Yasser Arafat

Im Vorfeld zur Nationalratswahl 2024 in Österreich trafen die medienbekannte Anwältin Dr. Astrid Wagner, die für die neu aufgestellte „Liste GAZA – gegen den Völkermord“ kandidierte, und Mag. Martin Engelberg, aktuell Abgeordneter zum Nationalrat und ehemaliges Vorstandsmitglied der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde (IKG) in Wien, in einer Debatte vor laufender Kamera aufeinander. Die wesentlichen Streitpunkte der beiden Kontrahenten werden im Originaltext zitiert (Teil I); anschließend werden die einander widersprechenden Ausführungen analysiert und in Form eines "Faktenchecks" geprüft und die Fakten dokumentarisch belegt (Teil II). In den abschließenden "Nachgedanken" wird der politische und ideologische Hintergrund dieser für die aktuelle Nahost-Situation geradezu beispielhaften Auseinandersetzung kritisch beleuchtet.

Im Vorfeld zur Nationalratswahl 2024 in Österreich trafen die medienbekannte Anwältin Dr. Astrid Wagner, die für die neu aufgestellte „Liste GAZA – gegen den Völkermord“ kandidierte, und Mag. Martin Engelberg, aktuell Abgeordneter zum Nationalrat und ehemaliges Vorstandsmitglied der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde (IKG) in Wien, in einer Debatte vor laufender Kamera aufeinander. Die wesentlichen Streitpunkte der beiden Kontrahenten werden im Originaltext zitiert (Teil I); anschließend werden die einander widersprechenden Ausführungen analysiert und in Form eines "Faktenchecks" geprüft und die Fakten dokumentarisch belegt (Teil II). In den abschließenden "Nachgedanken" wird der politische und ideologische Hintergrund dieser für die aktuelle Nahost-Situation geradezu beispielhaften Auseinandersetzung kritisch beleuchtet.

Every time one hears American and European political leaders insist that Israel embrace a twostate solution, a number of questions come to mind. Is this an attempt to appease their Muslim citizens, some of whom engage in violent protests against Israel? In the US, is it an effort by Democrat officials to demonstrate their fealty to the cause of the Arabs in Gaza and Judea and Samaria in order to gain votes in this election year? Or is it ignorance of the origins of the twostate solution, and why it continues to be rejected by the Arabs.

În primăvara anului 1967, autorităţile de la Bucureşti au fost nevoite să analizeze din nou relaţiile lor cu liderii politici de la Moscova, în contextul „Războiului de 6 zile” desfăşurat în Orientul Mijlociu (5-10 iunie 1967). Una dintre măsurile propuse încă din luna aprilie 1967 de politicienii comunişti din Cehoslovacia, sprijiniţi de cei sovietici, a fost implicarea României în Orientul Mijlociu prin punerea unui contingent militar românesc la dispoziţia Consiliului de Securitate al O.N.U.

Del asesinato de Isaac Rabin a la masacre del 7 de octubre de 2023 y el ataque israelí a Gaza (publicado en Página 12 en enero de 2024)
"Lo que ningún alma humana desea no hace falta prohibirlo... la acentuación del mandamiento «No matarás» nos ofrece la seguridad de que descendemos de una larguísima serie de generaciones de asesinos, que llevaban el placer de matar, como quizá aún nosotros mismos, en la masa de la sangre."  Sigmund Freud. 1915.

Un nombre croissant d’éminents démocrates américains ont récemment fait des déclarations appelant à conditionner l’aide militaire de Washington à Israël et suggèrent même que l’État juif commet un génocide, signe  d’un changement potentiellement plus important au sein du parti contre l’un des alliés les plus proches de l’Amérique...

Η Ιστορία της περιοχής της Παλαιστίνης αποτελεί αδιαμφησβήτητα ένα σημαντικό κεφάλαιο της παγκόσμιας Ιστορίας και Πολιτικής. Σκοπός της παρούσας εργασίας είναι η μελέτη της Ιστορίας για την Οργάνωση της Παλαιστίνης (ΟΑΠ) από την ίδρυσή της, το 1964 έως και την λήξη της Δεύτερης Ιντιφάντα, το 2005, εστιάζοντας σε σημαντικά ιστορικά γεγονότα που διαμόρφωσαν την πορεία της. Στο πρώτο κεφάλαιο, θα γίνει αναφορά σε βασικά ιστορικά στοιχεία που αφορούν την Παλαιστίνη, από το τέλος της Οθωμανικής κυριαρχίας μέχρι την δημιουργία του Κράτους του Ισραήλ, το 1948. Στο δεύτερο και τρίτο κεφάλαιο, η μελέτη θα επικεντρωθεί στην ίδρυση της ΟΑΠ και στην άνοδο του ηγέτη της, Γιάσερ Αραφάτ. Στα επόμενα κεφάλαια, θα γίνει αναφορά στον πόλεμο των Έξι Ημερών και στην εμπλοκή της ΟΑΠ στον Πόλεμο του Λιβάνου του 1982, καθώς και στην αναγνώριση της Οργάνωσης από τον Αραβικό Σύνδεσμο και την ομιλία του Γιάσερ Αραφάτ στον Οργανισμό Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Μέσα από την Πρώτη και τη Δεύτερη Ιντιφάντα, καθώς και τις Συμφωνίες του Όσλο, θα εξεταστούν οι προσπάθειες για ειρηνική επίλυση του παλαιστινιακού ζητήματος και κατά πόσο αυτές απέδωσαν καρπούς. Τέλος, θα επιχειρηθεί μια συγκριτική ανάλυση δύο εκ των κυρίαρχων Παλαιστινιακών ομάδων, της Φατάχ και της Χαμάς.

Written for an online dialogue at the UCLA School of Law's "ICC Forum" (referring to the Int'l Criminal Court), I argue that Israel's War on Gaza constitutes a genocide, and that international law is hostage to global power relations and that it is unlikely that the Palestinian people will receive anything resembling justice through the ICC, despite the forceful condemnations of this war that was delivered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in January 2024.

On November 22nd, 1974, the United Nations General Assembly promulgated resolutions No. 3236 and No. 3237, recognizing the political, cultural, and socioeconomic rights of the Palestinian people, and formalizing the PLO's participation in the General Assembly as an observer. These important resolutions were issued following the historic speech given by the President of the Palestine Liberation Organization, Yāsir ʿArafāt, on November 13th, 1974, before the United Nations General Assembly. This paper consists in the rhetorical and linguistic analysis of the main argumentative strategies employed by the Palestinian leader in his speech to achieve his perlocutionary goals. Specifically, the analysis is carried out on the basis of the methodological tools developed by Perelman and Olbrecths-Tyteca in The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation (1969). The Perelmanian tools are applied to ʿArafāt's Arabic speech in order to determine the rhetorical techniques employed to build the audience's agreement and to persuade them about the necessity to accommodate his people's requests. From this research emerges the in-depth knowledge that the speaker has of his audience, addressing, from time to time, a particular or a universal audience, in an attempt to reach an agreement that is as broad as possible. For this reason, the speaker carefully chooses the language through which to convey his message, excluding the Islamic formulas and lexicon, which usually characterize his speeches. Furthermore, the agreement with the public is established through the repeated reference to universal values, which allow him to place the Palestinian question in a framework shared by the audience. Finally, the present study illustrates the copious argumentative strategies that ʿArafāt employs to generate a change of perspective on the Palestinian question, facilitating the process of persuasion.

The Hamas-Fatah feud is not simply the result of an intra-Palestinian political dispute, but rather represents the Iran-Arab cold war on Palestinian turf. While many Arabs wanted to put the conflict with Israel to rest, Iran's Islamists will continue to fight the Jewish state to the last Palestinian. Hamas is simply their latest agent.

This thesis examines the Shultz Initiative of 1988, launched to quell the first Palestinian intifada and reach a solution to the Palestinian question in the last year of the Reagan presidency. The initiative aimed to forestall the development of nationalist tendencies in Palestine by establishing a Jordanian-Israeli condominium over the West Bank while excluding the Palestinians as equal negotiating partners. Built on outdated assumptions about the practicability and desirability of the Jordanian option and reluctance to deal with the Palestinian leadership as equal partners, the initiative stalled by mid-1988. Failing to attract partners to the initiative and losing control over international efforts, the secretary allowed the PLO to establish themselves as a legitimate actor on the international stage over the latter half of 1988. Courted by independent peace initiatives and becoming fully legitimized on the international stage, the PLO was able to force the US to accept their sta...

This study aims to demonstrate the Jordanian Hashemites' custodianship of the Islamic sanctities in Jerusalem and their role in preserving its Islamic identity from the attempts of Judaization exposed by the Israeli State. The reigns of his Majesty King Abdullah I and King Hussein (kings of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan) were taken as a model for the

This thesis examines the composition and behaviour of the Palestinian leadership during the peace process, from the Madrid conference in 1991 to the breakdown of Oslo in 1997. Through an historical survey, an assessment of the structure and documents of the peace process, and an analysis of the strategies ofthe Palestinian leadership, it demonstrates that the invitation to the peace process arrived when the Palestinian leadership in exile outside was at its weakest, simultaneously seeking to further weaken it by restricting participation in the peace talks to Palestinians from the OPT except East Jerusalem. The outside leadership decided to fall back on the strong political support and loyalty of the leadership by appointing a delegation from inside in order to avoid the political danger of exclusion and marginalization. The Palestinian delegation from inside was selected from individuals with credibility and the credentials of struggle, which meant that they were loyal to the inside's main source of power, the Palestinian public in the OPT. Thus the relationship between the inside and outside leaderships was complementary: the inside needed the legitimacy and political access of the outside, and the outside needed the unity and representation of the inside. This mutual opportunism exposed, however, each leadership's differences in structure and priorities, which stemmed from their different realities. Because its priorities and approach Jimmy Carter adopted a similar approach in his latest book, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Criticising the negotiation performance of the PLO, which he judges by its results, Carter writes that: Arafat had failed to obtain other specific concessions concerning a timetable for Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories. In effect, what he got from the Oslo Agreement was the assurance of organizing a form of Palestinian government and staying in power so that he could administer Palestinian affairs in the West Bank and Gaza. The Israelis wanted and achieved much more.Z 0 Carter argues clearly that the Palestinian side was disadvantaged in the negotiations. He writes that: "A key advantage that the Oslo Agreement gave to Israel was the shedding of formal responsibility for the living conditions and welfare of the territories' rapidly increasing population, still completely dominated by Israeli forces." 21 Carter also observes that even Rabin expressed the position that the Oslo Agreement was an improvement on the Camp David accords, from the Israeli point of view. He thus argues that Palestinians, who rejected the Camp David agreement, later accepted a worse deal. 22 Carter notes the impact of Jewish settlement expansion in the territories. "As President Clinton made efforts to promote peace, there was 90 per cent growth in the number of settlers in the occupied territories, with the greatest increase during the administration of Prime Minister Ehud Barak." 23 In a more explicit reference to the Israeli policy of consolidating the occupation through these settlements, Carter quotes Ariel Sharon; thenforeign minister, stating during the Oslo peace process that "Everybody has to move, run and grab as many hilltops as they can to enlarge the settlements because everything we take now will stay ours ... everything we don't grab will go to them." 24 Menachem Klein raises an interesting aspect ofthe outcome of the peace process. The agreement laid a trap for the Palestinian leadership, he writes. The PLO derived its popularity and power from its role in leading the Palestinian struggle for political, social

This study is a Comparative Foreign Policy (CFP) analysis of the Palestine Liberation Organization's (PLO) foreign policy behavior from 1964 through 1981. This study develops and tests a role modification model that accounts for evolutionary changes in foreign policy behavior. One of the major premises of this research is that what often appears as dramatic restructuring in foreign policy is actually the culmination of a series of modifications that transpired over an extended period of time. The model relies on a total of six independent variables as determinants of PLO foreign policy output representing multiple levels of analysis. There are a total of 12 dependent variables expressed as either foreign policy tactical roles or strategic goals. Relying on content analysis of relevant PLO documents, the role modification model demonstrates that the foreign policy output of the PLO experienced a gradual, over time change in both the means and ends of its foreign policy. The model...

The problem of the study is to search for the relevance between the idea of the alternative homeland, and the deal of the century and this is what manifest the importance of the study novelty and addressing two subjects in one study and the linkage between them, The study assumes that despite the deal provided for the establishment of a Palestinian state in some parts of the West Bank And Gaza Strip, but the implementation of the deal will create conditions for realization of the idea of an alternative homeland, after an analytical study of the postulates and the foundations on which the deal was based, and Discussing the terms,requirements and obligations that the Palestinian Authority must undertake during the trial period in order to recognize the establishment of a Palestinian state, Take into consideration also the call of many Israeli parties, whether governmental or non-governmental, that assures the idea of an alternative homeland as a final solution to the Palestinian issue and The recognition of Israel as a Jewish state, and the study require shedding light on the roots of the idea and its historical developments, with an analysis of the importance of implementing the idea of an alternative homeland in achieving the Zionist project to establish a Jewish state in Palestine between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, which will be a stage of the realization of the largest Zionist project from The Euphrates to the Nile, in addition to analysing the texts of the deal of the century to clarify the axioms and the foundations upon which to determine whether it includes the idea of an alternative homeland or it confirms the idea of a two-state solution. The study reached after careful reading of the texts of the terms of the deal and the conditions imposed on the Palestinian Authority and the obligations that it must undertake that a Palestinian state will not be established, especially since of the commitment authority duties and the conditions imposed on it is decided by Israel and the United States of America, and that the will be a state lacking supremacy as it well be subject to security and economical control of Israel, and in both cases will be that was his hand to impose the alternative homeland in a non-public, but through one of the scenarios Possible and under humane arguments that the study tries to clarify.

How Arab Rulers Undermined a Palestinian State by Roie Yellinek and Assaf Malach hile the "Palestine question" has long dominated inter-Arab politics, not only have the Arab states been driven by their own ulterior motives, but they also have shown little concern for the wellbeing of the Palestinians, let alone their demand for a state of their own. This pattern dates back to the mandate years (1920-48) when the selfstyled champions of the nascent pan-Arab movement-King Faisal of Iraq, Transjordan's Emir Abdullah, and Egyptian King Faruqviewed Palestine as part of their would-be empires. This situation culminated in the 1948 war when the all-Arab assault on Israel was launched in pursuit of the invading states' imperialist goals-not in support of Palestinian self-determination. In the words of the Arab League's secretary-general Abdel Rahman Azzam: Abdullah was to swallow up the central hill regions of Palestine, with access to the Mediterranean at Gaza. The Egyptians would get the Negev. [The] Galilee would go to Syria, except that the coastal part as far as Acre would be added to Lebanon. 1 In the decades following the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, the Arab states continued

The Arabs and Israelis have been negotiating peace for the past ten years; however, the conflict sill ignites with no apparent hope for any near resolution. Understanding the rhetorical construction of the peace reality may help in managing this conflict. This study examines the symbolic construction of the peace process in the Arab and Israeli press. It comparatively studies how the Arab and Israeli press, through language choice, define peace, elucidate its implications, and judge actors and actions involved in the peace process. This study identifies the metaphors used and the dominant rival frames constructed in two conflicting newspapers, Assafir (Lebanese newspaper) and The Jerusalem Post (Israeli newspaper) in their coverage of the peace process in 1993 and 1996. Then the study contrasts the different perspectives of the two papers in order to specify the point of conflict and check if any basis o f “shared values” exists across the perspectives that might be useful as a basi...

This reflection on Palestine's political impasses in relation to the experiences of other colonized places and peoples was inspired by the current ferment in critical indigenous and native studies, and now Palestinian studies, about settler colonialism. Tracing the promises and pitfalls of new imaginations of sovereignty and self-determination emerging through indigenous activism, the essay reflects on museums and contested rituals of liberal recognition in North America and Australia to highlight both the stark differences in the situations of Palestinians under Israeli rule and the radical significance of the recent efflorescence of Palestinian cultural projects. Focusing particularly on the history of the Palestinian Museum (that opened in Birzeit in 2016), the article argues that the productivity of the settler-colonial framework lies less in the way it maps directly onto the situation on the ground than in the new solidarities it engenders and its potential to burst open the Palestinian political imagination.

Today, Lebanon is experiencing a trifecta of events that, in the words of its President are sending the country to hell.  It started with the collapse of the banking sector in October 2019, got further exacerbated by the global pandemic, then came the massive explosion at the port of Beirut on August 4, 2020 that destroyed half of the city. With these existential calamities piling on the top of each other, the country with no meaningful help in sight, has downshifted to the worst mode of survival where famine is knocking at the door of most Lebanese families. But not so for its political class and their cronies. The President’s statement would have been more accurate if it were slightly amended to say “me and my gang of criminals are sending the country to hell, unless foreign money keeps our scheme going.”
It’s not the massive explosion at the port or the Coronavirus that are descending Lebanon into the abyss. It is the world finally waking up and realizing that underneath the façade of what looks like a modern nation, the country is anything but. Lebanon is run mostly by tribes and warlords of different ethnic and religious compositions with loyalties to outside powers that have very little to do with making Lebanon a strong sovereign state. They amount to nothing more than criminal gangs competing for resources. The occasional alliance of feuding political families appears as an act of national unity when in reality it’s merely an ad hoc arrangement among clans to beat out other clans competing for resources and political power.

Within a postcolonial theoretical framework, this article highlights the political struggles and cultural displacement of Palestinians using a recent novel published in 2013 and entitled   (Oh, Allah, I Delivered a Female Child) by  (Nerdeen Abu-Nab’ah). It investigates the meaning of living in the borderlands and the effects of double consciousness on the main characters/narrators: Abbas, his brother Abu-Raja, and his daughter, Miriam, who visits Gaza strip in Palestine for the first time in her life. The analysis shows that Abu-Nab’ah strongly believes in such idea as the borderlands being the place most Palestinians inhabit physically and symbolically inside and outside their homeland because of the oppression and discrimination they face. The article examines the complicated interrelationships among ideas of dislocation/exile, the (in)visible borderlands, and double consciousness by applying the theories of Gloria Anzaldúa, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Homi Bhabha. Moreover, it interroga...

This paper is going to present the argument according to which Egyptian national security perceptions are undergoing a fundamental change: from the traditional geopolitical national security perspective to the more complicated geo-economic perspective. However, this argument does not imply that geopolitical concerns have disappeared from Egyptian national security calculations. On the contrary, Egyptian security policy will continue to be influenced by traditional geopolitical considerations.

Este trabajo tiene como objetivo principal dar cuenta de los obstáculos que afronta Palestina en su intento de consolidarse como un Estado soberano y autónomo, tanto en lo que denominaremos, ámbito interno como en el ámbito externo. Teniendo como propósito, en última instancia, indagar si realmente es viable esta consolidación o es un proyecto destinado al fracaso. Respecto al primer ámbito, llevaremos a cabo un análisis del enfrentamiento entre las principales facciones palestinas-Hamas y Fatah-, lucha que ha marcado la vida política en Cisjordania y la Franja de Gaza en los últimos diez años y que representa una disputa tanto por el poder como por el control de los territorios en pugna. Asimismo, plantearemos las dificultades con las que se afronta la autoridad nacional Palestina (ANP) a la hora de hacerse con el monopolio de la violencia legítima. En síntesis, veremos las trabas políticas, administrativas y económicas. En cuanto al ámbito externo, analizaremos el papel que juega Israel en esta compleja coyuntura y las trabas que este pone para la consolidación del Estado Palestino3. 12 3 Impedimentos que se cristalizan en el establecimiento de asentamientos judíos; el control militar sobre el 60% del territorio; la existencia de la administración israelí, entre otras cuestiones.

Large-group rituals can be divided usefully into two general categories: 1) rituals that occur within a society that do not involve an active relationship with a contemporary “other” large group and 2) rituals that occur through and depend upon the interaction with an opposing or enemy large group, usually a neighbor or an “unwanted” subgroup, such as a minority ethnic group within a state. In practice, however, it is difficult to make a definite distinction between the two types. Both are intensified or modified when large-group regression sets in, and thus provide the foundation of signs and symptoms of large-group regression.

A DEAL OR NO DEAL? 20/10/2024
Genocide, Urbicide and Ecocide ?16/02/2024
SOUBRESAUTS ET TERGIVERSATIONS IDÉOLOGIQUES (2005-2024) :
CONVERGENCE ET CONNIVENCE ENTRE NÉOCONSERVATEURS ÉTATSUNIENS ET NÉO-SIONISTES ISRAËLIENS Noha Khalaf* 03112024
Les dilemmes du monde arabe par Akram Belkaïd 31/10/2024
Nine days of horror as Israeli offensive on exhausted northern Gaza intensifies301024
La disparition de Yahya Sinwar n'est qu'un prélude
The Biden administration has warned Israel that it faces possible punishment, including the potential stopping of US weapons transfers, if it does not take immediate action to let more humanitarian aid into Gaza.
Israeli forces tightened their squeeze around Jabalia
What is al-Mawasi and why did Israel attack a ‘safe zone’?11/09/2024
D. Noha Khalaf: Mahmoud Darwish and the “butterfly effect that never goes away” in Gaza! 31082024
Over the past fifteen years, Gaza has suffered five punitive expeditions: 2006 (“Summer Rain”); 03/02/2024
South Africa presents its case against Israël at the ICJ
GENOCIDE
CR 2024/1
International Court Cour internationale of Justice de Justice
THE HAGUE LA HAYE
YEAR 2024
The guerrilla is stronger than an occupying army 12/11/2023
SCANDALEUX ENLÈVEMENT DE MARIAM ABU DAQQA PAR LA POLICE FRANÇAISE HIER SOIR A MINUIT A PARIS 13ème 09/11/2023
L'article dans son intégralité: Enzo Traverso : la guerre à Gaza « brouille la mémoire de l’Holocauste »
la « guerre génocidaire » menée par l’armée israélienne à Gaza. 08/11/2023
l'arrestation de la militante Ahed Tamimi 06/11/2023
Some images of the disaster in Gaza 31102023
Amnesty International is calling on 31102023
Palestinians storm a UN-run aid supply center  30102023
Mondialisation de la Colère ATLANTA ETATS UNIS SOURCE LE FIGARO 27102023
Je suis palestinienne Et ma demi- sœur est israélienne 21102023
Ons Jabeur recalled that Palestinians had been subjected to injustice for the past 75 years.  16102023
Jean-Paul Sartre : the only weapon of the Palestinians is terrorism (1972) It is a terrible weapon but the oppressed do not have one other  13102023
Jose Luis Garcia Vigil  13102023
WHO asks Israel to reverse evacuation order, says it amounts to 'death sentence' for vulnerable patients 13102023
WHY a big win for Hamas? 12102023
War and Natural Gas: The Israeli Invasion and Gaza’s Offshore Gas Fields
by Michel Chossudovsky 11102023
War and Natural Gas: The Israeli Invasion and Gaza’s Offshore Gas Fields 10102023
In New York, we speak with Rashid Khalidi, author of The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, 10102023
10 h 30 | L'ambassade d'Israël à Washington affirme que le nombre d'otages israéliens à Gaza s'élève à une centaine 08102023
Selon un dernier bilan publié sur X par l'ambassade d'Israël à Washington, plus de 300 Israéliens ont été tués et 1800 blessés. Elle affirme également qu'une centaine de civils et soldats israéliens ont été kidnappés par le Hamas. 
Le leader de la branche militaire du Hamas, Mohammed Deif, a déclaré que 5 000 roquettes avaient été tirées sur Israël tôt samedi pour lancer l’opération « Déluge Al-Aqsa »  07102023
Le Freedom Theatre pleure une de ses adolescentes 27062023
Violente bataille lors d'un raid israélien à Jénine, cinq Palestiniens tués
LE 19 JUIN. 2023 À 08H08 (TU) 
Cette femme palestinienne n’existe pas: voici son portrait 15062023
En direct de Gaza  Il est 12h à Gaza ce vendredi 12 mai 2023
08/04/2023  ALERTE La population de #Gaza est actuellement bombardée par l’aviation israélienne. #GazaUnderAttack
06/04/2023 MASSACRE A AL-AQSA
26/03/2023  À Gaza ou en Cisjordanie, la situation est totalement désespérée pour les jeunes Palestiniens
19/03/2023 International campaign to spread the historical map of Palestine from the river to the sea
13/03/2023  La mère palestinienne origine de notre savoir
08/03/2023 8 mars 2023 en Palestine Femmes palestiniennes
01/03/2023 Israelis still expect the Palestinians will surrender. They've never been more wrong  Haaretz
28/02/2023 expédition punitive dans la ville d’Howwarah par des colons
24/02/2023 Nablus hit by deadly Israeli raid
26/01/2023 une dizaine de Palestiniens tués lors d'un raid israélien à Jénine
The Palestinian and Levantine cuisine that Israel tries to appropriate
Pourquoi la France doit-elle protéger le peuple Palestinien?
Un projet qui commence par un rêve à Jénine et tente de devenir une réalité, rejoindre Gaza
Femmes Palestiniennes en Résistance  020123
The Systematic Destruction of Palestinian Memory
(NEW) 26122022  Christmas in Bethlehem, where it all started
(NEW) 19122022 What in the World Is Happening in Israel? The New York Times
(NEW) 08122022 Case Study: Har Homa
(NEW) 04112022
« Gaza est un homme qui pleure et qui ne veut pas le dire » : l’enclave traversée du Nord au Sud, entre mer et mur
Par Louis Imbert (Gaza, envoyé spécial)
"أنا بنت القدس، وأحب أن أراها سعيدة"... أحدث لقاء إعلامي عفوي مع شيرين أبوعاقلة على درجات باب العامود نهاية رمضان الماضي
REQUIEM POUR SHERINE par Noha Khalaf
ASSASSINAT DE LA JOURNALISTE PALESTINIENNE A JÉNINE PAR L’OCCUPANT ISRAÉLIEN 11/05/2022
Emma Watson pro-Palestinian post sparks antisemitism row
Palestinian prison break: Israel has every reason to fear this bold move
Jonathan Cook
I - Palestine Peace Movement (PPM) Creating One State for Palestinians and Jews in Palestine Mohamed Rabie
II - Palestine, the Birthplace of Civilization
When and where Civilization was born 
Prof. Mohamed Rabie
III - APOCALYPSE IN WEST BANK
IV - I cry my eyes out when I write about Gaza
V - La suspension par Israël de la distribution de courrier en provenance et à destination de Gaza est une punition collective inacceptable
VI - GAZA RECONSTRUCTION: TOWARD  A SELF-DETERMINED MECHANISM
VII - Alain Gresh présente « La Palestine n'a pas disparu », par Edward Said
VIII - Guerres sans fin contre les Palestiniens - Une domination israélienne toujours plus brutale par Alain Gresh
IX (PART 1)THE IMPERATIVE OF CHANGING THE TERMS OF REFERENCE in dealing with  the situation in Palestine
22 May 2021
By: Dr. Noha Khalaf
IX (Part 2) The imperative of transforming strategic concepts and philosophical mindsets by exchanging old biased allies with  a different set of  reliable allies
25 May 2021
By: Dr. Noha Khalaf*
XI- Marwan Barghouti président de tous les Palestiniens ?
XII - في يوم الأرض: وداعا سلمان ناطور الروائي  المعجون بتربة الأرض 
XIII -      DOCUMENTAIRES DE STÉPHANE VALENTIN
Chapitre XIV- New ROAD MAP FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION
The Palestinian issue to where?, 2020
XV-a استراتيجية  لتصفية المشروع الصهيوني
XV- b - A Strategy to end the Zionist Project in Palestine
XV-c- Palestine Peace Movement (PPM) - Creating One State for Palestinians and Jews in Palestine
XVI -  Where to on Palestine?
......
Chapitre XX
Mahmoud Darwichطباق عن إدوارد سعيد
Chapitre XXI
Volunteered at a Natural History Museum in Palestine [World Environment Day]
Chapitre XXII
COVID-19 pandemic in the State of Palestine
Chapitre XXIII
https://www.academia.edu/31928086/Le_patriote_palestinien_le_moins_connu_Ahmed_Hilmi_Pasha
Chapitre XXIV : Le monde doit lutter contre l’annexion israélienne – qu’elle soit formelle ou non
Chapitre XXV: HISTORIQUE DE L'APRÈS AL-NAKBA
Chapitre XXVI : Hommage à l’écrivain Palestinien Salmane Natour
Chapitre XXVII : L'Union européenne ne peut pas et ne doit pas inviter des Israéliens en Tunisie
Chapitre XXVIII : LE MYTHE CHIRAC ET LA PALESTINE
Chapitre XXIX: À Gaza, un peuple en cage
Chapitre XXX APOCALYPSE GAZA (NOV.2012 DOCUMENTARY)
Excerpt from PPM:
The following points define the most important principles on which the movement is based, and the goals it seeks:
1. Establishing a single dual-identity state on all of Palestinian soil in which all Palestinian Jews and Arabs have the right to live in it as citizens with equal rights and duties.
2. The proposed state name is The Holy Land State of Palestine.
3. Writing a constitution for the state that guarantees the participation of the two peoples in power, and the sharing of executive power between the head of state and the prime minister.
L’Université Brown inaugure « La Chaire Mahmoud Darwich
EXCERPT from "L'énigmatique Ahmad Hilmi Pacha":
https://www.academia.edu/31928086/Le_patriote_palestinien_le_moins_connu_Ahmed_Hilmi_Pasha
"Le monde doit lutter contre l’annexion israélienne – qu’elle soit formelle ou non
Par Ben White, le 20 mai 2020"
Les graves violations du droit international et les politiques d’apartheid d’Israël ont persisté en grande partie parce qu’il n’en est pas tenu responsable internationalement.
"À Gaza, un peuple en cage"
À Gaza, un peuple en cage/In Gaza, a people in a cage Olivier Pironet Alors que les Israéliens sont appelés à élire un nouveau Parlement le 17 septembre, la bande de Gaza n'en finit pas de sombrer. Depuis treize ans, Tel-Aviv soumet le territoire palestinien dirigé par le Hamas à un blocus militaire dévastateur. Combien de temps la population pourra-t-elle tenir ?