Ioannis Armakolas

University of Macedonia, Balkan, Slavic and Oriental Studies, Faculty Member

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Reports and Policy Papers by Ioannis Armakolas

What's in a name? Greek Public Attitudes towards the " Name Dispute " and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 2018

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Η Νέα Κινητικότητα στο Ζήτημα της Ονομασίας της Π.Γ.Δ.Μ.

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NJË VËSHTRIM MBI SPEKTRIN E POLITIKAVE TË VENDEVE ANËTARE TË BE-SË NDAJ KOSOVËS

by Ioannis Armakolas, Isabelle Ioannides, Agon Demjaha, James Ker-Lindsay, Julia Himmrich, and Jaroslaw Wisniewski

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Lack of Engagement? Surveying the Spectrum of EU Member State Policies towards Kosovo

by Ioannis Armakolas, James Ker-Lindsay, Ruth Ferrero-Turrión, Isabelle Ioannides, Jaroslaw Wisniewski, Julia Himmrich, and Agon Demjaha

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Greek-Bulgarian Relations: Present State and Future Challenges

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Greek Public Opinion and Attitudes towards the 'Name Dispute' and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

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The refugee crisis and the role of NGOs, civil society, and media in Greece [Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe]

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Infiltration of terrorists in mixed migration flows [Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe]

by Ioannis Armakolas and Triantafyllos Karatrantos

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Building fences and closing borders - Experience and implications [Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe]

by Ioannis Armakolas and Triantafyllos Karatrantos

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Βαλκάνια - Λευκή Βίβλος για την Ελληνική Εξωτερική Πολιτική, Άμυνα και Ασφάλεια (ΕΛΙΑΜΕΠ 2016) [The Balkans - White Paper on Greek Foreign Policy, Defence and Security (ELIAMEP 2016)]

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'Greece', in EU Member States and Enlargement towards the Balkans

With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the new focus of this programme is on adapting th... more

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Ελλάδα-Κόσοβο: Αμοιβαίες Αντιλήψεις και τα Πορίσματα δύο Παράλληλων Ερευνών Κοινής Γνώμης

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SYRIZA Victory in Greek Parliamentary Elections, January 2015: Perceptions of Western Balkan Media & Opinion Makers

by Ioannis Armakolas and Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović)

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“Babylution” – A Civic Awakening in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

by Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović) and Ioannis Armakolas

Working Paper 34/2013

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Being Greek, Being Kosovar… A report on mutual perceptions

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Economic crisis and Greek foreign policy in the Balkans

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The Western Balkan EU accession process and the Greek Presidency 2014

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The Greek Public Opinion towards Albania and the Albanians - Social Attitudes and Perceptions

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"Babylution" - A Civic Awakening in Bosnia and Herzegovina? - ELIAMEP Working Paper No.34/2013

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A Strategic Challenge: The Role of Greece in Europe's Southern Gas Corridor Strategy

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What's in a name? Greek Public Attitudes towards the " Name Dispute " and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 2018

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Η Νέα Κινητικότητα στο Ζήτημα της Ονομασίας της Π.Γ.Δ.Μ.

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NJË VËSHTRIM MBI SPEKTRIN E POLITIKAVE TË VENDEVE ANËTARE TË BE-SË NDAJ KOSOVËS

by Ioannis Armakolas, Isabelle Ioannides, Agon Demjaha, James Ker-Lindsay, Julia Himmrich, and Jaroslaw Wisniewski

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Lack of Engagement? Surveying the Spectrum of EU Member State Policies towards Kosovo

by Ioannis Armakolas, James Ker-Lindsay, Ruth Ferrero-Turrión, Isabelle Ioannides, Jaroslaw Wisniewski, Julia Himmrich, and Agon Demjaha

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Greek-Bulgarian Relations: Present State and Future Challenges

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Greek Public Opinion and Attitudes towards the 'Name Dispute' and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

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The refugee crisis and the role of NGOs, civil society, and media in Greece [Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe]

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Infiltration of terrorists in mixed migration flows [Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe]

by Ioannis Armakolas and Triantafyllos Karatrantos

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Building fences and closing borders - Experience and implications [Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe]

by Ioannis Armakolas and Triantafyllos Karatrantos

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'Greece', in EU Member States and Enlargement towards the Balkans

With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the new focus of this programme is on adapting th... more

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Ελλάδα-Κόσοβο: Αμοιβαίες Αντιλήψεις και τα Πορίσματα δύο Παράλληλων Ερευνών Κοινής Γνώμης

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SYRIZA Victory in Greek Parliamentary Elections, January 2015: Perceptions of Western Balkan Media & Opinion Makers

by Ioannis Armakolas and Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović)

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“Babylution” – A Civic Awakening in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

by Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović) and Ioannis Armakolas

Working Paper 34/2013

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Being Greek, Being Kosovar… A report on mutual perceptions

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Economic crisis and Greek foreign policy in the Balkans

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The Western Balkan EU accession process and the Greek Presidency 2014

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The Greek Public Opinion towards Albania and the Albanians - Social Attitudes and Perceptions

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"Babylution" - A Civic Awakening in Bosnia and Herzegovina? - ELIAMEP Working Paper No.34/2013

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A Strategic Challenge: The Role of Greece in Europe's Southern Gas Corridor Strategy

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Memory and the uses of wartime past in contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina: The case of the Bosniak campaign for the October 2013 population census

by Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović) and Ioannis Armakolas

Science and Society: Journal of Political and Moral Theory , Oct 2014

This paper explores the question of how the recent past and wartime memories have been used as a ... more This paper explores the question of how the recent past and wartime memories have been used as a narrative component during the 2013 population census in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was the country’s first official population count since the violent conflict and mass demographic changes of the early 1990s. It examines narratives employed in debates over the census within the Bosniak group and considers the relationship of these narratives with the Bosniak political position. The paper argues that the 2013 population census in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a highly politicized process, imbued with heated debates and aggressive political campaigns that surrounded the identity questions on ethno-national and religious affiliation and mother tongue.

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A Changing Party Landscape? An Analysis of the October 2010 Elections in BiH

This article examines the 2010 general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in view of the upcomi... more This article examines the 2010 general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in view of the upcoming 2014 elections. The authors argue that analyses of Bosnian elections need to take into account the realignment of the Bosnian party system during the second half of the 2000s. Through an analysis of the 2010 election results, the constants and the shifts in Bosnian electoral behavior are detected and employed along with the governmental record of the recent years to propose what the stakes of the upcoming elections might be.

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"Memory and the uses of the wartime past in contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina: The case of the Bosniak campaign for the October 2013 population census", Science and Society (Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία), no.32, Fall 2014 pp.59-93

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The "Paradox" of Tuzla City: Explaining Non-nationalist Local Politics during the Bosnian War

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From Peace to Shared Political Identities. Exploring Pathways in Contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina

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Southeast Europe at the Crossroads

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Transitional Justice in Practice: The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and Beyond

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Election results in Albania and the new coalition government - Albanian Elections Observatory Brief no.4

On June 23 rd , 2013, Albania held its eighth parliamentary elections since the fall of Communism... more On June 23 rd , 2013, Albania held its eighth parliamentary elections since the fall of Communism. Albanians voted resoundingly for a rotation of power through an electoral process deemed by the international community as free and quite fair. In an unusual gesture in the ever-squabbling Albanian politics, the defeated candidate of the elections congratulated the winner. Albania's outgoing Prime Minister, Sali Berisha, conceded his defeat, opening the way for a smooth handover of power to the Socialist Party (PSSH) leader, Edi Rama. In more than two decades as a young democracy, this is the first time Albania is having a handover of power without violence or allegations of vote rigging (see Albanian Elections Observatory Brief No. 1). The ballot boxes brought about a few surprising results, while also giving impetus to the evolution of the party and the political system. In this briefing we analyze the results of the elections, based on the official results announced by the Central Election Commission (CEC), with special focus on the voting behavior of certain segments of the electorate. In addition, this briefing outlines the main shifts in policy-making that can be expected as a result of the election outcome, as well as the new government's priorities and the challenges ahead.

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Election Campaign, Party Strategies, Public Opinion Polls - Albanian Elections Observatory Brief no.3

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Controversy over the Central Elections Commission; Political Coalitions for June 2013 elections - Albanian Elections Observatory Brief no.2

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Introduction to Albanian politics and elections - Albanian Elections Observatory Brief no.1

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State-building in post-independence Kosovo: Policy challenges and societal considerations

by Ioannis Armakolas, Arolda Elbasani, Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, and Nikolaos Tzifakis

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Ιωάννης Αρμακόλας - Θάνος Ντόκος (επιμ.) "Από τα Βαλκάνια στη Νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη - Προκλήσεις και Προοπτικές στον 21ο Αιώνα", Εκδόσεις Ι.Σιδέρη, Αθήνα 2010

Ιωάννης Αρμακόλας (επιμ.) "Βασική Βιβλιογραφία για τα Εθνικά Θέματα", Εκδόσεις Ι.Σιδέρη, Αθήνα 1996

Imagining community in Bosnia: Constructing and reconstructing the Slana Banja memorial complex in Tuzla

War and cultural heritage: Biographies of place, 2015

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Greece - Kosovo: Α Complex Relationship

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Sarajevo no more? Identity and the experience of place among Bosnian Serb Sarajevans in Republika Srpska

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A field trip to Bosnia: The dilemmas of the first-time researcher

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Identity and conflict in globalising times: Experiencing the global in areas raged by conflict and the case of the Bosnian Serbs

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The March 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia and their Legacy

by Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović) and Ioannis Armakolas

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The March 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia and their Legacy

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The Continuing Political Crisis in Bulgaria

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The Beginning of the End for the Kosovo Problem? The Agreement of Normalisation of Relations between Belgrade and Pristina and its Aftermath

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A Balkan Hotspot: The Controversy over UCPMB War Memorial in the Presevo Valley

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Serbia's Resolution on Kosovo and Metohija and Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue

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Serbia - ICTY Trials and Tribulations

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Local Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Change or more of the same?

The stakes were high. The local elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), held on 7 October 2012... more The stakes were high. The local elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), held on 7 October 2012, came at one of the most critical moments for the country in recent times. The government has practically not been functioning since the last general elections of 2010: after it took more than 16 months for BiH politicians to reach an agreement and allocate the seats in the Council of Ministers, the coalition effectively broke down shortly afterwards. Disagreements over the state budget served as a trigger for the final clash between the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Party of Democratic Action (SDA). The latter's ministers were later forced out and SDA found itself in the opposition, while SDP formed a new coalition with the party 'Alliance for a Better Future' (SBB).

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The End of the International Oversight leaves Kosovo with Open Issues – the Status of the North

55 μήνες μετά την ανακήρυξη της ανεξαρτησίας του Κοσόβου από τη Σερβία, η Διευθυντική Ομάδα της Δ... more 55 μήνες μετά την ανακήρυξη της ανεξαρτησίας του Κοσόβου από τη Σερβία, η Διευθυντική Ομάδα της Διεθνούς Κοινότητας (International Steering Group) αποφάσισε τον τερματισμό της λειτουργίας του Διεθνούς Πολιτικού Γραφείου (International Civilian Office) την 1 η Σεπτεμβρίου, ολοκληρώνοντας με τον τρόπο αυτό την περίοδο επιτηρούμενης ανεξαρτησίας της νεότευκτης χώρας. Όπως ήταν φυσικό, η άρση της διεθνούς εποπτείας πυροδότησε πανηγυρισμούς στους κόλπους της κοσοβάρικης κυβέρνησης, η οποία δικαίως θεωρεί την απόφαση ως το πρώτο βήμα προκειμένου να εδραιωθεί το Κόσοβο στα μάτια της διεθνούς κοινότητας ως ένα πλήρως ανεξάρτητο κράτος. Ωστόσο, διαφορετική υπήρξε η προσέγγιση του Βελιγραδίου που θεώρησε την απόφαση πρόωρη, υποστηρίζοντας ότι θέτει σε κίνδυνο την σερβική κοινότητα, επαναφέροντας στο προσκήνιο σενάρια έντασης και αποσταθεροποίησης. Αυτά συμβαίνουν σε μια δύσκολη περίοδο για τα εσωτερικά του Κόσοβου με την κατάσταση στο βορρά να επιδεινώνεται και τη νέα πολιτική ηγεσία στο Βελιγράδι να προκαλεί ανησυχία στους ευρωπαίους καθιστώντας δύσκολη την αναβάθμιση του διαλόγου μεταξύ Σερβίας και κυβέρνησης Κοσόβου. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ακολουθεί μια δύσκολη πολιτική ισορροπιών χωρίς καμία εγγύηση ότι αυτή θα οδηγήσει σε επίλυση του προβλήματος στο ορατό μέλλον.

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Montenegro's EU Membership: Tough Talks Ahead

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The Montenegrin Political Landscape: the end of political stability?

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The emergence of New Political Parties in Albania and the New Political Scene

Σε μια περίοδο έντονων πολιτικών εξελίξεων και οικονομικής αβεβαιότητας η ανάδειξη νέων πολιτικών... more Σε μια περίοδο έντονων πολιτικών εξελίξεων και οικονομικής αβεβαιότητας η ανάδειξη νέων πολιτικών δυνάμεων αναταράσσει εκ νέου την πολιτική σκηνή της Αλβανίας. Η πολιτική δυναμική φαίνεται να αλλάζει εις βάρος τόσο του Δημοκρατικού Κόμματος (PD) του νυν πρωθυπουργού Sali Berisha, όσο και του αντιπολιτευόμενου Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος (PS) του Edi Rama. Τα δύο αυτά κόμματα κυριαρχούν στην αλβανική πολιτική σκηνή στα είκοσι δύο χρόνια της μετακομμουνιστικής περιόδου έχοντας οδηγήσει μέσα από τη σύγκρουσή τους και τις πολιτικές επιλογές τους σε ένα μακροχρόνιο πολιτικό αδιέξοδο. Το αποτέλεσμα του αδιεξόδου είναι αφενός η αξιοπιστία του πολιτικού συστήματος να βρίσκεται σε ιδιαίτερα χαμηλά επίπεδα, αφετέρου η διαδικασία ένταξης της χώρας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να καθυστερεί επικίνδυνα.

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A Dangerous inter-ethnic Balance in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) has entered its most difficult security situati... more The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) has entered its most difficult security situation since 2001; the series of recent inter-ethnic violent incidents have jeopardized peaceful coexistence between Slav-Macedonians and Albanians, the country's two major ethnic communities. The genuine fear for ethnic violence in FYROM added to the strained atmosphere and tensions in the north of the Ibar River, and the second set of ethnic Albanian arrests in Presevo Valley have fueled the situation in the area. The NATO summit in Chicago, where Skopje hoped to shift the Alliance's position on the country's membership, did not manage to bring the calm after the torment. With FYROM's progress towards Euro-Atlantic institutions temporarily blocked, concerns over the country's stability remain center stage. The recent escalation of inter-ethnic tensions raises fears of renewed instability in the country.

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Signaling Change in Albanian Politics: Edi Rama’s Visit to South Serbia’s Presevo Valley

After almost two years of a high-stakes political battle, the opposition Socialists under Edi Ram... more After almost two years of a high-stakes political battle, the opposition Socialists under Edi Rama made a 180degree turn, adopting a new political strategy. Realizing the two-year political deadlock's negative effect upon his image, the Socialist leader abandoned the previous strategy of employing street politics, hunger strikes and parliamentary boycotts. Rama's new strategy seeks to construct for the Socialists the image of a responsible opposition with a constant presence in parliament, detached from the violent protests and in regular communication with the citizenry. The opposition leader has also embraced social networks like twitter and facebook to communicate his political agenda and to criticize the government's failures. His new political line aims to both attract the younger generation and to build a new and more patriotic image for the Socialist Party.

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Albanian Politics: the Prehistory of a Coming Political Clash

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Albanian Politics: Same Old Business

Δεκατέσσερις μήνες έχουν περάσει από τα βίαια γεγονότα στα Τίρανα και το θάνατο τεσσάρων διαδηλωτ... more Δεκατέσσερις μήνες έχουν περάσει από τα βίαια γεγονότα στα Τίρανα και το θάνατο τεσσάρων διαδηλωτών έξω από το κεντρικό κυβερνητικό κτήριο, που επανέφεραν μνήμες από τις ταραχές του 1997. Όμως η κεντροδεξιά κυβέρνηση του Δημοκρατικού Κόμματος (PD) και το αντιπολιτευόμενο Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα (PS) συνεχίζουν το παιχνίδι αλληλο-επίρριψης ευθυνών για τους θανάτους. Τα δύο μεγαλύτερα πολιτικά κόμματα της χώρας συνεχίζουν να προσπαθούν να συνδέσουν τους πολιτικούς τους αντιπάλους με εγκληματικές δραστηριότητες, αποδεικνύοντας για μια ακόμα φορά το έλλειμμα δημοκρατικής πολιτικής κουλτούρας. Δεν είναι λίγοι αυτοί που υποστηρίζουν ότι η μετά-σοσιαλιστική μετάβαση της Αλβανίας έχει σημαδευτεί από τη συνεχή και καταστροφική για την πρόοδο της χώρας σύγκρουση των δύο βασικών πολιτικών δυνάμεων.

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Intervju Dr. Ioannis Armakolas “Naslijedje izmedju partizana, vjere i nacije”, Oslobodjenje 6.8.2011, Sedmicni magazine ‘Pogledi’, pp. 26-29

Kosovo: Smi ru je se na pe tost OSLOBO\ENJE SUBOTA, 6. 8. 2011. Godina LXVIII • Broj 23.213 Cijen... more Kosovo: Smi ru je se na pe tost OSLOBO\ENJE SUBOTA, 6. 8. 2011. Godina LXVIII • Broj 23.213 Cijena: 1 KM/6 KN BH NEZAVISNI DNEVNIK • Sarajevo • www.oslobodjenje.ba DANAS PRILOG Bruxel les ne}e in ter ve ni ra ti Stefano San ni no pi sao Nikoli [pi ri}u 2. strana Mu se li mo vi}: Di ja na je gur nu ta u smrt Komemoracija u Tuzli OVA CI JE GO TO VI NI I MAR KA^U U Kni nu pro slav lje na 16. go di{ nji ca Olu je 11. strana HAD@OVI]: IMO VI NA ZVA NI^NI KA MO RA OS TA TI JA VNA! CIKBiH 3. strana DO GO VOR KFOR-a SA BEO GRA DOM I PRI [TI NOM Reuters 11. strana 4-5. strana Foto: Almir [E]KANOVI] OSLOBO\ENJE subota, 6. august 2011. godine 2 Evrop ska ko mi si ja i Vi je}e Evro pe u spe ci fi~nim slu~aje vi ma dr`ava u tran zi ci ji odus ta li od za {ti te li~nih po da ta ka s ci ljem sma nje nja, odno sno pre ven ci je ko rup ci je, na gla {a va Ve dran Had`ovi} Ap so lu tno je ne pri hva tlji vo da se {ti ti pri va tni in te res zva ni~ni ka na u{ trb ja vnog, ci je ni Sr|an Bla gov~anin DOGA\AJI OSLOBO\ENJE subota, 6. august 2011. godine 4 Mi lo rad Do dik, pred sje dnik RS-a DOBAR LO[ ZAO

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NATO at 60 and the Western Balkans: Difficulties and Challenges ahead - Special issue, The Bridge magazine, 2/2009

The occasion of NATO`s 60th anniversary is an opportunity for reflection on the challenges, diffi... more The occasion of NATO`s 60th anniversary is an opportunity for reflection on the challenges, difficulties and obstacles that lay ahead for an institution that in the past few years was attributed by many as a big white elephant in search of its identity; an institution that couldn't adjust to the new global order in a constantly changing international environment .

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The Balkans between Destabilisation and Normalisation - Special issue, The Bridge magazine, 1/2009

In an era of global economic crisis, when all political and economic analysts underline risks pre... more In an era of global economic crisis, when all political and economic analysts underline risks prevalent in the global sphere, The Bridge adopts an optimistic stance. This optimism derives from the tendency to build regional schemes and the inclination to form regional partnerships based on civil initiatives. This tendency has to transform to solid action involving civil society in order to promote cultural and religious dialogue as well as economic relations.

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Mostar: heritage reconstruction in a divided city

Tuzla: a changing memorial culture for a new vision of Bosnia

Tuzla: a changing memorial culture for a new vision of Bosnia (long version)

Kosovo, EU Member States and the Recognition-Engagement Nexus

The Politics of Recognition and Engagement, 2019

In recent years, the subject of recognition and engagement has gained greater attention amongst s... more In recent years, the subject of recognition and engagement has gained greater attention amongst scholars of international relations. However, the relationship between these two concepts has been underexplored. Drawing on the case of Kosovo’s interaction with nine European Union member states, this chapter argues that the binary categorisations of recognition/engagement versus non-recognition/non-engagement need to be rethought. Instead, a far more complex and nuanced picture emerges of some states that recognise Kosovo, but have little to do with it, and others that do not recognise Kosovo, but interact with it extensively.

State-Building in Post-Independence Kosovo: Policy Challenges and Societal Considerations

Ioannis Armakolas has extensive experience as a consultant with USAID and DFID projects in the We... more

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EU member states and enlargement towards the Balkans. EPC ISSUE PAPER No. 79, July 2015

From the Executive Summary. The European Union’s enlargement to the Balkans seems to be running o... more From the Executive Summary. The European Union’s enlargement to the Balkans seems to be running on autopilot since Croatia’s accession in 2013 and amidst the on-going crisis. While the region still has a clear European perspective, progress on the dossier has been marred not just by outstanding challenges in individual Balkan countries but often also by hurdles which develop within the Union – more specifically in the member states. While the EU’s internal procedures for handling enlargement have always been intergovernmental in nature, the frequency of incursions and opportunities for the member states to interfere and derail the process has increased over the past years, suggesting a so-called ‘nationalisation’ of enlargement. In 17 case studies and two theoretical chapters, this Issue Paper investigates whether the dossier has shifted more under the control of the member states, and looks at the kind of considerations and potential ‘roadblocks’ that influence the positions of key...

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Lack of engagement: surveying the EU member state policies towards Kosovo

On December 8, 2017, Forum 2015 organized the next discussion that aimed to explore ways in which... more On December 8, 2017, Forum 2015 organized the next discussion that aimed to explore ways in which EU Member States politically interact with Kosovo. Kosovo’s declaration of independence, in February 2008, resulted in a deep division within the European Union. While 23 members recognised Kosovo, five refused to accept its statehood. At the time, many observers expected the non-recognisers to fall into line eventually and accept Kosovo. However, in the decade since then, that has not happened. If anything, the picture has become more complex. Rather than two distinct camps, four broad groups now exist. First, there are the countries that have recognised Kosovo, and have forged meaningful relations with it. These include Britain and Germany and most of the other members of the EU. At the other end of the scale there are the states that still refuse to recognise Kosovo, and continue to have very little to do with it. Spain and Cyprus fall into this category. However, between those two p...

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Greece: Kosovo’s Most Engaged Non-recogniser

The Politics of Recognition and Engagement

Greece’s decision not to recognise Kosovo was largely driven by the Cyprus issue and by its histo... more Greece’s decision not to recognise Kosovo was largely driven by the Cyprus issue and by its historical links to Serbia. However, balanced against this, Athens has a track record of leadership in the Western Balkans through its membership of the European Union and NATO and its economic ties with the region. Greece has therefore always seen a logic to extensive engagement with Pristina. Indeed, at times it seemed as if it was on the verge of recognition. While this was never as likely as it may have seemed, Greece has nevertheless emerged as the most engaged of all the non-recognisers.

Kosovo, EU Member States and the Recognition-Engagement Nexus

The Politics of Recognition and Engagement: EU Member State Relations with Kosovo, 2020

On 17 February 2008, following a two-year status process overseen by the United Nations, Kosovo d... more On 17 February 2008, following a two-year status process overseen by the United Nations, Kosovo declared independence. The decision was greeted by very different reactions around the world. While the newly created Republic of Kosovo was quickly recognised by the United States and other key Western states, such as Canada and Japan, Kosovo’s claim to sovereign statehood was strongly rejected by Russia and China, as well as many emerging regional powers, such as Brazil, India, South Africa, and Indonesia. Significantly, these differences over Kosovo’s status were also mirrored within the European Union. While the overwhelming majority of the EU’s 27 members recognised Kosovo as an independent state in the months following the declaration of independence, five countries chose not to do so: Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia and Spain. More than a decade later, they have still not recognised Kosovo. Given the highly contentious way in which it emerged, there is perhaps a tendency to think...

“Why did it take so long?” Exploring Greek public opinion as an obstacle to the settlement of the Macedonia name dispute

Nationalities Papers

The Macedonia name dispute was resolved in 2018 with the signing of the Prespa Agreement. Ambassa... more The Macedonia name dispute was resolved in 2018 with the signing of the Prespa Agreement. Ambassador Nimetz – one of the key players in the solution efforts – queried recently “Why did it take us so long?”, echoing the confusion of foreign observers about what has routinely been seen as an incomprehensible spat. This article provides more context about the past intractability of the dispute by focusing on the role of Greek public opinion. Taking stock of the literature on the relationship between foreign policy-making and public opinion, our analysis identifies key parameters for investigating the influence of Greek public opinion on policy. We test these parameters against empirical data from a comprehensive poll on the name dispute that was conducted in 2016, only a few months before the start of the negotiations that led to the Prespa Agreement. Our analysis demonstrates the extent and depth of the Greek public’s opposition to any compromise, as well as the emotional involvement ...

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Slana Banja Memorial Complex, Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina

Identity and Conflict in Globalizing Times: Experiencing the Global in Areas Ravaged by conflict and the Case of the Bosnian Serbs

Globalization and National Identities, 2001

Imagining Community in Bosnia: Constructing and Reconstructing the Slana Banja Memorial Complex in Tuzla

Biographies of Place, 2015

The national politics of EU enlargement in the Western Balkans

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

European enlargement has often been viewed from an institutional perspective. The academic litera... more European enlargement has often been viewed from an institutional perspective. The academic literature in the field has tended to focus primarily on how the Commission or the Council has addressed the issue of EU expansion. Relatively little attention has been paid to the role of individual member states. This article considers the way in which domestic political concerns and national politics affects the way in which EU members approach enlargement to the Western Balkans. It does this by examining studies conducted on seven countries: Germany, Britain, France, Italy, Hungary, Greece and Cyprus. It shows that there are in fact a wide variety of factors that shape individual member state attitudes towards enlargement. These factors include economic and commercial goals, ties to the region and to individual accession states, concerns over immigration, general foreign policy priorities and national ideological approaches towards the future shape and orientation of the European Union. Enlargement is at the heart of the European project. It is widely considered as one of the European Union's most successful policies. Notwithstanding the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, a community that began with just six members has now grown to 28. 1 Looking ahead, it appears almost certain that we will see a further expansion in the future. Although Turkey is the largest and most prominent of the countries vying to join the EU, its prospects of membership appear to have all but disappeared. Democratic backsliding (Öktem and Akkoyunlu 2016), coupled with growing political and popular opposition to its membership across the EU (Gerhards and Hans 2011), means that Turkish accession is now highly unlikely in anything other than the long term, if ever. Instead, the focus of attention is now firmly fixed on the six countries of the Western Balkans-Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. 2 However, the course of enlargement into the Western Balkans also comes with its own set of difficulties. It is a region that is still recovering from the bitter conflicts of the 1990s. It is beset by a range of security issues, including corruption, organized crime and secessionist

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Οι στάσεις της κοινής γνώμης της Αλβανίας έναντι της Ελλάδας: τάσεις και προοπτικές

by Ioannis Armakolas and George Siakas

Policy Paper 61, 2021

Η έκθεση αναφέρεται στα ευρήματα της έρευνας στην αλβανική κοινή γνώμη, που συντόνισε το Οpen Soc... more Η έκθεση αναφέρεται στα ευρήματα της έρευνας στην αλβανική κοινή γνώμη, που συντόνισε το Οpen Society Foundation for Albania και υλοποίησε η εταιρία Data Centrum τον Φεβρουάριο του 2020. Η συγκεκριμένη έρευνα διεξήχθη παράλληλα με την έρευνα στην ελληνική κοινή γνώμη, που συντόνισε το ΕΛΙΑΜΕΠ και πραγματοποίησε η Μονάδα Ερευνών του Πανεπιστημίου Μακεδονίας τον Δεκέμβριο 2019. H ελληνική ερευνητική ομάδα στηρίχθηκε στην αρχική επεξεργασία των ερευνητών της Data Centrum. H ομάδα του ΕΛΙΑΜΕΠ όμως προχώρησε σε περαιτέρω στατιστική
ανάλυση των δεδομένων της αλβανικής κοινής γνώμης για την εξαγωγή συμπληρωματικών συμπερασμάτων, που περιλαμβάνονται στην παρούσα έκθεση. Σκοπός της τελευταίας είναι να παρουσιάσει συνοπτικά αλλά με συστηματικό τρόπο μέρος των ευρημάτων της αλβανικής έρευνας, που έχουν ιδιαίτερο πολιτικό ενδιαφέρον για τις ελληνο-αλβανικές σχέσεις και την ελληνική εξωτερική πολιτική. Η έκθεση επίσης επιχειρεί την εξαγωγή κάποιων ενδεικτικών πολιτικών συμπερασμάτων για την εικόνα και την απήχηση της Ελλάδας στην Αλβανία, καθώς και για το κοινωνικό- οικονομικό πλαίσιο ανάπτυξης των διμερών σχέσεων μεταξύ των δύο χωρών, τουλάχιστον όπως αυτό αντικατοπτρίζεται στις τάσεις της αλβανικής κοινής γνώμης.

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The Western Balkan EU Accession Process and the Greek Presidency of 2014

by Pavlos Koktsidis, Ioannis Armakolas, Maja Pupovac (Maja Maksimović), and Bledar Feta

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The refugee crisis and the role of NGOs, civil society, and media in Greece

by Dimitris Skleparis and Ioannis Armakolas

Skleparis, D. & Armakolas, I. (2016) ‘The refugee crisis and the role of NGOs, civil society, and media in Greece’ in Phillips, D. L. (ed.) Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe, June 2016, Columbia University, 171-184.

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Ioannis Armakolas

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