y Extremo Oriente, en lenguas tan diversas como el pāḷi, el sánscrito, el cingalés, el chino y el tibetano. En su mayoría, las historias que aquí presentamos no existen en versión castellana, por lo que este volumen ofrecerá a los entusiastas de la cultura y la literatura india, así como a los practicantes budistas, la oportunidad de deleitarse con estas extraordinarias narraciones en una traducción directa del pāḷi y, de esta forma, acercarse al entendimiento del antiguo budismo indio a través de una de sus expresiones literarias más bellas y enriquecedoras.

Сочинение буддийского монаха Ирёна (1206–1289) «Оставшиеся сведения [о] трёх государствах» (Самгук юса) — один из немногих доступных современным историкам фундаментальных письменных источников по истории Кореи с древнейших времён до XIII в. Предлагаемый вниманию читателя первый полный русский перевод этого памятника выполнен непосредственно с китаеязычного оригинала и по возможности точно следует исходному тексту. Перевод снабжён вступительной статьёй, в которой кратко и доступно излагаются основополагающие сведения, необходимые для того, чтобы в общих чертах разобраться в истории создания, структуре и содержании памятника, а также постраничным комментарием, задача которого — дать конкретную информацию текстологического и справочного характера.
Эта книга задумана как основа для последующей работы исследователей в самых разных областях: культурологии, истории, источниковедения, литературоведения, фольклористики, этнографии, исторической географии, религиоведения, истории материальной культуры и многих других. Издание рассчитано, в первую очередь, на корееведов — как специалистов, так и студентов, но оно может быть полезно и невостоковедам — культурологам, религиоведам, литературоведам и историкам, а также всем интересующимся историей и культурой Кореи.

Özet
Uygur Dönemi’nde, daha çok yönetici sınıf tarafından kabul edilen Budizm’i, halka öğretmek amacıyla yazılan ve Sanskritçe adı Prens Kalyanamkara ve Papamkara ile ünlenen hikâye, Buddhacılığın aslı Çince olan klasik bir öyküsüne dayanmaktadır. Bu hikâye, XI. yüzyıl başlarında Dunhuang’daki bir mağaraya konularak mühürlenmiş ve mağaranın 1900 yıllarına doğru keşfedilip açılmasıyla ortaya çıkmış binlerce el yazmasından biridir. Seksen sayfalık bu Uygurca el yazması, Paul Pelliot tarafından 1908 yılında bulunmuş ve Paris’e getirilmiştir. Bu yazıda Kalyanamkara ve Papamkara hikâyesindeki Budist öğretiler ve bu din için kutsal sayılan Dhammapada isimli vaaz kitabıyla hikâye arasında koşutluk kurulmuş ve Buddha’nın yaşamına atfedilen rivayetlerle örtüşen noktaları, karşılaştırmalı bir okumaya tabii tutularak irdelenmiş ve Budizm’in bu hikâyedeki yansımaları ortaya konmuştur.

Anahtar Kelimeler
Budizm, Kalyanamkara ve Papamkara Hikâyesi, Budist Edebiyat, Gotama Buddha, Dhammapada.

The story, which bears Sanskrit name “Prince Kalyanamkara and Papamkara” was written with the purpose of teaching Buddhism, which was mostly accepted by the ruling class, to the public during the Uighurs period. This story is one of the thousands of manuscripts that were put in a cave in Dunhuang at the beginning of the 11th century and sealed, then were discovered and opened towards the 1900s. This eighty-page long Uighur manuscript was discovered by Paul Pelliot in 1908 and brought to Paris. In this article, a parallelism was established between the Buddhist teachings in the story of Kalyanamkara and Papamkara and the preaching book Dhammapada, which is considered sacred for this religion. The points that overlap with the rumors attributed to Buddha's life were examined by making a comparative reading and the reflections of Buddhism in this story were revealed.

Keywords
Buddhism, The Story of Kalyanamkara and Papamkara, Buddhist Literature, Gotama Buddha, Dhammapada.

This essay is an investigation of the uses of dhāraṇī and mantra in contemporary Buddhism in South Korea by examining literature and materials intended for lay Buddhists. Popular interest in dhāraṇīs has been increasing steadily since the turn of the twenty-first century, in conjunction with the return to popularity of apatropaic charms and talismans. Lay people utilize dhāraṇī in essentially five ways: (1) in personal devotionals; (2) as sūtra-material copied for merit; (3) as talismans and in household or business rituals supplicating for this-worldly benefits; (4) for exorcisms and death rituals; and (5) as materials enshrined in the chest cavities of Buddha images and in pagodas.  The most popular dhāraṇī seems to be the Dhāraṇī of Spiritually Sublime Phrases (Sinmyo changgu taedarani), a variant of the Nīlakaṇṭha-dhāraṇī from the Korean Thousand Hands Sūtra (Ch’ŏnsu kyŏng).

The article treats the literary heritage of the Newar Buddhist tradition. It covers works composed in the historical Nepal valley first in Sanskrit alone and since the 17th century increasingly also in the local vernacular – Newari.  However, Indian Buddhist texts that play a major role in this tradition are also considered.

The chapter examines the larger developmental trajectory of the Chan tradition of Chinese Buddhism through the conceptual lens of Max Weber’s (1864-1920) theory of the routinization of charisma. That helps ascertain some of the major factors that shaped the historical growth and transformation of Chan during the main phrases of its historical development, especially from the Tang (618-907) to the Song era (960-1279). During the formative stage, there was a plethora of approaches to Chan doctrine and practice, and Chan was a widely diffused movement led by charismatic monks that on the whole didn’t adhere to a rigid orthodoxy or narrow soteriological outlook. In contrast, by the Song era, Chan matured into a state-sanctioned orthodoxy with a narrow conception of religious authority, centered around an institutionalized model of spiritual lineage, fixed technique of contemplative practice, codified rules for monastic life, and authoritative canon of (semi-)sacred writings.

Digital Dictionary of Buddhism entry. July, 2015. Details of the Mātaṅga-sūtra (Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna) 摩登伽經, a Buddhist text. It is story thirty-three entitled Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna in the Divyāvadāna collection. This early sūtra is significant in its use of mantras, anti-Vedic polemic and encyclopedic detailing of pre-Hellenized Indian astrology (i.e., before horoscopy).

A controversy over the pudgala or " person " raged among Indian Buddhists for more than a millennium. Their polemics were at least as much a matter of canoni-cal exegesis as of reasoning and argument, for the " mainstream " Buddhist doctors had to account for—and explain away—the numerous places in scripture where the Buddha speaks of the " person. " The Bhārahārasūtra or " sūtra on the bearer of the burden " was one of the scriptures most frequently quoted and discussed in this connection. The present paper is aimed at presenting a reconstructed Sanskrit version of this sūtra and providing an overview of the doctrinal and argumentative uses that were made of it in the context of the debates about the status of the " person. " introduction

Based upon colophons to manuscript editions of Buddhist texts found at Dunhuang and in Nara and Heian (710–1185) Japan, Yijing’s (635–713) translation of the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra (Z no. 158, T no. 665) was unquestionably one of the most important scriptures for a variety of this-worldly reasons. While several important studies of the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra in Tibetan, Khotanese and in Japan have been published, little to no attention has been awarded to how often and guardedly this scripture was copied in manuscript form across East Asia from the 8th to 13th centuries. In this paper I first provide an introduction to the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra from Matsuo shrine and explain why the glosses on the text to facilitate reading it in Japanese and to certain terms in Chinese that must have been added to an earlier exemplar on the continent are exceptional. Next I examine the historical context within which the reading glosses for [vernacular] Japanese were added to the Matsuo shrine manuscripts, introduce several aspects of manuscript studies to explain how texts in Sinitic were read in vernacular and consider why the glosses for Chinese readings were kept. Based upon a comparison with some of the extant editions from Dunhuang, I also discuss how the glosses in Chinese appear to be both keys to pronouncing terms transcribed from Sanskrit especially for spells (dhāraṇī) and a key remnant from the complicated process of translation during the early 8th century in the Chinese capital of Chang’an. Then I introduce interrelated glosses on 8th century editions from the Shōgozō from three of the translations of the Mūlasarvāstivāda monastic codes attributed to Yijing. Finally, I address the question: what can this evidence of hand-copying the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra with glosses in medieval East Asia tell us about the people who used and produced it?

Dorji Wangchuk,  “On the Identity and Authenticity of the *Sarvadharmacaryopadeśābhisamayatantra: A Tantric Scripture Associated with the Vikramaśīla Tradition." In Relationship between Tantric and Non-Tantric Doctrines in Late Indian Buddhism, edited by Norihisa Baba. Oriental Culture 96. Tokyo: Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia, The University of Tokyo, 2016, pp. 95–106.

Is there such a thing as a distinctively Buddhist aesthetics? Were there to be something distinctive, let us say, about a Buddhist poet working in a non-sectarian medium, such as literature in Sanskrit, at what level would a distinctive quality come into view: the plot, a scene, the sentence, a metaphor or even phonetic texture? Can there be anything more than a metaphorical fit between one's faith and one's grammar?Pursuing these concerns, this essay involves a close (and slow) reading of the Indian Buddhist poet Aśvaghoṣa's literary style (with special emphasis on the poet's Saundarananda (Beautiful Nanda), arguing for new ways in which we may characterize its literary, aesthetic and theological salience for readers then and now.

The pdf provided by the publisher (which I have attached here) didn't include the full reference, so here it is:
“Now You Hear It, Now You Don’t:  The Phrase ‘Thus Have I Heard’ in Early Chinese Buddhist Translations.”  In Tansen Sen, ed., Buddhism Across Asia: Networks of Material, Intellectual and Cultural Exchange (Singapore: Institute for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Singapore), in press, 2013.

HUTH, "Verzeichnis der im tibetischen Tanjur, Abtheilung mDo <Sûtra>, Band 117&124, enthaltenen Werke", Sitzungsberichte der königlich preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Phil.-hist. Cl. 1895. 15. Essays and Studies on Buddhist Sanskrit Literature, Marburg 2008 (IeT. 36), pp. 93&170.

https://www.equinoxpub.com/home/view-chapter/?id=39998

In this paper, I argue that some Mahāyāna sūtras offer ritual and verbal means for transformative visual encounters with buddhas and their perfect fields. I take as a particularly instructive instance the penultimate chapter of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, "The Visual Encounter (darśana) with the Tathāgata Akṣobhya and the Fetching of the Abhirati World," (abhiratilokadhātv-ānayanākṣobhyatathāgatadarśana). The chapter begins with a question posed by the Buddha to Vimalakīrti: when he is "desirous of darśana," of seeing and being seen by the Tathāgata, how does he see him? Vimalakīrti replies with a lengthy apophatic description of the Tathāgata, making it clear that he is, as Vimalakīrti concludes, "inexpressible" (avacanīya). Yet almost immediately thereafter, Vimalakīrti provides an actual opportunity for seeing a Tathāgata: the Tathāgata Akṣobhya, whose entire vast world sphere Abhirati, its glittering features amassed in fairly vivid detail in the sūtra, the bodhisattva gathers up into his hand and brings into this Saha world in order to give darśana to Śākyamuni's assembly. Through this encounter, all present are transformed. While the reality of the Tathāgata is ostensibly "inexpressible," then, he and his world can nonetheless be seen and brought into our own, even when both seem far, far away—and precisely through the verbal and ritual technologies of the sūtra, which make him imaginatively present to audiences and allow darśana of him. These technologies have significant implications for our interpretation of Buddhist “literature,” which often defies any comfortable distinction between textual and visual experience.

Xuanzang 玄奘 (Genjō, c. 602–664) is credited with translating some of the largest and most significant scriptures and commentaries in the East Asian Buddhist canons. But his behemoth translation of the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra 大般若波羅蜜多經 (Z no. 1, T no. 220) in 600 rolls seems to have been particularly important to Buddhist monastics and patrons who produced manuscript editions of the Buddhist canon at Dunhuang during the ninth century, and in Japan from the eighth to twelfth centuries. In this paper, I first survey what made the *Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra an object of exceptional reverence, and why it appears to have been critical to communities from western China to Japan that this colossal work can be connected to Xuanzang. Next, I introduce several colophons to manuscripts from Dunhuang to show how quickly Xuanzang’s Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra seems to have been taken to the temples near Dunhuang to become the key component in manuscript copies of all the scriptures (yiqie jing, issaikyō 一切經). Then I introduce less well known manuscripts from eighth century Japan, along with examples of rolls with colophons from the Nanatsudera 七寺 and Matsuo shrine 松尾社 canons, and archaeological evidence from elsewhere in Heian (794–1185) Japan to demonstrate how and why the
Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra was revered above all other scriptures.

Reading plays a central role in the transmission, reception, and practice of Buddhism. This dissertation seeks to address a perceived gap in Buddhist studies by suggesting that reading constitutes a valid strategy of practice and a useful phenomenon to analyse Buddhist roles and identities. Aims and objectives: This study aims to explore several occurrences of reading in Buddhism. It seeks to outline a history of reading in Buddhism and to suggest some theoretical foundations which justify the practice of reading. It also attempts to describe the reception of Dharma-texts through reading in different historical contexts, including the contemporary world. Methods: The main body of this dissertation comprises the compilation of a corpus of references to reading found in primary and secondary literature. These references have been contextualised by historical research and justified by an exploration of several Buddhist doctrines and theories relevant to reading. This dissertation adopts a phenomenological stance thus allowing religious agents the capacity to provide meaning to their own actions. Interpretative strategies have been informed by reader-response criticism, aesthetics of reception, narratology, and reception theory. Content analysis of Facebook posts and Goodreads reviews has been employed to analyse recent individual responses to Buddhist literature. Results: A corpus of over 14,500 entries with references to reading in Buddhism has been compiled using primary and secondary literature. An outline of the history of reading in Buddhism has been suggested. A theoretical basis for reading in Buddhism has been proposed. The attitudes of different Buddhist traditions and schools towards reading, including the reception of Dharma-texts in contemporary contexts, has been described. A ranking of the top ten recommended Dharma-texts has been compiled based on a list of 1,217 recommendations found on Facebook groups posts between March and September 2020. 500 of the most recent book reviews of those recommended Dharma-texts on Goodreads have been analysed for content. Conclusions: No similar study could be traced in the literature. This dissertation concludes that reading constitutes a central practice in Buddhism and one of its main means of transmission. Reading supports Dharma practice, provides moral exemplars, develops faith, purification, and meditation. Buddhism advocates reading slowly and repeatedly, and encourages embodying the teaching by means of familiarity and memorization of Dharma-texts. This study also shows that reviews on social media platforms can be used to understand the reception of Dharma-texts by contemporary audiences, hence enriching the knowledge of the practices of Bookshop Buddhists and Buddhist sympathizers and contributing to the debate about religious identity and affiliation. This analysis suggests that most readers of Dharma-texts seek spiritual fulfilment, religious knowledge, inspiration, and practical advice from a demystified, non-dogmatic, and relatable perspective.

This study investigates the compilation process of Huijiao’s (497-554) Gaoseng zhuan by utilizing the manuscript fragments of Baochang’s (ca. 466–?) Mingseng zhuan. I first question the long-standing assumption that the Mingseng zhuan was the “base text” of the Gaoseng zhuan, and propose to redefine the relationship between the two monastic biography collections more loosely by using the notion of “narrative community.” I then suggest that, despite the possible absence of a direct textual relation between the two collections, due to the Mingseng zhuan being more representative of the Buddhist narrative community of early medieval China, the comparison of the two collections is nonetheless germane to understanding the compilation process of the Gaoseng zhuan. Lastly, by comparing the lists of contents of the two collections I identify and analyze distinctive patterns in Huijiao’s selection and organization of monastic biographies that helped him perfect the idealized abstraction of the “eminent monk.”

Humanism in the Lyrical: Representation of Buddhist Classics Transmitted or Translated in Chinese in Malaysian-Chinese Buddhist Prose
[Malaysia]LewYaLing
Abstract: QuotationfromBuddhistClassicsinChinesetranslationisprevalentinMalaysian-Chineseprose.Generallyspeaking, quotation from Buddhist prose is meant for argument, in order to give force to one’s exposition of Buddhist tenets or strengthenone’sviews.Writers,apartfromtransplantingknowledge,alsowaxlyricalbyquotingfromtheBuddhistclassics, some of them by expressing their different sentiments and views about passage of time and the world through the classics. ThispaperwillsortoutviewsoftimeandspaceinhumanismandBuddhismbeforeanalyzingandexpoundingthemethodswith whichgroupsofwritersquotefromChinese-translatedBuddhistClassicsandtheresultsachievedapartfromexplicatingthe viewoftimeandspaceasexhibitedinMalaysian-ChineseBuddhistprosebythewaywritersquoteandemploythequotations, inordertoexploretheculturalsignificancebehind. Keywords: Malaysian-Chinese,Buddhistprose,Chinese-translated,BuddhistclassicstransmittedfromChina,humanism

In important ways, texts that are designated buddhavacana, “buddha-speech,” are rituals: at once power substance, ritual manual, and the Buddha’s textual body/relic, their ritual enactment preserves his life essence and enables him to continue to speak and act in the world. These notions, rooted in the ritual cosmology of ancient South Asia, find expression in “biographies” that bear witness to the texts’ transformative powers, as well as a dizzying array of ritual and textual technologies that make the power of the Buddha’s speech-body present and accessible. Seen through the lens of the sutras, seemingly mundane or rote textual practices become potent ritual processes through which the Buddha’s verbal essence is progressively incorporated, reproduced, and disseminated. Sutras thus offer a powerful challenge to common contemporary assumptions both about the nature of language and about the kinds of practices deemed to be “ritual.”

著者鴨長明が浄土宗に帰依した後､ 隠居の庵にて書かれた 『方丈記』は、日本中世三大随筆の一つとされ、且 も 学 術 界 に お い て 、 仏 教 文 学 、 隠 者 文 学 と し て 名 高 く 、 これ ま で 『 方 丈 記 』 に 見 ら れ る 鴨 長 明 の 仏 法 へ の 受 容 に つ い て の 研 究 が 続 い て い る 。 従って、本 稿 で は 、 『 方 丈 記 』 と 「 三 法 印 」 の 関 係 に つ い て 分 析 し 、 『 方 丈 記 』 に 見 ら れ る 鴨長明 の 仏 法 の 基 本 教 説 で あ る 「 三 法 印 」 の 受 容 に つ い て の 研 究 を 行 う の で あ る 。  本 稿 は 四 章 か ら 構 成 さ れ て い る 。 具 体 的 な 内 容 は 以 下 の 通 り で あ る 。 第 一 章 で は、  本 稿 の 動 機 、 目 的 と 方 法 及 び 内 容 を 簡 単 に 述 べ る 。 第 二 章 で は 、 『 方 丈 記 』 と 「 三 法印 」 に つ い て 論 じ る 。 第 三 章 で は 、 『 方 丈 記 』 に 見 ら れ る 鴨 長 明 の 「 三 法 印 」 へ の 受容 に つ い て 分 析 す る 。 第 四 章 で は 、 本 稿 の ま と め 、 及 び 今 後 の 課 題 を 示 す 。本 稿 で の 結 論 は 「 諸 行 無 常 印 」（anityā-sarvasaṃskārā） 、 「 諸 法 無 我 印 」（sarvadharmā-anātmāna） と 「 涅 槃 寂 静 印 」 （śānta-nirvāṇa）と い う 「 三 法印 」 が 鴨長明の『 方 丈 記 』に受容されたことで あ る 。

Poceski, Mario. Manifestation of the Tathāgata: Buddhahood According to the Avatamsaka Sūtra. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1993 (published under the name Cheng Chien Bhikshu). Also published in a German translation, as Alles ist reiner Geist; Giovanni Bandini, trans. Bern and München: Alfred Scherz Verlag, 1997.

The Jain monk Jinaprabhasūri (1261-1333) was one of the most prolific intellectuals of early fourteenth-century India. This article analyzes one citrakāvya ('image-poem') stotra (hymn) and two ṣaḍbhāṣā (six-language) stotras in light of his other works on grammar and poetics (including his lost commentary on the Vidagdhamukhamaṇḍana). It argues that these genres of laghu-kāvya (short works of belles lettres) are best understood by examining their ideal sites of performance, the kavi-goṣṭhi or "assemly of poets." Examining the poems in light of the site of their performance helps us to understand the forms they take on, challenging notions that Jains were simply comfortable composing in Middle Indo-Aryan langauges and helping to shed light on why poets continued to compose citrakāvyas long after Ānandavardhana's (9th c.) dismissal of the genre as incapable of evoking rasa.

This is an annotated translation of the 103rd entry in the Henjō hokki shōryōshū (or seireishū), which is the second entry in scroll 10 of that document: "Dedication of the memorial image commemorating the late Venerable Master Gonzō, with preface (故贈僧正勤操大徳影讚并序)."

The translation is based on the classical Chinese text found on pages 772-3 in Volume 6 of the Kōbō Daishi Kūkai Zenshū (KKZ) with reference to the Japanese translations on pages 651-8 and the endnotes on pages 701-7 in that collection.