Bosnian Muslims

Sažetak
Danas jedna trećina do jedne polovine hrane koja se prodaje u tipičnim američkim supermarketima je košer certificirana. Kada je u pitanju halal hrana, američko tržište posljednjih godina sve više doživljava ekspanziju u pogledu broja proizvoda koji su halal certificirani, a također i broja kompanija koje se odlučuju za certificiranje svojih proizvoda kao halal. Svaka savezna država ima bar po jednu agenciju za certificiranje halal proizvoda. Ipak, najzastupljeniji su oni proizvodi koji su certificiran košer (cosher) licencom. Košer znači pridržavanje jevrejskih prehrambenih zakona, približno starih tri i pol hiljade godina, a njihov je izvor u odlomcima Tore. Pročitajte šta hrana predstavlja danas i kakvo je njeno simboličko (duhovno značenje).

Ključne riječi: halal, košer, certificiranje, ishrana, USA

Bosnia and Herzegovina, which became independent after the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia, is a
small model of it in one respect. The Muslim-Bosniak, Orthodox Slav and Catholic-Croat identities, represent
the mirror image of the “Urdu-Hindi model” in the west with their irreconcilable contradictions and languages,
which are 100 percent mutual intelligibility.

While the “balkanization” process continues in language, cultural and political fields within the Balkan
region, which is the best-known linguistic area, hundreds-years old Ottoman Turkish culture is still functioning.
In this work, we examine the linguistic relationships generated by Turkish sovereignty, which lasted
445 years.

In the first part of the work, we will focus on the geographical, historical and ethno-linguistic factors, which created differences among Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian ethnicities, and in the second part, we
examine the traces of the Turkish Culture on these languages

On July 11, 1995, more than 8 thousand Muslims, including children and women, were killed by Serbs in the Srebrenica massacre. The UN International Criminal Court (Hague Tribunal) ruled in 2004 that the Srebrenica massacre was a genocide (“Russia vetoes Srebrenica genocide resolution at UN”, 2015). In Srebrenica, which was under the rule of Dutch soldiers, Muslim Bosniaks armed against Serbs. Then the Serbian forces decimated thousands of Muslims aged between 14 and 75 in this region in front of the whole world. “The Srebrenica genocide is widely regarded as Europe's largest mass murder since World War II, as well as one of the most horrible episodes in modern European history. It was also the first case of genocide in Europe to be recognized by international courts” (Simic, 2009, p. 274). It should be noted that the events in Bosnia were a part of a much larger picture, and in order to understand and analyze what happened in a healthy way, it is necessary to follow and understand the chain of events correctly. This article will examine the Srebrenica massacre in three parts. First of all, it will shed light on what happened in the Srebrenica massacre, secondly, touch on the role of the UN in this massacre and finally reveal the facts as a result of the events that took place.

The subject of this study is the post-conflict demographics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically the structural determinants of the returns of displaced Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) to the Bosnian entity of Republika Srpska following the Bosnian War (1992-1995). It seeks to assess the relative weight of the various factors that influenced the percentage of returnees to the places where they formed an ethnic minority after the war. In contrast to other studies which use surveys as their data sources, this paper works at the level of municipalities (n=55) as a unit of analysis to ascertain what is the relative contribution of the political, socioeconomic, and ethnocultural variables, as well as the severity of wartime violence. The results of the statistical models presented herein suggest that Bosniak minority returns are negatively affected by wartime casualties, and positively affected by the prewar percentage of Bosniaks in a given municipality. Additionally, political and economic factors are important. As over eighty million people are forcibly displaced worldwide, this paper also aims to serve as a contribution to the discussion about what prevents the return of forced migrants in general.

This article focuses on the public writings of Muslim women in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Habsburg period. From the beginning of the twentieth century, several Muslim women, mainly schoolgirls and teachers at Sarajevo’s Muslim Female School, started for the first time to write for Bosnian literary journals, using the Serbo-Croatian language written in Latin or Cyrillic scripts. Before the beginning of World War I, a dozen Muslim women explored different literary genres—the poem, novel, and social commentary essay. In the context of the expectations of a growing Muslim intelligentsia educated in Habsburg schools and of the anxieties of the vast majority of the Muslim population, Muslim women contested late Ottoman gender norms and explored, albeit timidly, new forms of sisterhood, thus making an original contribution to the construction of a Bosnian, post-Ottoman public sphere.

This volume scrutinizes some new aspects of Bosniak history and identity and connects them with the experience of migration and diaspora formation. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, the volume tackles a variety of important questions and issues, such as: impact of migration waves on Bosniak identity; experience of war, genocide and forced displacement; dual cultural code of being "in-between two worlds"; the role of religion, language and culture in everyday life; translocal and transnational networks and practices.

Yugoslav socialism was a democratic alternative to the Soviets, but it ended up in a heroic failure because of the global Neo-liberal hegemony that does not leave out any corner of the world. Yugoslavia was its last victim in the ruling chain over Eastern Europe.

This article addresses the activities of Gajret, the most important Muslim cultural association in the Yugoslav space of the first half of the twentieth century. Established in 1903 in Sarajevo, the association managed in its four decades of existence to involve thousands of activists of both sexes in its activities, and to organize a network of local branches reaching even beyond the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Initially established to provide scholarships for Muslim male pupils, the association gradually diversified its activities, published journals and books, provided literacy and handiwork courses, established student dorms and workshops, and much more. The text will focus on two aspects of the association’s life: firstly, its relationship with the state authorities, and how this relationship shifted over time, from cooperation, to opposition, to co-optation. Secondly, the article will focus on the association’s gender agenda, discourses and practices, with a special focus on Muslim women. At the intersection between these two research questions, the thesis of this article posits that Gajret’s self-civilizing project aimed to foster new generations of modern, nationally aware Muslim men and women capable of playing an active role in the emerging Yugoslav middle class.

Keywords: Islam, nationalism, gender, Bosnia and Herzegovina, post-Ottoman

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Muslim communities in the Balkans, in which the practice of Islam developed in the European context, can be used as an exemplifi cation of the bridge between the Islamic East and the Christian West. Although for centuries Bosnia was under the Ottoman rule, Muslims became one of the many communities contributing to the dynamic area of ontological and axiological negotiations within the cultural borderland, sharing the living space with members of the Orthodox church, Catholics, and a small Jewish community. The history of the Muslim-Christian contacts in Bosnia includes the examples of collisions as well as encounters nadesłany: 01.02.2016 r. – przyjęty: 15.05.2016 r. 90 Multicultural Studies 1/2016 initiated both by Christians and Muslims. This article analyses the religious borderland in the historical and contemporary cultural and social context of Bosnia-Herzegovina, revealing its specifi city, dynamics and (often unsuccessful) attempts to conceptualize it from the perspective of the Eurocentric discourse.

Vuk Stefanović Karadžić byl přesvědčen, že všichni mluvčí štokavštiny bez ohledu na jejich náboženské vyznání, historickou zkušenost a kulturní tradice jsou Srbové a že by se tudíž měli přihlásit k srbskému národnímu jménu. Ve své době takováto teze představovala legitimní – byť poněkud jednostranný – pokus o vymezení národní příslušnosti v souladu s tehdy populárním pojetím národa jako společenství jazyka. V srbském nacionalistickém diskursu se ovšem dodnes běžně setkáváme se zpochybňováním národní a jazykové svébytnosti sousedních jihoslovanských národů a přisvojováním jejich kulturního dědictví na základě Karadžićovy definice srbství z 30. let 19. století. Autor příspěvku toto pojetí národní příslušnosti přibližuje na základě rozboru Karadžićova pojednání Srbi svi i svuda (1849, Srbi všichni a všude), pojmenovává jeho úskalí a poukazuje na způsoby, jimiž později jitřilo představivost srbských nacionalistů a vášně jejich odpůrců.
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Vuk Stefanović Karadžić was convinced that all speakers of Shtokavian dialect regardless of their religious affiliation, historical experience or cultural tradition are Serbs, which means that they should adopt Serbian national name. At the time of its formulation, such thesis presented a legitimate – albeit somewhat unilateral – attempt to define nationality in accordance with the then popular conception of nation as the language community. However, in Serbian nationalistic discourse we can still come across cases of contesting national or linguistic distinctiveness of neighboring South Slavic nations and appropriation of their cultural heritage on the basis of Karadžić's linguistic definition of Serbianess from 1830s. The author of the paper describes this conception on the basis of analyzing Karadžić's treaty Srbi svi i svuda (1849, Serbs All and Everywhere), names its shortcomings and refers to manners in which it later stimulated imagination of Serbian nationalists as well as passions of its opponents.

Předmětem studie je charakterizace postavení Bosny v chorvatské národní ideologii počáteční etapy formování moderního chorvatského národa, jež je nedílně spjata s ilyrismem, kulturně-politickým hnutím 30. a 40. let 19. století. Pojednání se zakládá nejen na rozboru řady dobových spisů, prohlášení, brožur a článků politické povahy, ale také na interpretaci literárních děl publikovaných ve zkoumaném období.
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The paper characterizes the position of Bosnia in Croatian national ideology during the initial period of Croatian national integration marked by the Illyrian movement of the 1830s and 1840s. The study is based on the analysis of contemporary treatises, proclamations, brochures, articles and program manifestos of a political nature, as well as on the interpretation of literary works published by adherents of Illyrism.

The edited volume Both Muslim and European: Diasporic and
Migrant Identities of Bosniaks scrutinizes some of the new aspects
of the Bosniak history and identity and connects them with the
experience of migration and diaspora formation. Adopting an
interdisciplinary approach, to volume tackles a variety of
important questions and issues such as: the impact of migration
waves on the Bosniak identity; dealing with the experience of war,
genocide and forced displacement; the dual cultural code of being
“in-between the two worlds”; the role of religion, language and
culture in everyday life; looking at translocal and transnational
networks and practices. In addition to discussing the
contemporary issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina, several chapters
deal with the Bosnian migrant realities in countries such as Germany, Switzerland, Slovenia, Australia, Turkey and the United States of America.

POZNÁMKA: Stránkování odpovídající tištěné verzi je s. 151–161.
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Příspěvek charakterizuje postavení Bosny a Hercegoviny (BaH) v ideologii ustašovského hnutí od jeho vzniku počátkem 30. let do let druhé světové války, kdy se jeho příslušníci ujali vlády nad Nezávislým státem Chorvatsko (1941-1945). Autor na základě analýzy dokumentů, programových článků a prohlášení z pera předních ustašovců a publicistů podporujících jejich program či politický režim představuje historické, národnostní a zeměpisné argumenty, jimiž se ustašovci sloužili v zájmu obhajoby svých aspirací na území BaH. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována konceptualizaci bosenských muslimů jako nedílné součástí chorvatského národa a charakterizaci strategie užívané ustašovci za účelem získání této komunity pro chorvatskou národní myšlenku a vlastní politické cíle. Studie odhaluje absurdní, totalitní a rasistickou povahu ustašovské ideologie a politiky vůči BaH a bosenským muslimům.
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The paper characterizes the role of Bosnia and Hercegovina (BaH) in the ideology of the Ustasha Movement since its establishment at the beginning of the 1930s until the period of its adherents' reign over the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945) during the the World War II. Historic, ethnic and geographic arguments elaborated by the Ustashe with the intention to substantiate their claim to the territory of BaH are presented on the basis of documents, treatises and articles written by prominent Ustashe and journalists supporting their platform or political regime. Particular attention is paid to the conceptualization of the Bosnian Muslims as an integral part of Croatian nation and to the characterization of a strategy employed by the Ustashe in order to induce the Bosnian Muslims' Croatian national self-identification and to gain their support for political objectives pursued by the Ustashe. The absurd, totalitarian and rascist nature of the Ustashe ideology and policy towards BaH and its Muslim inhabitans is revealed.

The Islamic Community has been the core organisation serving the needs of Muslims in and from Bosnia and Herzegovina for 140 years. It has faced diverse challenges over its history but the current are different. Challenges currently being faced by Muslims and society in Bosnia and Herzegovina (and elsewhere) include how to counter accusations of radicalization and violent extremism, how to make a meaningful contribution to peace and stability, and how to respond to the pandemic, climate change, and the migrant crisis. This paper examines the Islamic Community's response to these issues.

This study examines the process of the formation of Bosniak nation. Ethno-symbolist approach to nationalism is taken as the basis of the study in evaluating the formation of the Bosniak nation due to the fact that ethno-symbolists argue that nationalism is a modern phenomenon but the origins of the nations can be traced back to the ethnicity. They emphasize the importance of subjective elements such as myth of common ancestry, shared culture and values in constituting nation. In this study it is argued that there are three turning points in the history of Bosnian Muslims that led to the formation of the Bosniak nation. These are Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia in 1878, the recognition of Bosnian Muslims as a separate nationality in 1968 and Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995. In this study, these turning points and their relevance for the formation of nation is analyzed through an ethno-symbolist perspective.

Studie si klade za cíl definovat postavení Bosny v původní pravašské ideologii A. Starčeviće a E. Kvaternika zformulované na přelomu 50. a 60. let 19. století. Text se skládá ze dvou charakterově odlišných, ale vzájemně provázaných částí. V první z nich se snažím hutnou formou postihnout základní principy, dogmata, východiska a specifika zkoumaného ideologického systému. Bosenské problematice se pak podrobně věnuji v případové studii, jež tvoří druhou část tohoto textu. Ta se skládá z několika podkapitol, v nichž se na základě podrobné analýzy relevantních Starčevićových a Kvaternikových knih, brožur, článků, hovorů a dopisů pokouším co nejvýstižněji a nejúplněji charakterizovat postavení Bosny a Bosňanů v jejich ideologickém systému. Látku přitom strukturuji do tří tematických okruhů: 1) Bosna jako součást chorvatského historického, státního a národního prostoru; 2) Chorvaté, Bosna a řešení východní otázky; 3) Bosenští muslimové ve Starčevićově učení.
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The paper examines the position of Bosnia in the first exclusively Croatian national-integrational ideology formulated by the Party of Rights’ founders A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik at the turn of 1860s. It consists of two structurally different, but mutually intertwined parts. The first part presents a compendious overview of the basic principles, dogmas, grounds and specifics of the analyzed ideological system created by Starčević and Kvaternik. The second part of the paper is a case study entirely concentrated on the Bosnia-related elements of the original ideology of the Party of Rights. The matter is divided into several sub-sections and thematic spheres: 1) Bosnia as a part of the Croatian historical, state and national territory, 2) Croats, Bosnia and the Eastern Question, 3) Bosnian Muslims in Starčević’s teaching.

The 2013 census in Bosnia and Herzegovina produced two competing official results, each exclusively valid in half the country, which is constitutionally an ethno-political consociation. An International Monitoring Operation inadvertently contributed to a breakdown of agreements among the three government statistical agencies conducting the census.  Neither result shows with reasonable certainty how many of the enumerated were actually residents, but comparing them shows where non-random overcounts occurred in geo-politically strategic locations.  This article is a postmortem of an internationally monitored census that failed as enumeration but still provides useful data on ethno-religious and political divisions in Bosnian society.

This chapter explores Yugoslav Muslims’ view of Turkey in the interwar period. More precisely, the chapter shows how imagining Turkey was a truly transnational venture—that is to say, conflicting discourses on Turkey and its inhabitants were fashioned through interactions among people, goods, and ideas happening largely across, and beyond, state borders. Trans/international and local at the same time, the act of imagining Turkey thus became a practice of reflection on several thorny issues affecting Muslim individual and collective trajectories, and of expressing anxieties and expectations concerning the place of Muslims in a post-Ottoman world.

osna figurovala ve všech chorvatských národně-integračních a státotvorných koncepcích 19. a 20. století jako důležitá součást chorvatského nebo šíře jihoslovanského historického, politického a národního prostoru. Předkládaná studie si klade za cíl definovat postavení Bosny v původní ideologii jihoslovanství (jugoslavismu) Franja Račkého a Josipa Juraje Strossmayera, zformulované na počátku 60. let 19. století. Studie přináší jednak obecnou charakteristiku jugoslavismu, která dosud nebyla v českém prostředí vypracována v takovém rozsahu a podobě; jednak podrobnou analýzu postavení a úlohy Bosny a Bosňanů v rámci zmíněné chorvatské národně-integrační ideologie a politickém myšlení jejích tvůrců. Text se skládá ze dvou charakterově odlišných, ale vzájemně provázaných částí. V první z nich se snažím hutnou formou postihnout základní principy, dogmata, východiska a specifika zkoumaného ideologického systému. Již v této části pojmenovávám řadu aspektů původního jihoslovanství, které jsou klíčové pro porozumění postavení Bosny v jeho rámci. Bosenské problematice se pak podrobně věnuji v případové studii, jež tvoří druhou část tohoto textu. Ta je členěna do několika tematických podkapitol, v nichž se na základě podrobné analýzy relevantních brožur, článků, proslovů a korespondence pokouším co nejvýstižněji a nejúplněji charakterizovat postavení Bosny a Bosňanů v jejich ideologickém systému a politickém myšlení. Nejprve obecně pojmenovávám dominantní aspekty bosenské problematiky v tvorbě a aktivitách zmíněných ideologů. Poté látku strukturuji do následujících podkapitol: 1) Rački o historické a národní příslušnosti Bosny; 2) Rački a bogomilský mýtus; 3) Střetávání křesťanství a islámu jako podstata východní otázky a bosenští muslimové; 4) Předhradí i most: úloha Chorvatů a Jihoslovanů v dějinách a řešení východní otázky; 5) Mezi Vídní a Bělehradem: vývoj postojů tvůrců ideologie jihoslovanství k postavení Bosny v dobové politice.
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Bosnia figured in all Croatian national-political conceptions of the 19th century as an important part of Croatian or a wider South Slavonic historical, political and national territory. This paper examines the position of this land in the original ideology of Yugoslavism formulated by Franjo Rački and Josip Juraj Strossmayer at the beginning of the 1860s. The paper consists of a general description of Yugoslavism, which has yet to be done in such scope and form in the Czech language, and a detailed analysis of the status and role of Bosnia and Bosnians within this Croatian national integration ideology and in the political thinking of its creators. The main sources used include political treatises, brochures, newspaper articles, speeches and correspondence. The paper consists of two structurally different, but mutually intertwined parts. The first part presents a compendious overview of the basic principles, dogmas, grounds and specifics of the analyzed ideological system created by Franjo Rački and Josip Juraj Strossmayer. Several aspects of the original Yugoslavism which are crucial for understanding the position of Bosnia within its frames are already described. The second part of the paper is a case study entirely concentrated on the Bosnia-related elements of the original ideology of Yugoslavism. It is divided into several thematic sub-chapters: 1) Rački on Historical and National Belonging of Bosnia; 2) Rački and the Bogomilian Myth; 3) The Clash of Christianity and Islam as the Essence of the Eastern Question; 4) Bulwark and Bridge: the Role of Croats and South Slavs in the History and Solution of the Eastern Question; 5) Between Vienna and Belgrade: the Development of Stances of the Creators of the Ideology of Yugoslavism towards the Posititon of Bosnia in Contemporary Politics.

Als im Jahr 1945 das sozialistische Jugoslawien gegründet wurde, ging die Kommunistische Partei Jugoslawiens davon aus, dass die Muslime als „national unbestimmte“ Gruppe sich im Laufe der Zeit als Serben oder Kroaten national deklarieren würden. In den 1960er-Jahren wurde diese politische Position jedoch einer grundlegenden Revision unterzogen und mündete in die politische Anerkennung einer muslimischen Nation. Was veranlasste die kommunistische Parteiführung dazu, ihre politische Auffassung über die Muslime von einer religiösen Gruppe zu einer Nation zu ändern? Wie wurde diese Idee formuliert und durchgesetzt in einem politischen Einparteiensystem, das in seiner Ideologie davon ausging, dass Nationen mit der Zeit verschwinden werden?
Ausgehend von bisher unveröffentlichten Quellenbeständen des Bundes der Kommunisten und öffentlicher Debatten untersucht Iva Lučić den Verlauf der politischen Aufwertung und die ihr zugrundeliegenden Handlungslogiken für den Zeitraum von 1956 bis 1971.  Die empirisch dichte Analyse geht der initialen Thematisierung des nationalen Bekenntnisses der Muslime in den parteiinternen Sitzungen nach und verfolgt den Mobilisierungsprozess bis hin zur Durchsetzung eines bundesweiten politischen Konsenses über eine muslimische Nation. Der Vorgang wird dabei auf der Bundes-, Republik- und Gemeindeebene analysiert.
Die Untersuchung bietet über den politischen Formierungsprozess der muslimischen Nation hinaus neue und relevante Erkenntnisse über die Nationalitätenpolitik im sozialistischen Jugoslawien sowie andere Nationsbildungs- und Staatsbildungsprozesse unter sozialistischem Vorzeichen.