Traditionalist Conservatism

ПОЛИТИЧКА РЕВИЈА POLITICAL REVIEW Година (XXIX) XVI, vol=51 Бр. 1 / 2017. стр. 245-253. -245 --245 -* Истраживач сарадник Ду шанДо ста нић * Ин сти тутзапо ли тич кесту ди је,Бе о град КА КОБИ ТИКОН ЗЕР ВА ТИ ВАЦ При каз књи ге: Ro ger Scru ton, HowtobeaCon ser va ti ve, Blo om sbury Con ti nu um, Lon don, 2014, 256 стр.

El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.

"* Preface *:

What makes laws endure or change? When a law changes, how does a tradition of legal interpretation justify the innovation in light of its legal precedents and foundational texts? What is the function of the reasons given for laws? What relationship does law bear to social values? These interrelated questions fall under the heading of philosophy of law, yet it is mainly through the study of history that they can be probed. Answering these questions in different cultural and historical settings is a prerequisite for developing a general theory of law, for it makes distinguishing universal elements from culturally-specific parameters possible. In particular, a culturally specific feature of Islamic law is its religious character. One may ask, therefore, whether the fact that Muslim legal traditions invoke sacred authority makes an essential difference to the way the questions posed above are answered. In other words, does sacred law operate in a fundamentally different way from secular law? This book explores these questions through a study of the largest legal tradition in Islam, namely the Hanafi school of law.

The book begins by creating a general model of juristic decision making that describes any legal tradition, Islamic or not, in terms of a number of parameters. It does not presuppose that all legal traditions are identical, for the parameters in the model may vary from one tradition to another.  [continued]"""""""

Türk düşünce dünyasında önemli bir yer ve geleneğe sahip olan Cemil Meriç'in, gelenek ve modernité arasında bir bağ kurma çabasinin yanında, muhafazakarlığa yakin yönüyle de ele alınması gerekmektedir. Meriç'in, geleneği korumanın yanında onu dönüştürme çabası, onu kendine has bir düşünür haline getirmiştir. Meriç'e göre gelenekçilerin Batıya karşı takındıkları reddiyeci tutumun yerine, Bati'dan kazanımların"yerlileşmesi" yada "yerlileştirilmesi" daha faydalı bir yaklaşım olacaktır.

Resumen
El presente trabajo tiene como fin reflexionar brevemente sobre las causas de la crisis de la sociedad occidental contemporánea a partir del pensamiento de Wilhelm Röpke y Russell Kirk. Sendos aportes, desde diferentes contextos -el primero ordoliberal y proponente de la economía social de mercado; el segundo, desde el conservadurismo clásico estadounidense-, desarrollan un pensamiento marcado por un realismo crítico pero optimista. Este planteamiento se basa, primeramente, en asumir el hecho de que los problemas sociales modernos no son sólo de raíz política o económica, sino fundamentalmente de orden moral. Tanto Röpke como Kirk dan razón de esta premisa y por ello, en el actual panorama de desencanto y hastío social,  resulta oportuno volver a estos dos pensadores para buscar un certero diagnóstico. Este trabajo tiene como fin obtener una inspiración filosófica con que revitalizar auténticamente la política occidental yendo más allá de los aspectos epidérmicos de la presente crisis.

Palabras clave: Russell Kirk, Wilhelm Röpke, ordoliberalismo, conservadurismo, economía social de mercado, crisis moral, realismo, ideología, Estado, Occidente.

Abstract
This paper aims to discuss the causes of the social crisis in Western society from the work of Wilhelm Röpke and Russell Kirk. Both thinkers, from different orientations and academic contexts -the former ordoliberal and proponent of the social market economy; the latter, from the American conservatism- develop a thought marked by a critical and optimistic realism. This realism assumes the fact that the social problems that have been occurring since the emergence of Modernity do not have political or economic roots only, but fundamentally moral reasons. Both Röpke as Kirk defend this claim and that is why in these times of political and social disenchantment it is worth coming back to them for an accurate diagnosis. Thus, the goal of this work is to obtain a philosophical inspiration that truly revitalizes Western politics and let us go beyond the epidermal aspects of the current crisis.

Keywords: Russell Kirk, Wilhelm Röpke, ordoliberalism, conservatism, social market economy, moral crisis, realism, ideology, State, Western civilization

Through a synthesis of fledgling theories of post-truth (author, 2006, 2014, 2016, 2017) developing around Donald Trump and Brexit and theories of emotions in populism, I analyze the right-wing French movement La Manif Pour Tous, and their ongoing issue campaign against what they call “gender theory in the schools.” After I identify their populist qualities, I analyze five prominent post-truth qualities in the movement: 1) organization and public presentation; 2) “active distrust” qualities; 3) emotional/affective qualities; 4) “rumor bombs” about gender theory; and 5) conjunctural specificity within gender, sexuality and other backlashes. Considering the conjunctural convergence of social trust and truth deficits, I propose that the post-truth and “rumor-bombing” aspects simultaneous with their populist nature are better understood as a kind of emotional or “emo-truth” common to both performance of authenticity in Reality TV shows and right-wing populist movements today. Finally, I propose cases like this point to a mainstreaming of post-truth populism, across Western liberal democracies and beyond.

Illiberal Democracy in Indonesia charts the origins and development of organicist ideologies in Indonesia from the early 20th century to the present. In doing so, it provides a background to the theories and ideology that informed organicist thought, traces key themes in Indonesian history, examines the Soeharto regime and his ‘New Order’ in detail, and looks at contemporary Indonesia to question the possibility of past ideologies making a resurgence in the country.

Beginning with an exploration of the origins of the theory of the organic state in Europe, this book explores how this influenced many young Indonesian scholars and ‘secular’ nationalists. It also looks in detail at the case of Japan, and identifies the parallels between the process by which Japanese and Indonesian nationalist scholars drew on European romantic organicist ideas to forge anti-Western national identities and ideologies. The book then turns to Indonesia's tumultuous history from the revolution to 1965, the rise of Soeharto, and how his regime used organicist ideology, together with law and terror, to shape the political landscape and consolidate control. In turn, it shows how the social and economic changes wrought by the government's policies, such as the rise of a cosmopolitan middle class and a rapidly growing urban proletariat, led to the failure of the corporatist political infrastructure and the eventual collapse of the New Order in 1998. Finally, the epilogue surveys the post Soeharto years to 2014, and how growing disquiet about the inability of the government to contain religious intolerance, violence and corruption has led to an increased readiness to re-embrace not only more authoritarian styles of rule but also ideological formulas from the past.

Sponsored by the elected hereditary peer Lord Lucas (12th Baron Lucas and 8th Lord Dingwall) The Equality (Titles) Bill was a private member’s bill to:  “make provision for the succession of female heirs to hereditary titles; for husbands and civil partners of those receiving honours to be allowed to use equivalent honorary titles to those available to wives; and for connected purposes”.

The Bill was introduced into the House of Lords on 14 May 2013 and passed Second Reading on 25 October 2013.

As an interested party, The Standing Council of the Baronetage, the official body representing baronets (hereditary "Sirs"), commissioned a formal Opinion from Rafe Heydel-Mankoo.

The Opinion was issued as the Bill entered the Committee stage.

In summary, the Bill dealt with two issues:

1. Female succession to hereditary peerages and baronetcies
2. The conferral of titles on the husbands and same-sex married partners of titled persons.

For many interested parties, the first issue can be subdivided into two similar but separate issues:
1 (a):  Female succession to hereditary peerages and baronetcies to prevent sex discrimination.
1 (b):  Female succession to hereditary peerages and baronetcies to prevent the extinction of peerages and baronetcies due to lack of male heirs.

Rafal Heydel-Mankoo acknowledged that The Equality (Titles) Bill was well-intentioned, and its proponents, undoubtedly inspired by the Succession to the Crown Act 2013 (an Act to change the
law of succession to the British throne from male-preference primogeniture to gender-neutral absolute primogeniture), were clearly motivated by laudable principles of fairness and equality. 

However his conclusion was that an admirable motivation did nothing to alter the fact that The Equality (Titles) Bill was fundamentally unsound and suffered from poor drafting and a failure to comprehend the complexity of the baronetage, the peerage and peerage law.

Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have recently witnessed a surge in protest, mobilization, and debates about marriage, abortion, gender, and feminism. This politics of morality has been notably more successful in the east than in the west of Europe: Most CEE countries have legally or even constitutionally precluded any chance of adopting same-sex marriage, some have rejected the Istanbul Convention, and many parliaments have debated 'gender' in a hostile manner. The rising conservative voice in politics appears to signal a sort of illiberal, conservative turn in post-Communist EU Member States. Most research on morality politics thus focuses on the conservative backlash in CEE or global conservative religious networks, while leaving particular Central European political dynamics aside. This article intends to shift the focus from the ideological or religious aspects of conservative mobilizations to the role morality politics has played in the context of increased political competition on the right and the rise of populism. Looking at actors, strategies, discourses, and the timing and context of individual types of mobilizations in CEE permits the analysis of the political logic of morality politics and especially an exploration of the instrumental nature of conservative mobilizations in detail.

This essay gives an account of how traditional morality is best understood and also why it is worth defending (even if some reform is needed) and how this might be done. Traditional morality is first contrasted with supposedly more enlightened forms of morality, such as utilitarianism and liberal Kantianism (i.e., autonomy-centered ethics). The focus here is on certain sacred values that are central to traditional morality and which highlight this contrast and bring out the attractions of traditional morality. Next, this essay explores and offers support for the convergence thesis to which traditional morality, understood as common morality, is committed. This thesis states that although there are diverse moral traditions, insofar as they are in good order we should expect them to converge upon a common or universal morality, even if there remain some differences in the details. The defense of this thesis provides justification for the validity of traditional morality as it suggests an objective basis.

During the first half of the 19th century in Germany, but especially in Prussia, reforming (i.e. re-structuring) the nobility was discussed as a possible solution for soothing the pondering elite conflicts with the rising bourgeoisie. These ideas about a "third way" between social stagnation and revolution, between absolutism and constitutionalism, between "western" and "eastern" social models were also envisaged in Prussia as a component for state-formation. What role would and should aristocratic and traditional noble ideals play for future sociocultural performance metrics? Beyond conventional narrations regarding "liberal" and "conservative" attitudes and concepts this study offers an original reading of the Prusso-German elite responses to the challenge of modernization.

Edmund Burke's defense of moral traditionalism is shown to rest upon two controversial premises regarding the effects of cultural and legal traditions: first, that the observation of traditions is necessary in order to preserve civil peace and freedom, and second, that the observation of traditions is necessary if political or institutional changes are to be made according to the common interest of citizens. A critical examination of the evidence in support of these premises suggests, however, that the observation of traditions is not morally required though it may sometimes be recommended by prudence.

The battle to eliminate Christmas and other festive occasions that in part define America as a nation can no longer be ignored. Finally, most Americans are waking up to this threat. However, this cultural danger did not show up out of nowhere. In Yuletide Terror & Other Holiday Horrors, columnist Frederick Meekins traces the development of this phenomena through a collection of essays dating as far back as the early 1990‘s. Along the way, he examines the beliefs, ideas, and policies motivating these modern Scrooges in their attempt to recast the United States as a reflection of their coal-blackened hearts.

This paper undertakes a comparative analysis of nationalist and radical rightist movements in Greece from the 1920s to the present date. The research considers the conditions of their existence as well as the causes and circumstances of their rise to power and the policies adopted by the state under their rule. As a result, this article aims to define more precisely the typology of radical-right regimes and to assess the ideological pro- grams of the radical right in contemporary Greek society.

A small number of scholars have noted T. S. Eliot's anticipation of the hermeneutical theory later articulated by the philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer. Eliot similarly concerns himself with the epistemological assumptions of positivism in the human sciences and the implications of objectivizing texts and other cultural phenomena by adopting the attitude of the scientific observer. For both thinkers, this represents an approach to social life which either distorts or altogether misses the truth claims of those whose ideas are to be interpreted. Furthermore, Eliot develops a theory of understanding that is similar to the historicizing of interpretation that one finds later in Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutics. However, among those who have observed these affinities, a key difference has been neglected. In his effort to confront such secularizing forces in the human sciences, Eliot comes to embrace an intellectualist philosophy of history, which relies on a tenuous dualism between the metaphysical and the physical, while Gadamer's philosophy of history collapses the dichotomy between the world of ideas and the existential realm. Thus, Eliot ultimately identifies what transcends history exclusively with the realm of the spirit. This essay argues that as the mature Eliot struggled with the empirically reductive tendencies of the human sciences and aimed to save religious truth from their deterministic assaults, he increasingly retreated to an intellectualism that misconceived the ultimate basis of religious truth. Consequently, the existing literature neglects the intellectualism that defines Eliot's understanding of truth within history and the more concrete understanding of that encounter that one finds in Gadamer's thinking.

Gilbert 22:2 (November-December 2018): 7.  A biographical sketch of the "Sage of Mecosta," Russell Amos Kirk, in which I discuss his career as a political theorist and commentator, as well as his religious outlook and his self-conception as a man who was nourishing the imagination of modern man with what Eliot called "the Permanent Things."

"Gerd-Klaus Kaltenbrunner’s Work and Thought" is an interview in which we asked Martin J. Grannenfeld questions about the writings and philosophy of Gerd-Klaus Kaltenbrunner, an Austrian Catholic Traditionalist philosopher who was influential among conservatives and traditionalists in the Germanophone world. Questions focused on his writings about conservative, traditionalist, and religious theories and portraits of certain major historical figures.

In the past decades, both national and international developments come to the forefront
adverting the main problems about homosexual presence. Specific countries have fostered
important rights to gay people while some countries enacted harsh punishments against LGBTT
actions. Difference among these countries is mostly constituted by their political orientation.
Therefore, this paper offers a perspective for analyzing effect of political orientation on
supporting gay rights. Proposing the research question ‘’Does the political orientation have an
impact on supporting homosexual rights?’’ this paper will be asserting different ways and
methods to find a proper answer for the question. There have been several reasons to frame that
question. Importance of minorities in democratic countries, the world’s present situation for
declining individual freedoms and on the other hand, victories achieved by LGBTT persons are
main aspects that are linked with the research question. For better analyzing dependent and
independent variables, that paper will be using different source of statistics which belong to
recent studies. Liberal theory depending on individual freedom, universalism and equality and
moral theory preserving traditional values and forming conservatism will be essential to
understand the topic of that paper which is composed of attitudes toward gays.

Настоящая статья посвящена истории итальянского кинематографического искусства 1950-1980-х гг. и творчеству выдающегося актера и режиссера Альберто Сорди. Автор предпринял попытку дать историко-философскую оценку кинематографу Италии, рассмотреть его как интеллектуально-эстетический феномен, а также изучить роль киноискусства в процессе отображения «цивилизационных трансформаций», связанных с катаклизмами послевоенного периода -сменой режимов, идейно-политических координат и социально-экономического уклада, становлением постфашистской Италии. Анализируется избранная фильмография, которая содержит образы-амплуа, раскрывающие социально-политическую проблематику: соотношение личности и власти в институциональном спектре, идейную конфронтацию интеллигенции с представителями низших социальных групп, восприятие и рефлексию войны в массовом сознании и процесс формирования коллективной памяти. Ключевые слова: кинематограф Италии, Альберто Сорди, фашизм, консервативная политическая традиция, «консервативная революция», энтропия, эгалитаризм

Anthropologists as well as plain people often use the concepts of tradition/traditional values/traditional culture. They both suppose that tradition is something contraposed modernity/contemporaneity. Really any culture is based on certain traditions. Traditions are actually regularly performed practices so any culture is based on certain traditions since any culture always supposes certain set of regularly performed practices. Also we should keep in mind that tradition also supposes invention of new issues. Also we should keep in mind that the activity of anthropologists, i.e.: the fact that they pay much attention to traditional societies and contrapose so called traditional societies to modernity provide help to the forces of obscurantism.

De toute évidence, Les Nouveaux Visages du nationalisme conservateur au Québec de Jean-Marc Piotte et Jean-Pierre Couture s’annonce comme le titre polémique par excellence de la présente saison, si ce n’est pas davantage. Piotte et Couture s’en prennent ici à ce qu’ils appellent un « auteur collectif ». Cet auteur collectif, c’est celui du nationalisme conservateur au Québec. Cet ouvrage, c’est celui de son procès en bonne et due forme. Or, accusés et accusateurs ne sont pas aussi différents qu’on pourrait le croire a priori. Il appert que les points de divergence ne sont pas si nombreux que cela entre les nationalistes conservateurs d’un côté, et… les auteurs de l’autre – à défaut d’un meilleur terme, Jean-Marc Piotte et Jean-Pierre Couture ne désignant pas quelle est leur tendance. C’est sur la Révolution tranquille, plus que tout autre chose, que tout achoppe entre ces deux groupes, qu’ils se déchirent, comme nous le verrons.

An important string in the conservative vision is an appreciation of the naturally grown, the personal, the genuine and diversified, the unique and particular; of human bonds and a shared culture and memories; the acknowledgment of a reality too vast and mysterious for man to control; and of the dignity and the virtues that raise man above the brutes. Corresponding to this is a dread for the standardized, mechanized, artificial and lifeless; the quantitative and exchangeable, the equal and atomistic; the anonymous and collectivistic; for the shallowness of the mere here and now. This can be seen in Kirk's organismic view of society, which embraces what he perceives as the rich texture of life, so endangered by modernity. Kirk feels his vision of human life is threatened by the mass man, who is robbed of individuality, culture and social bonds, and by the total state that sets the conditions and limits for more and more of human existence. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate how Kirk imagines the conditions for the growth and maintenance of a society where human beings can do themselves justice. The conservative themes of limited politics, a shared culture, the challenge of leadership and the prominence of virtue are the matrix of this society.

https://blogs.mediapart.fr/flavien-bertran-de-balanda/blog/020620/louis-de-bonald-et-le-mariage-pour-tous-mai-1816-mai-2013
Des contradictions philosophiques des anti-« mariage gay » au prisme de la première pensée contre-révolutionnaire, ou comment le « néo-traditionalisme se mord la queue »...

"About the Book:

In Superfluous Southerners, John J. Langdale III tells the story of traditionalist conservatism and its boundaries in twentieth-century America. Because this time period encompasses both the rise of the modern conservative movement and the demise of southern regional distinctiveness, it affords an ideal setting both for observing the potentiality of American conservatism and for understanding the fate of the traditionalist “man of letters.” Langdale uses the intellectual and literary histories of John Crowe Ransom, Donald Davidson, and Allen Tate—the three principal contributors to the Agrarian manifesto I’ll Take My Stand—and of their three most remarkable intellectual descendants—Cleanth Brooks, Richard Weaver, and Melvin Bradford—to explore these issues.
Langdale begins his study with some observations on the nature of American exceptionalism and the intrinsic barriers which it presents to the traditionalist conservative imagination. While works like Louis Menand’s The Metaphysical Club have traced the origins of modern pragmatic liberalism during the late nineteenth century, the nature of conservative thought in postbellum America remains less completely understood. Accordingly, Langdale considers the origins of the New Humanism movement at the turn of the twentieth century, then turning to the manner in which midwesterners Irving Babbitt and Paul Elmer Moore stirred the imagination of the Southern Agrarians during the 1920s.
After the publication of I’ll Take My Stand in 1930, Agrarianism splintered into three distinct modes of traditionalist conservatism: John Crowe Ransom sought refuge in literary criticism, Donald Davidson in sectionalism, and Allen Tate in an image of the religious-wayfarer as a custodian of language. Langdale traces the expansion of these modes of traditionalism by succeeding generations of southerners. Following World War II, Cleanth Brooks further refined the tradition of literary criticism, while Richard Weaver elaborated the tradition of sectionalism. However, both Brooks and Weaver distinctively furthered Tate’s notion that the integrity of language remained the fundamental concern of traditionalist conservatism.
Langdale concludes his study with a consideration of neoconservative opposition to M.E. Bradford’s proposed 1980 nomination as head of the National Endowment for the Humanities and its significance for the southern man of letters in what was becoming postmodern and postsouthern America. Though the post–World War II ascendance of neoconservatism drastically altered American intellectual history, the descendants of traditionalism remained largely superfluous to this purportedly conservative revival which had far more in common with pragmatic liberalism than with normative conservatism."

The Colombian Regeneration (1886-1900) found in the political and intellectual trajectory of Miguel A. Caro one of its main references. The present article traces a triple critical approach to its philosophical work, always marked by the rejection of liberalism and the inheritance of the Enlightement, as well as by the fidelity to an ultra-conservative Catholicism and an against-revolutionary vision of politics. It is revised, firstly, Caro's foundation of knowledge, trying to reconcile certain rationalism with the subordination to the religious authority. In the second place, his conception highly confessional of the State, manifested for example in his vision of the cults and teaching freedom. Finally, his conception of the national identity, inspired on the cultural tradition of the colony and its continuity under the political processes of the emancipation, will be explored.

The famous phrase with which Balzac, in the Foreword to the Comédie humaine, placed the latter under the patronage of the «two eternal Truths: Religion, Monarchy» and, more specifically, under the aegis of Bossuet and Bonald, is well-known. If the Mémoires de deux jeunes mariées could appear as a place par excellence of a Balzacian appropriation of counter-revolutionary theories on family and on masculinity, is it only an infusion of Bonaldian paradigms on these issues, or does one witness a more discreet and more ambitious reformulation, only adopting elements of his social metaphysics in order to suggest an updated reading of it, questioning the reconfiguration of the social roles allotted to women and to men in that mid-19th century?

En novembre 2020, en opposition à la suspension des messes imposée dans le cadre du second confinement de la France contre la COVID-19, des jeunes catholiques se sont organisés pour protester. Cette tribune propose une analyse des enjeux de ces manifestations d'étudiants réclamant la messe et témoignant dans les médias de la "souffrance" qu'est pour eux la privation eucharistique.

The Counter-Enlightenment and its corollary, the Counter-Revolution, must not be systematically reduced to some sterile philosophical denial and combat, hoping to return to the former established society, political power and thought, which would be nothing more than a mere reactionary endeavour. Counter-revolutionary authors such as Maistre and Bonald, who, at first, did favour the Enlightenment, intend to explain what seems inexplicable, notably the Terror, and, by giving a sense to it, to go beyond the dread created by the outburst of revolutionary violence. Indeed, their purpose is to understand the course of the Revolution, its causes and effects, its infernal logic. To proceed, they develop new intellectual strategies, induced by the radical novelty of the revolutionary process itself. In order to reassign to this event such a place in History as defined by a divine purpose, they start by proving that the Revolution is evil, then, they explain it from a theological point of view.
Favouring internal criticism, this paper purports to analyze and compare Maistre’s and Bonald’s methodical examination of the Revolution in some of their more relevant works.
https://trivent-publishing.eu/home/113-philosophical-journal-of-conflict-and-violence-pjcv-counter-enlightenment-revolution-and-dissent.html?fbclid=IwAR0sCCHXS1y3jBGNwy5CoMXl5RTVZPif2evwFscbIarZcJT9foR6NS21OnM

Le ministère Villèle n'est-il mort que d'une coalition unissant royalistes déçus et libéraux en mal d'une revanche sur la "Chambre retrouvée"? La question est plus complexe qu'il n'y paraît, montrant une tentative de gouvernance originale ayant su ménager les impatiences de la majorité comme les souhaits du roi. Sa chute ne procède pas de cette situation d'entre-deux ni d'une série de maladresses, ainsi qu'on a pu l'en accabler; elle relève d'un faisceau de facteurs plus complexes, sur lesquels les recherches récentes jettent un jour nouveau.