Cuban History

Continuation of the Atlantic Theory of Homer's Ilias and Odyssey (part 1: Atlantic Troy; part 2:  Atlantic Ismaros-Kikones; part 3: Atlantic Kuthera-Lotophages; part 4: Atlantic Land of the Cyclopes; part 5: Atlantic Aiolia). Odysseus' wanderings after his departure from Troy: Route: from Corvo, Azores, to La Havana, Cuba. Study of Atlantic authors De Grave, Cailleux, Gideon, Wilkens, Vinci.

The abortion in Cuba is a fact socially accepted and widely practiced. This article tries to explain the reasons for this phenomenon and the demographic consequences of abortion for Cuban society as well.

Streszczenie: Aborcja na Kubie jest szeroko stosowana i społecznie akceptowana. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę wytłumaczenia powodów takiego stanu rzeczy, jak i konsekwencji demograficznych tego zjawiska dla społeczeństwa kubańskiego.

The Philippine-American War (c.1899 – 1913), which led to the colonial subjugation of the Philippines by the United States for over forty years and the suppression of the first independent republic in South-East Asia, is one of America’s forgotten wars. The historical amnesia surrounding this conflict is no accident. It is an enduring legacy of US government and military propaganda, widely disseminated by a largely supportive corporate press, which contributed in no small way to the American victory both at home and abroad. Propaganda is understood here as the deliberate falsification, distortion or tendentious portrayal of events to justify a political cause to the wider public. What I want to argue about this case, is that successful propaganda does not occur in the context of an otherwise rational and empirically verifiable public discourse. Successful war propaganda has to be reconciled with the self-respecting, symbolic self-interpretations of a national community. In the case of the United States, founded in part on a revolutionary republican imaginary but also a racialised and expansionist missionary vision of “Manifest Destiny”, this was not a simple or uncontested matter back in 1899.

This article provides a brief account of the American conquest of the Philippines and the attendant atrocities that accompanied the invasion. It will also explain how these brutal events were justified to the American public as hard but necessary acts of “Benevolent Assimilation”, for the benign tutelage of the Filipino. In particular, attention is paid to how propaganda was used to justify a colonial war, dehumanize the Filipino “other”, rationalize atrocities and erase alternative interpretations of events from the official record.

Neste artigo abordamos as chamadas escolas internacionalistas criadas na Ilha da Juventude, em Cuba, nos anos 1970, voltadas especialmente para alunos/as estrangeiros/as provenientes de países com os quais o governo cubano possuía relações de solidariedade internacional e interesses de cooperação militar e política. A partir da análise de reportagens do cinejornal cubano Noticiero ICAIC Latino­americano produzidas nos anos 1970 e 80, de testemunhos publicados de ex-alunos/as e do diálogo com a historiografia sobre o tema, buscamos entender as condições em que estudantes, muitos deles/as africanos/as, viveram e estudaram em Cuba, experienciando o que o governo cubano propagava como uma formação revolucionária. Situamos essa experiência no contexto da política educacional implantada após a revolução de 1959, mediante a qual educação e trabalho eram tratados como atividades complementares, amparadas nos princípios de formação do “homem novo”. Constatamos que esse programa de cooperação integrou de forma importante as estratégias de diplomacia internacional cubana, especialmente no tocante às relações com a África. Analisamos, também, algumas implicações advindas dessa presença estrangeira em Cuba, em um contexto de gradual crise econômica proveniente da desintegração da URSS. Texto publicado na revista Varia Historia, e disponível em: https://www.scielo.br/j/vh/a/w6FCMhdk8NQT46mNcK6XX3G/?lang=pt#.

Cuban culture has long been available to English speakers via translation. This study examines the complex ways in which English renderings of Cuban texts from various domains—poetry, science fiction, political and military writing, music, film—have represented, reshaped, or amended original texts. Taking in a broad corpus, it becomes clear that the mental image an Anglophone audience has formed of Cuban culture since 1959 depends heavily on the decisions of translators. At times, a clear ideological agenda drives moves like strengthening the denunciatory tone of a song or excising passages from a political text. At other moments, translators’ indifference to the importance of certain facets of a work, such as a film’s onscreen text or the lyrics sung on a musical performance, impoverishes the English speaker’s experience of the rich weave of self-expression in the original Spanish. In addition to the dynamics at work in the choices translators make at the level of the text itself, this study attends to how paratexts like prefaces, footnotes, liner notes, and promotional copy shape the audience’s experience of the text.

La aprobación de la Constitución de 1901 que instauró la República de Cuba privó a las mujeres, tanto blancas como afrocubanas, del derecho a participar en el sistema electoral. En un contexto marcado por la primera ola feminista en los EEUU, las mujeres cubanas fundaron las primeras agrupaciones sufragistas y feministas para crear un estado de conciencia favorable a sus demandas y promover cambios legislativos que favoreciesen su acceso a las instituciones y una mayor igualdad en el código civil. Además de la lucha por el derecho al voto, las mujeres demandaron mayor protección laboral, se movilizaron en campañas educativas y por la paz, crearon ligas benéficas y asistenciales y participaron en los movimientos insurreccionales de 1933 y 1952. Su creciente activismo político y social fue generando entre las mujeres un mayor compromiso con los problemas nacionales y facilitó su expansión hacia el espacio público en los años previos a la revolución y la llegada de la segunda ola femin...

Historiografía sobre el desarrollo de las luchas y controles contra la tuberculosis en el Caribe. El periodo de análisis de este tema fue entre los primeros años del siglo XX, hasta mediados de la década de 1940.

VII Cumbre de Historia de Ciencias de la Salud
Tema: Historia, Ciencia y Salud entre pandemias
16 al 18 de septiembre de 2021
Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe
Organizado por el Instituto de Historia de las Ciencias de la Salud (IHICIS)
Decanato de Asuntos Académicos del Recinto de Ciencias Médicas, UPR

RESUMEN: Se presenta un estudio documental integrador y crítico de la historia de vida hasta hoy conocida del capitán García Holguín. Se describen nuevos escenarios y hechos históricos en los que este personaje estuvo involucrado de manera relevante y que hasta el presente no habían sido examinados con suficiente profundidad. Contrario a lo planteado en la historiografía tradicional local, García Holguín no limitó su accionar a Cuba y México para finalizar sus días pacíficamente al norte del Bayamo en Cuba. Participó en el desarrollo del proceso de expansión y consolidación del imperio español en varias regiones de América. Palabras clave: conquistador, fundación, Hato de Holguín, García Holguín, conquista de Cuba, veracidad histórica

ABSTRACT An integrating and critical documentary study about the history of life to this day known of Captain Garcia Holguín is presented. New scenarios and historic events in which this character was involved in a relevant way and that had not been sufficiently studied are described. Contrary to what local historiography has stated, Garcia Holguín did not limit his actions to Cuba and Mexico to end his days peacefully at the north of Bayamo in Cuba. He participated in the development of the expansion and consolidation process of the Spanish Empire in different regions of America.

Series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, Vol. 304 ▶ First and unique history of physics in Cuba ▶ Advanced scientific development in an under-developed country ▶ Complete history of a scientific discipline from the origins up today and perspectives ▶ Scientific relationship between advanced and under-developed countries

Semblanza compuesta el 19 de abril de 2021 para Academia.edu, a partir de una breve biografía (aún inédita y ahora ligeramente ampliada), que redacté para el Diccionario Biográfico Español de la Real Academia de la Historia, y en conmemoración de este 10º aniversario de su fallecimiento, ocurrido en Madrid el 19 de abril de 2011.

En el trascurso de mi investigación al escribir El Economista Americano en México, encontré un cuento titulado "El barbero de New-York", que llevaba las iniciales "J. M." Además de coincidir estas iniciales con el nombre del escritor cubano, este cuento se publicó junto con otro artículo suyo, que tampoco apareció con su firma en el periódico El Siglo Diez y Nueve de México. Me refiero al titulado "Un poeta de 80 años", donde Martí habla de John Greenleaf Whittier (1807-1892). La crónica sobre Whittier ya había aparecido en la revista La Juventud Literaria en febrero, (1888, p. 70),  y allí tampoco llevaba su nombre, lo que no debe extrañarnos ya que los periódicos del siglo XIX ponían muy poco cuidado en identificar las crónicas cuando las tomaban de otros periódicos, llegando a reproducirlas parcialmente, y con el añadido del nombre del periódico donde había aparecido por primera vez. No obstante, la crónica titulada "Un poeta de 80 años", aparece recogida en las Obras completas de Martí; no así este cuento que se publicó en el diario mexicano y también en el diario argentino La Prensa en abril de 1888, (p. 4) que publicó también el artículo de Martí titulado "Un descompuesto ataque" sacado de El Economista Americano. La coincidencia en el tiempo en que aparecen ambas crónicas, el estilo y que el cuento llevara las inicias J. M, nos hacen pensar que es del cubano.

https://www.amazon.com/United-States-Transatlantic-Americas-1776-1867/dp/0300212410/

While much of modern scholarship has focused on the American slave trade’s impact within the United States, considerably less has addressed its effects in other parts of the Americas. A rich analysis of a complex subject, this study draws on Portuguese, Brazilian, and Spanish primary documents—as well as English-language material—to shed new light on the changing behavior of slave traders and their networks, particularly in Brazil and Cuba. Slavery in these nations, as Marques shows, contributed to the mounting tensions that would ultimately lead to the U.S. Civil War. Taking a truly Atlantic perspective, Marques outlines the multiple forms of U.S. involvement in this traffic amid various legislation and shifting international relations, exploring the global processes that shaped the history of this participation.

This project is focused on reconcentración (literally, “reconcentration”), a phenomenon that has traditionally been neglected despite its crucial relevance for the understanding of mass violence in modern conflicts. This devastating counter-insurgency strategy, first implemented by the Spanish colonial authorities in nineteenth-century Cuba, usually involved three essential elements:
Erection of fortified cordons sanitaires (internal blockades, blockhouse lines, barbed-wire, ...)
Indiscriminate relocation and confinement of non-combatant population in militarised enclaves.
Adoption of a large-scale scorched-earth policy (confiscations, crop destruction, farm-burning, ...)
Frequently referred as the ultimate origin of the modern concept of concentration camp, a similar model has been replicated in many other contexts during the twentieth century. In all these cases, such as South Africa, the Philippines, Libya, Algeria, British Malaya or South Vietnam, the (mainly rural) civilian population became the target of a ruthless military response intended to eliminate, once and for all, any possible support to the local guerrilla groups. Sadly, some of these episodes resulted in tens of thousands of victims, most of the times caused by starvation, poor sanitation and the spread of infectious diseases. Only in Cuba, for instance, more than 150,000 reconcentrados are said to have died as a consequence of these measures, whilst probably over 45,000 Boer and African inmates perished at the 'refugee' camps in South Africa.
Despite some recent efforts to understand the changes in military mentality during the nineteenth century and the conceptual interconnections between these early forms of mass confinement, there still exists a lack of a proper debate and knowledge exchange among doctoral students and researchers working on these topics from disciplines such as History, Archaeology and Anthropology, War Studies, Memory and Post-Conflict Studies, Cultural Heritage Management and Literary Studies.

La caída del Muro de Berlín en 1989 dejó a Cuba a la deriva con millones de naufragios personales: sus habitantes, marineros de la utopía socialista. La crisis económica ?eufemísticamente nombrada por el gobierno Período Especial? transformó radicalmente la vida en una isla que, al decir de Zoé Valdés, ?pretendía construir el paraíso?. ¿Y qué hacer cuando fracasa el proyecto de tu vida? O peor: ¿qué hacer cuando fracasa el proyecto de nación? Aferrarse a la barba de Fidel Castro, unos; lanzarse al mar en balsas, entre tiburones, otros; resistir las inclemencias del tiempo como las centenarias columnas carcomidas de la Habana Vieja, a la intemperie y desnudos en la noche sin fin, la mayoría. Apretar los dientes y remar.
Naufragios de fin de siglo. Relatos, crónicas y entrevistas sobre el Período Especial en Cuba constituye un testimonio de estas experiencias. El libro brinda un retrato holístico de la sociedad cubana de la época, pues relata la historia de personas de diversa procedencia en lo social, demográfico y económico. Entre otros testimoniantes, se encuentran Alicia Quiala Silva, traductora de ruso en la frustrada central nuclear de Juraguá (Cienfuegos); José Luis Rodríguez, ministro de Finanzas y Precios (1993-1995) y de Economía y Planificación (1995-2009); el reconocido periodista José Alejandro Rodríguez, del diario nacional Juventud Rebelde; y los trabajadores de Minas de Matahambre (Pinar del Río), considerada en su tiempo el yacimiento de cobre en explotación más profundo del mundo, a más de 1.600 metros bajo el nivel de mar.

Besides comparing invasions — for instance, Ukraine with Kuwait and Iraq — another analogy has been circulating in recent commentaries. It is a comparison of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
In recent news, NATO allies have committed to send more weapons to Ukraine. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin met with Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelensky, promising more support. Austin declared that, “We want to see Russia weakened to the degree that it can’t do the kinds of things that it has done in invading Ukraine.” In response, Russia has accused the U.S. and its NATO allies of escalating the conflict and risking nuclear war. Proxy wars are nothing new. The U.S. is obviously fighting one with Russia in Ukraine. The Soviet Union’s attempt to arm Cuba with nuclear weapons was also a proxy conflict. In both cases, nuclear armageddon look(ed) to be the outcome of one superpower arming a small country on another superpower’s doorstep. But is the analogy warranted? 60 years separates the two events. Let’s look more closely at the history.

published in: Árva Márton (ed.): Kino Latino – Latin-amerikai filmrendezőportrék. Budapest, Tudással a Jövőért Közhasznú Alapítvány, 2020. 117-133.
Pavel Giroud kubai filmrendező pályaképe a történelmi témájú filmjei alapján / La carrera del director de cine cubano Pavel Giroud a base de sus películas de temas históricos / Cuban film director Pavel Giroud's career based on his historical films

In spite of being poor and lacking in economic opportunities, the population of Cuba enjoyed significant improvements in health outcomes under the Castro regime. Many have praised the ability of the regime to overcome the barriers of poverty and economic stagnation in order to improve health outcomes. Many have also argued that efficient features of Cuba's health policy should be imported regardless of political considerations. In this paper, we argue that these improvements are probably overestimated, but that they are real nonetheless. We also argue that some of these improvements were an integral part of health policy and could only have been realized by the use of extremely coercive institutions. While efficient at fighting certain types of diseases, coercive institutions are generally unable to generate economic growth. On the other hand, the poverty such coercive institutions engender may have actually helped improve health outcomes, providing us with a false impression of the efficacy of the health care system in Cuba.

In the fall of 1962, the world was on the edge of witnessing a nuclear war brought by the Cuban missile crisis. The said crisis occurred during the period of Cold War between two superpowers namely the United States of America (USA) and the Soviet Union. For 13 days, the vast majority of the world found themselves in hostage to every move and decisions carried by the involved parties. Despite the fact that a possible nuclear war was circumvented, the dramatic crisis was characterized by its various loopholes on the foreign policy processes, calculations and miscalculations, anticipated political and military analyses, and miscommunication. Such features of the Cuban missile crisis placed not only the two countries in conflict, but the rest of the world on the verge of nuclear dangers.

More than exploring the factors that almost placed the world on the rim of nuclear war, this paper provides an overview of the historical background on how Cuba was placed between two disputing powers during the Cold War era.  It also explores the ramifications of the Cuban missile crisis in the international relations and political aspects at the time of the Cold War. This paper also strives to present the political issues faced by the dramatic crisis in order to reexamine how these issues were reconciled or were plausibly left an open book.

The triumph of the Cuban Revolution gave place to different mutations in every order of life in this nation. From the point of view of the individual, as for the institutional, the political or even the spiritual it is possible to realize about a transformation of those projections and lines which had guided life since then. In that frame appears the cinema created by the ICAIC. In its will of documenting that cultural change from a new filmic grammar, able of desalinating the pre-revolutionary spectator, it reached the qualification of a true cinema of Avant Garde. The current term paper explores the relationships between cultural change and cinematographic Avant Garde within documentary cinema from that era.

The city of Matanzas, on the northern coast of Cuba, had several unofficial burial grounds during the XIX century. The effects of several epidemics on the popu-lation, and the large number of deaths it produced in-cited improvised inhumations all around the city. These burial grounds were not often documented, and the ma-jority are not known from visual representations or de-tailed documentation. The improvised cemetery of Playa de Judíos (Beach of Jews), on the southern coast of the bay, was one of them. Here we draw attention to a painting by the local artist Esteban Chartrand that may represent an idealized, but so far, the only known graphic representation of this burial ground. Moreover, we provide a historic analyses and contextualization from multi-source information, mostly inedited, that contributes to the history and localization of this local landmark.

Compendio legislativo de protocolo y ceremonial de Estado en Cu-ba Mikel Arista Salado Especialista en Derecho Premial y falerística cubana 1. INTRODUCCIÓN Todo estudio científico implica desarrollar o aplicar una definición sobre la cual extender todo el andamiaje teórico que nos permite aprehender mejor la realidad, o por lo menos, acercarnos con mayor precisión a determinados fenó-menos. En nuestros días, la definición de palabras como "ceremonial", "protoco-lo" y "etiqueta", se están todavía configurando en el plano científico, y la doctrina dista de ser unánime, aunque los autores españoles, que son los que con mayor profusión han tratado estos temas, están llegando a consensos teóricos a partir de los diversos congresos de protocolo realizados en ese país y el enorme empuje que en nuestros días tiene el protocolo como profesión y como disciplina acadé-mica con diversos programas de post-grado que se imparten en distintas universi-dades europeas. El panorama en Cuba, sin embargo, contrasta altamente con el español: el tratamiento teórico es prácticamente nulo, y restringido casi exclusi-vamente a los espacios diplomáticos y de negocios. La primera interrogante que se desprende del título de esta mínima obra es justamente el cuestionamiento de su utilidad. ¿Para qué sirve un compendio legis-lativo? El elemento distintivo de las compilaciones legislativas ha sido un benefi-cio práctico, toda vez que en un solo cuerpo se reúnen todas las normas, o al me-nos las más relevantes que regulan un espacio jurídico determinado. La utilidad de estos compendios radica en la vigencia de las normas que contienen, de tal suerte que el operador del Derecho, tiene a su disposición un número de normas, acaso publicadas en distintas épocas, o modificadas varias veces en el decurso para ajustarlas a nuevas condiciones, todas fundidas en un solo texto y con el mayor grado de actualización. Dicho así, el operador no tiene que hacer un arduo trabajo de búsqueda de las normas en la publicación oficial, ni cotejarlas con su-cesivas modificaciones, derogaciones, etc.; sin embargo, el compendio legislativo que en este pequeño volumen se presenta tiene una peculiaridad: la casi totalidad de las normas que lo contienen ya no se encuentran vigentes, ya fuere por deroga-ción expresa o por obsolescencia, por lo tanto, este compendio resultaría ineficaz para la práctica de un profesional del protocolo en Cuba. El estudio del protocolo y el ceremonial en Cuba padece una seria crisis, se-gún podrá apreciarse con mayor detalle en el epígrafe siguiente. Baste decir para

Saverio Tutino (1923-2011), giovanissimo capo partigiano nella zona di Ivrea, persona controcorrente, inquieta, forse è stato l’unico giornalista europeo che con le sue corrispondenze e pubblicazioni abbia sviscerato dall’interno le specificità e i limiti della rivoluzione castrista e delle guerriglie latinoamericane. Tutino ha vissuto in prima persona gli anni 1960-’70, tra i più caldi e drammatici della storia dei paesi latinoamericani, ed è stato uno dei più attenti conoscitori della Cuba post-rivoluzionaria e dei suoi controversi effetti nel subcontinente.

Since the 16th century, African Muslims figured prominently among the slave population of the Americas. While the number of Muslims pulled into the trade has always been a matter of speculation, lists of Africans rescued from slave ships provide us with some clues about the size and direction of the Muslim diaspora to Latin America in the 19th century. Based on an analysis of tens of thousands of names recorded in these lists, this essay argues that the majority of Muslim captives leaving Africa departed from Upper Guinea and suggests that Cuba was the center of the forced Muslim diaspora in the Americas. It traces the transatlantic links that connected particular regions of embarkation in Africa to their counterparts in Latin America and considers the implications of those connections for religious and cultural change within 19th-century slave populations. The essay challenges in important ways the colonial/postcolonial divide in Latin American history and uses Islam to pose important questions about the dynamics of social change across slave societies.