Whiteness Studies

I propose a rich theoretical understanding on Afro-Latino student development based on critical race theory, culturally responsive pedagogy and practice. Addressing racial disparities is about engaging students thereby making their lives better. I believe that creating Afro-Latino pedagogy will create a community of practice in which inquiry is a cornerstone of continuous student self-redefinition through improvement in culturally responsive systems.
We need educators to get involved with Afro-Latino students, our history and the way we occupy space in the Americas in order to address this gap in education.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

Available now from Penn State University Press, with a foreword by Pat J. Gehrke. Order here: https://www.amazon.com/Metanoia-Rhetoric-Authenticity-Transformation-Self/dp/0271085924/ref=sr_1_1?crid=DL9ENJNF09HO&keywords=ellwanger+metanoia&qid=1581529316&sprefix=ellwanger%2Caps%2C150&sr=8-1

Critical Race Theory (CRT) revolutionized how we investigate race in education. Centralizing counterstories from people of color becomes essential for decentralizing white normative discourse-a process we refer to as realities within the Black imagination. Yet, few studies examine how whites respond to centering the Black imagination, especially since their white imagination goes unrecognized. We propose utilizing Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) to support CRT to aid in deconstructing the dimensions of white imaginations. Our findings describe how the white imagination operates inside the minds of white teacher candidates, namely through their (a) emotional disinvestment, (b) lack of critical understanding of race, (c) resurgence of white guilt, and (d) recycling of hegemonic whiteness, all of which negatively impact their role in anti-racist teaching in urban schools.

One of the challenges faced in post-secondary jazz education across the GTA is finding qualified instructors who are familiar with dialogical methods for teaching African American jazz histories. More specifically, finding and hiring African American instructors whose musical genealogy can be delineated from “black” oral/aural histories and can draw from these historicities. Unless the narratives of this music are unpacked, analyzed and taught from its internal elements, which embodies the symbiosis and synthesis of African American dance, theatrics, poetics and American black English that encapsulates the “African American-ness” in jazz, then there remains a risk that this folk music will become more and more diluted. Consequently, it is my belief that current music educators across the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) should consider alternative methods of pedagogy if students are to understand the historicity— the historical authenticity of this African American folk music. The idea for this study originated from my observation of a lack of “African American-ness”—African American narratives not being used as a pedagogical tool in post-secondary jazz curricula across the GTA. Therefore, this multi-case study will lead to the creation of an alternative curriculum that incorporates new teaching methods based on African American narratives. Dr. Barry Harris is one such educator who incorporates new teaching methods based on African American narratives. Therefore, I seek to unpack and analyze the musical and social upbringing that contributed to African American jazz pianist and educator Dr. Barry Harris’  primary contribution to jazz education, which is his concept of movement, while also expanding upon it.  When these antecedents of Harris’  concept of movement have been analyzed, they will use them as a compliance for the cultivation and filling in of gaps in post-secondary jazz curricula across the GTA.

Available now from Penn State University Press, with a foreword by Pat J. Gehrke.

Order here: https://www.amazon.com/Metanoia-Rhetoric-Authenticity-Transformation-Self/dp/0271085924/ref=sr_1_1?crid=DL9ENJNF09HO&keywords=ellwanger+metanoia&qid=1581529316&sprefix=ellwanger%2Caps%2C150&sr=8-1

Teacher educators are constantly trying to improve the field to meet the needs of a growing urban populace. Inclusion of socially just philosophies in the curriculum is indeed essential, yet it can mask the recycling of normalized, oppressive Whiteness. This reflective and theoretical paper employs critical race theory and critical Whiteness studies to deconstruct Whiteness, abuse, and love in teacher education. Using an interdisciplinary and emotion-based approach to understanding Whiteness, this paper examines how denying race during white childhood via a color-blind ideology leaves lasting emotional scars, impressions that perpetuate the institutional silencing of race in teacher education. This "abuse" is projected onto urban students of color and, more broadly, people of color. This paper asserts that until teacher education programs make confronting and exploring Whiteness a priority, they cannot truly love their urban students of color as complete beings and so deny humanity full and just consideration.

In an essay titled "Decentering Whiteness: Resisting Racism in the Women's Studies Classroom," Patti Duncan (2002) reclaims the classroom as a space where nonwhites and minorities can examine themselves and their struggles independent of the predominately white discourse of the contemporary university. Duncan emphasizes that this project requires a pedagogy that uses texts from historically marginalized authors, guides discussion away from the particular values and discourses that characterize whiteness, and interrogates white ways of being. Although her aim is to decenter whiteness, her language occasionally shows that this pedagogical approach ensures that whiteness remains the focus of her course: she is particularly frustrated by how white students "divert attention from their own whiteness" (44), and she is "amazed" (43, 44) that these students "choose instead to focus on some other category of identity and social stratification, preferably one that marks them as clearly and unarguably oppressed" (44). If Duncan was successful in decentering whiteness in her classroom, then white students would not need to "divert attention" from their whiteness or "focus on some other category." Whiteness remains at the center of her classroom because the otherness that the course is meant to affirm is never conceptualized outside the context of white oppression. Thus, given that the toxicity of white ideology is the true focus of the course, Duncan should not be amazed when white students are apprehensive in class. Contrary to Duncan's assertions, the quotations above Pedagogy: Critical Approaches to Teaching Literature, Language, Composition, and Culture

This article investigates the reception of two of the most popular TV programs depicting Italian American mafiosi: The Untouchables (1959-63) and The Sopranos (1999-2007).  Italian American organizations protested against both these ethnic representations, winning concessions from producers in the 1960s but coming up empty by the turn of the last century.  The paper argues that the relative success or failure of these antidefamation efforts is not a mere barometer of white ethnics' cultural status nor aesthetic achievement.  Rather, the cultural status of television itself affected the ways the protesters made their claims and whether or not their demands were met.

This study investigates the radio roots of a discourse of domestic whiteness that is typically associated with family sitcoms of the 1950s. Through analysis of a highly popular evening serial, One Man’s Family (NBC, 1932–1959), the article tracks the production of domestic whiteness in sound, narrative, and vocal performance, situating it within the institutional and social contexts of 1930s radio.

During the Klondike Gold Rush, Americans and Britons connected their joint local experiences with the simultaneous colonial conquests in Cuba, the Philippines, South Africa, and China through the ideology of Anglo-Saxonism. From 1898 to 1901 Dawson’s newspapers, memoirs, correspondence, and commercial photography demonstrated the power of this symbolic language of flags and balls, heated rhetoric and dazzling cartoons. The Klondike Nugget, the first newspaper in town and the only one run by Americans, took up the claims of global Anglo-Saxonism with the most fervor, although its sentiments were often echoed in the Canadian-edited Dawson Daily News. Differences re-emerged, especially over the boundary between Alaska and Canada, but this brief episode remained deeply imprinted in narratives of the “two Wests”—both of the North American frontier West and the West as Anglo-Saxon civilization—told at the turn of the twentieth century.

This chapter discusses some of the complex issues surrounding the notion of cultural competence-and the critical need for practitioners to develop knowledge, skills, understandings and attributes to be responsive in diverse cultural settings. The argument for culturally competent mental health practitioners and services is situated within a human rights framework which underpins the principles, standards and practice frameworks intended to facilitate/contribute to the capacity and empowerment of mental health practitioners and clients, families and communities. The National Practice Standards for the Mental Health Workforce 2013 (the practice standards) 1 outline core competencies (including cultural competence) regarded as essential for the mental health workforce: mental health nursing, occupational therapy, psychiatry, psychology and social work. The documented impact of these disciplines/professions on Aboriginal people requires new ways of working that are empowering, respectful and ethical. A case is made for the importance of practitioners providing more culturally inclusive and appropriate care to increase the likelihood that clients and their carers will experience a sense of cultural safety (as well as culturally appropriate services) for Aboriginal clients, their families and communities. The practice standards are complemented by professional guidelines and the National Standards for Mental Health Services 2010 (the service standards). 2 This chapter provides a range of tools and strategies and a Critical Reflection Framework for Analysis to assist students or practitioners to adopt a critical standpoint in order to develop key competencies (knowledge, skills, attitudes and values) to be culturally respectful and effective in their practice in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mental health. Equally important is the need for strategies for self-care and support such as mentoring, journaling, peer support, counselling and engaging in self-reflective, transformative practice. The Framework aims to enhance practitioners' professional competence through critical reflection upon themselves, others, their discipline and professional codes of conduct and practice standards, and the broader contemporary and historical contexts in which practitioners, their clients, and their families and communities are situated, and in which policies are made and programs and services are delivered. It also discusses some of the cultural competence audit tools that can assist organisations to enact policies and processes intended to bring about system level change to enhance cultural competence across these sectors. THE MENTAL HEALTH PRACTITIONER Under the COAG mental health reform to improve Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and wellbeing, health workers, counsellors and clinical staff in culturally-specific health services require the capacity and competence to identify and address mental illnesses and associated substance use issues and to recognise the distinctive and pervasive trauma, grief and loss experienced by Aboriginal people. They also need to work in accordance with the guiding principles contained in the Ways Forward National Aboriginal and Islander Mental Health Policy Report 3(pp19-20) reinforced in the Charge by Rob Riley (page xvi) which asked all mental health practitioners to 'take on board' the understanding that: z The Aboriginal concept of health is holistic. z Self-determination is central to the provision of Aboriginal health services. z Culturally valid understanding must shape provision of Aboriginal health (and mental health) care. z The experience of trauma and loss contribute to the impairment of Aboriginal culture and mental health well-being. z The human rights of Aboriginal people must be recognised and enforced (emphasis added). z Racism, stigma, adversity and social disadvantage must be addressed in strategies aimed at improving Aboriginal mental health. z The strength and centrality of Aboriginal family and kinship must be understood and accepted. z Diversity of groups needs to be recognised.

Focusing on the body as a visual and discursive platform across public space, we study marginalization as a sociocultural practice and hegemonic schema. Whereas mass incarceration and law enforcement readily feature in discussions of institutionalized racism, we differently highlight understudied sites of normalization and exclusion. Our combined effort centers upon physical contexts (skeletons, pageant stages, gentrifying neighborhoods), discursive spaces (medical textbooks, legal battles, dance pedagogy, vampire narratives) and philosophical arenas (morality, genocide, physician-assisted suicide, cryonic preservation, transfeminism) to deconstruct seemingly intrinsic connections between body and behavior, Whiteness and normativity.

This provocation explores the abjective e/affects of white ideology manifested as school language in the United States. Through recursive engagement and symbolic play with her memory of watching a student eat toilet paper during a College Essay Writing class, the author challenges the institutional grammars that shape a collective sense of “school.” Through a critical analysis of the shared “public transcript” (Scott, 1990) of many urban schools, the author considers the ways in which students and teachers get summoned into particular social existences in relation to whiteness as the dominant culture of power. She uses both written and visual languages to offer poetry as a site of theory towards reinscribing the relationship between language, feeling, and address in the urban English classroom and inciting new, socially just structures of learning. The author’s sketches of this memory drawn with ink on toilet paper intervene throughout the article, giving her provocation an added dimensionality.

These poems, composed in Somali and in English, provide a poetic reflection of the recently emerged debate on the theme of Caddaan Studies which means "White Studies". The criticism and counter-criticism contained in the debate dug so deep into life nerve of Somali Studies that over a thousand people participated. The poems, under the title "Inaugurating Caddaan Studies" were composed with a critical observation of the debate.

Frederick Douglass’ Narrative of his emancipation from slavery suggests the distress that agitates white men accustomed to power whenever their social authority is questioned or contested. In each episode in the narrative, there is an evident threat to the power dynamic emboldening white slaveholders and oppressing African-American slaves. These threats, as a consequence, compel the slaveholders to suppress the slaves through violent and dehumanizing means, thus protecting the historical dominance of white men in society. Antagonistic characters like Captain Anthony and Mr. Covey represent the extreme hatred of a cultural institution known as “Angry White Men,” a group that sociologist Michael Kimmel describes by referring to the theory of relative deprivation. The resentment fueling the actions of these men is rooted in their perception of themselves as the true victims of relative deprivation.

This article examines attacks on black academics as an analytical apparatus for connecting histories of U.S. racial violence to the current state of white backlash against black advancement. Through an anatomy of these attacks – of which the author herself was targeted – this essay explores two processes: First, what these attacks do to blackness and, second, what this violence does for whiteness. In the former, this work explains that attacks on black academics are first and foremost anti-black attacks, not dissimilar to attacks on visible African- Americans in other arenas. The intention is to terrorize black progress on the whole. In the latter process, the generative nature of these attacks reproduces collective white identities across region, age, and newly digitized spaces. In the current political moment this digitized mob violence ritualistically reaffirms white hegemony. This essay concludes with an explanation for why the author believes these attacks will continue with regularity.

This paper analyzes discourses of everyday racism and colorblind racism on an internet forum. While skin color is invisible online, identities as black, white and shades in between show through participants' perspectives and communicative behavior in discussions about racism. Critical race theory and whiteness studies argue that there is a perception gap between black and white perspectives on racism, linked to positionality in social structures, which influences experiences and shapes perceptions of the world. This paper shows how black participants in online discussions tend to be more conscious of racial issues and skilled at recognizing racism, while whites often reflect a colorblind discourse that denies structural racism and reproduces everyday racism. Starting with critical perspectives of conscious blacks on the forum and drawing on Cultural Discourse Studies and critical race theory, this paper examines power relations and cultural perspectives underlying white participants' claims, perspectives and speech acts.

This dissertation investigates the racialization of the Slavs in Canada from the end of the 19 th century until the middle of the 20 th. Utilizing Michel Foucault's and Ernesto Laclau's formulations of discourse, Berger and Luckmann's social constructionism, and, broadly, poststructural theory, the principal aim of this work is to demonstrate that during this period Canadians recognized the Slavs as a distinct, homogenous, denationalized racial type. To this end, this dissertation draws on immigration, eugenic, political, journalistic, art, legal, literary, and other discourses in order to trace the discursive formation of race in Canada while considering how such a formation constructed the racialized figure of the Slav. Historians working in the field of Whiteness Studies have established the racialization of various Europeans outside of whiteness in the United States. This dissertation suggests that Whiteness Studies' emphasis on the banishment of peripheral Europeans from whiteness, along with the trope of "becoming white," does not apply to the history of racialization of Slavs in Canada. The argument advanced here is that while Slavic identity was occasionally articulated in a strained relationship to whiteness, it is more accurate to see the racialization of the Slavs as entailing an estrangement from the positive attributes associated with an Anglo-Saxon identity and a simultaneous fitting into a complex racial discursive formation whose categories were denationalized. This dissertation insists on a historical approach to the sociological study of race. Examining what various Canadian discourses had to say about the Slavic artistic ability, suitability for assimilation, criminal tendencies, community life, and potential for participation in democratic institutions, this dissertation historicizes race for the reader who today is not likely to recognize the Slavs as a racialized category. This dissertation also contributes to Slavic Studies, urging a move from "Slavic ethnic cultures" and an experience of "xenophobia," which are popular moves in that field, to the social construction of the Slavic race and the historical experience of racism.

This book examines and confronts the passive and often unconscious racism of white teacher education students, offering a critical tool in the effort to make education more equitable. Sherry Marx provides a consciousness-raising account of how white teachers must come to recognize their own positions of privilege and work actively to create anti-racist teaching techniques and learning environments for children of color and children learning English as a second language.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Australians were possessed by two obsessions – the fear of the ›yellow peril‹ and the desire for a white society. The fear of the ›yellow peril‹ found expression in science and politics as well as in innumerable invasion novels which depicted the swamping of the European outpost in the Pacific by Asiatic hordes. The programme of a white society was reasoned scientifically and found political supporters not least in the labour movement. Moreover, it found expression in a medium which was even more popular than pulp fiction: consumer racism which propagated the consumption of ›white sugar‹. ›White sugar‹ was a very special commodity: refined white and produced white, it comprised white labourers, dearer sweetness, protection from the world market, and gaining of intra-continental acceptance through subsidies. Certainly there were countless points of contact between colour discrimination and thinking in terms of whiteness. In the context of the European diggers’ rebellions on the goldfields, the workers’ strikes against the replacement of white with Chinese labour and clashes with Aborigines on the colonial frontier, the whites’ anger was given vent to. But these were largely isolated incidents involving concrete problems and select societal groups. Invasion novels and sugar consumption, on the other hand, aimed at the whole society. The problem to turn the empty north, considered ›terra nullius‹, into a breeding ground for whiteness and, thus, into a bulwark against the ›yellow peril‹ was considered problematic, however. This was due to the utilization interest of the agrarian capital as well as the phantasies of degeneration of race sciences. While the latter were not sure whether whites would altogether proof to be able to successfully settle in the tropics, the former were mainly interested in the exploitation of cheap labour. This paper will look into the ways in which the campaigns to consume white-produced Australian sugar and the genre of invasion novels accomplished to subsume lobbies of adverse interests in the joint pursuit of white Australia.

In this essay, I use some of the topics in Tressie McMillam Cottom’s book, Thick, to comment on how the subjects treated in her book resonate with me as a White man who, for his entire adult life, has lived with, loved, and worked with people of color.  Most of this work involved community development efforts with an overarching goal of making the institutions created responsible for and accountable to the people served.  In many ways, it represents the commentary of a White man speaking from the inside looking out, as opposed to the outside looking in.  The essay also highlights topics raised in Thick, and represents an endorsement of how those topics are treated by the author.

Objective. We propose and develop novel survey questions and quantitative summary indices of White Fragility. Methods. The data come from the 2018 Survey of White Fragility, a longitudinal convenience sample of 279 non-Hispanic white undergraduate students aged 18 and over taking courses at two large public universities in the southeastern and southwestern United States. Results. Factor analyses revealed two latent factors. The first factor—Remorse Fragility—was defined by feeling sad, guilty, and, to a lesser extent, angry in the context of discussions related to racism, race-based discrimination, and white privilege. The second factor—Depletion Fragility—was defined by feeling drained/exhausted, unsafe, and, to a lesser extent, attacked and confused in the same contexts. Additional analyses supported the reliability and validity of our indices. Conclusion. More research is needed to establish measures of White Fragility to inform interventions that support critical discussions of whiteness and the racist structures of society.

This article offers a cultural analysis of the practice of "acting white" in a society where the distinction between black and white is vague and primarily symbolic and where the hegemonic discourse denies the existence of ethnic inequality and encourages ethnic integration. In the Israeli context, acting white or passing (in Hebrew, hishtaknezut or "Ashkenazification") refers to mimicking the habitus of the dominant (European) ethnic group. Based on qualitative research, we argue that hishtaknezut is the cultural script offered by Israeli society in response to both the national discourse of the "ingathering of the exiles" and the neoliberal demand for identities devoid of ethnic markers as a precondition for economic mobility. However, the concept of hishtaknezut functions as a shaming interpellation highlighting both the act of mimicry and its inherent failure. Passing as "white" in Israel entails a twofold sense of shame, over both one's ethnic origin and the concealment of that origin by mimicking another group. This practice carries with it an individual, apolitical stigma that reaffirms the neoliberal, non-ethnic perception of Israeli society. The prevalence of Ashkenazification, along with its signification of imperfection, attests to the perpetuation of the ethnic order in Israel, which relies on an Orientalist discourse that distinguishes between "worthy" social positions and "unworthy" ones from which one must escape to achieve social privileges.

A twenty-five-year-old man tries to swim across the river Rio Grande with his nearly two-yearold daughter on his back; she is tucked under his t-shirt with her arms around his neck. He doesn't make it. A current sweeps them away and they drown, their bodies washing up facedown along the shore, in the reeds, with blue beer cans bobbing nearby. The child has slipped to the side, one arm still around her father's neck, evidence of a diaper under her red shorts. A photo of their corpses in the water goes viral, distributed by the Associated Press around the world and picked up by major media, a picture that allows us to look down upon them from a height of safety.1 Is it a picture of a foolhardy venture or an act of desperation driven by terror (1.1)? The man is Óscar Alberto Martinez Ramirez with his daughter Valeria. Mexican photojournalist Julia Le Duc took the photo. Ramirez and Valeria had traveled from El Salvador and spent some months in Mexico trying to negotiate the nearly impossible asylum process before Ramirez decided to swim from Matamoros to Browns-ville, Texas. His wife, Valeria's mother, swimming some way behind them, saw them go down and returned to shore. Ramirez and Valeria are only two of thousands who have tried, one way or another, to make the crossing, only to die-by drowning, thirst in the desert, gunfire, animal attack, or abandonment in airless locked trucks by the "coyotes" who took their money and promised to escort them to safety. The hopeful path to a presumed haven in the U.S. is marked by an endless stream of dead bodies. In an essay in the New York Times Magazine, Teju Cole traces the responsibility of many U.S. presidents for the deaths of those like Ramirez and Valeria. He notes that Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush both supported El Salvador's military-led government in a civil war in which tens of thousands of Salvadorans died and hundreds of thousands fled to the U.S. Bill Clinton conferred only "temporary protected status" on them, forcing them to go back at the end of the war, and many formed or joined gangs now heavily involved in the violence there. Barack Obama oversaw an increase in the apprehension and deportation of almost three million undocumented immigrants, more than any other president so far. In 2016, Donald Trump was elected president after repeatedly calling migrants "drug dealers," "rapists," and "criminals," even though evidence shows that immigration correlates with lower crime rates. His administration funded Salvadoran security forces that illegally executed dozens of suspected gang members. Both Democratic and Republican administrations have clearly played a major role in producing the ongoing social, economic, and humanitarian crisis. In 2018, Trump declared an end to the temporary protected status of almost 200,000 people from El Salvador who had fled a series of earthquakes there in 2001, cutting off their support to relatives at home and further devastating the Salvadoran economy. This was followed by a

In the 1880s Chicago architects celebrated the so-called ‘western’ style appearing in their city as the architectural expression of a new American race forming on the frontier. Influenced by the racial theory of human development that defined the nineteenth century, they saw the characteristics of this style – strength, simplicity, functionalism and independence – as the most recent manifestation of the Aryan race as it moved globally westwards. This essay looks at the development of this idea in the late nineteenth-century, paying particular attention to the continued presence of racial themes in the development of a distinctive industrial aesthetic. These themes are crystallized in Frank Lloyd Wright’s 1901 lecture, “The Art and Craft of the Machine,” which set out a political agenda for advanced industrial design in the United States. For Wright the emancipatory potential of industrialization was directly tied to the progress of American democracy. By 1900 Chicago was regarded as the most advanced city in the world, an exemplary urban-industrial machine serviced by a huge population of European immigrants, far surpassing the productive potential of the southern slave economy of fifty years earlier. Transformed by disciplining regimes of education and architecture, the ethnically diverse immigrant population was converted an idealized ‘white’ working class, technicians rather than semi-skilled machine operatives. Analysis of Wright’s lecture in the context of the industrial landscape of Chicago at the turn of the twentieth century reveals the ongoing presence of questions of race and labor within the philosophy of the Chicago School, and their passage into the positive reception of Chicago architecture by European modernists in the 1920s and 30s.

Resumen: En este artículo exploro aspectos de mi trayectoria de blanquitud, por medio de un análisis de la racialización del género en Cúcuta y Bogotá, Colombia. A partir de un ejercicio autoetnográfico de la memoria, consigno experiencias en mi diario de campo para interpretar mi proceso de constitución como sujeta blanca y mi participación en la construcción de representaciones lícitas y sancionables de feminidades racializadas. Estos procesos estaban análogamente vinculados a las luchas por la racialización de los espacios, como mi barrio o la institución de educación superior en la que estudié, y la designación de sus legítimos propietarios.

Palabras clave: blanquitud, feminidad, racialización, alteridad, instituciones de educación superior, espacio.

Racismo No Brasil? É coisa da sua cabeça

As narrativas autobiográficas que estão no livro são narrativas de professores e fazem a intersecção com experiências ligadas ao tema de raça,  racismo e letramento racial crítico. Trata-se de experiências vividas em sala de aula, no ambiente familiar e nas relações sociais. As autobiografias que estão no livro foram geradas no contexto das aulas/disciplinas que a Profa. Dra. Aparecida de Jesus Ferreira leciona. O livro tem a intenção de:

Fortalecer expectativas 2017 livro racismo no Brasil e coisa da sua cabecade que, através do livro, sejam possibilitadas situações em que as pessoas se coloquem no lugar das pessoas negras;

Possibilitar que as pessoas reflitam sobre racismo e como isso afeta a vida das pessoas;

Acreditar que, através do livro, as pessoas tenham exemplos de como utilizar o letramento racial crítico nas suas vidas, nas suas escolas, nas suas universidades e em vários outros contextos em que o livro possa ser utilizado.

O livro tem 30 narrativas e vem com 150 perguntas reflexivas que podem ser utilizados tanto no contexto de sala de aula, como para as pessoas que tiverem acesso ao livro também possam refletir sobre os temas abordados nas narrativas autobiográficas.

My data comes from participant observation among and interviews with several dozen white Kenyans, aging former settlers and the descendants of former settlers, mostly of British descent, across several years in the 2000s. Some of them are third-or fourth-generation Kenyan, and those in the younger generation work in an array of industries, including tourism (with safari

Between 1976 and 1988 organized White supremacist groups targeted the Marquette Park section of Chicago, seeking to mobilize the predominantly White residents to block integration. One local pro-integration group, the Southwest Community Congress, (SCC) successfully reframed the debate in the neighborhood and swayed public opinion against the violence encouraged by the organized racist groups. This detailed history of the conflict, by a participant-observer who advised SCC, shows how both racist and anti-racist social movement organizations mobilized resources, sought to open and close political opportunities, and framed issues and grievances to appeal to multiple audiences. Frame theory is used to identify seven different competing frames contending for allegiance in the community.

This paper will look at moral panics over the presence of Chinese diggers on the Victorian goldfields and examine the commonalities between anti-Chinese sentiment and popular attitudes towards the local indigenous population. It will consider both in terms of the politics of land usage in the colonial context and the function of associated assumptions about the supremacy of Anglo-Saxon culture and institutions.

To that end this paper will examine the development of fears of the Yellow Peril, especially in the aftermath of the Eureka Rebellion of 1854. It will consider the extent to which the repressive behaviour of the colonial administration further negative outcomes in the spread of popular racism. It will look at at how racism functioned then as an outlet or ‘safety valve’ for tensions produced by the colonial style of administration that were otherwise not permitted expression.

Ultimately then this paper will explore racism as a means of facilitating blame-shifting and avoiding accountability for institutional injustices stemming from colonialism more broadly. It will consider the meaning of ‘whiteness’ and the tendency to perceive the world through the prisms of class and the dominant ethnicity in these terms, and examine the extent to which such were the motivating force behind the development of the White Australia policy.