The Spectator

The Qatar Gulf crisis of 2017 saw a number of mediation initiatives, including those of the United States and Kuwait. However, the two countries present two substantially distinct models of third-party intervention: superpower mediation (the United States) and smallstate mediation (Kuwait). Comparing the two types of intervention in this crisis in terms of their ability to de-escalate tension and effectively resolve the Gulf crisis with respect to three variablestiming of mediation, leverage of the mediator (hard power versus legitimacy) and interest of the mediatorit would seem that smallstate mediation has been more effective in crisis de-escalation, while superpower mediation has further exacerbated the crisis.

American leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates the conditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all. 1 When Barack Obama committed American military forces to the joint intervention in Libya, he had to satisfy three constituencies at once. To begin with, he had to convince realists in his own administration that this action was in the national interest. He also had to reassure pragmatists both inside and outside the administration that the operations would not prove too costly to sustain either in terms of blood or treasure. Finally, he had to make it clear to all Americans that the United States was playing a 'leading' role. The realists were never going to be satisfied. Although there were many voices in the administration speaking in favour of humanitarian intervention and the right to protect, they could not convince the realists to come over to their idealist perspective. Hence the realists were overpowered by the followers of norms. 2 The result is a fudge. Obama's suggestion that it would not be in America's interest to allow the unchecked slaughter of Libyan civilians does not logically require that it is in America's interest to use military force to do the checking. The pragmatists were easier to placate, at least at the outset. Both the US military and the federal budget were badly overstretched and yet there were still enough resources to support the bombing of anti-aircraft installations and aircraft on the

In 1998 the European Union (EU) launched a Common European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Since then, the CSDP has been the focus of a growing body of political and scholarly evaluations. While most commentators have acknowledged shortfalls in European military capabilities, many remain cautiously optimistic about the CSDP’s future. This article uses economic alliance theory to explain why EU member states have failed, so far, to create a potent common defence policy and to evaluate the policy’s future prospects. It demonstrates, through theoretical, case study-based and statistical analysis, that CSDP is more prone to collective action problems than relevant institutional alternatives, and concludes that the best option for Europeans is to refocus attention fully on cooperation within a NATO framework.
Keywords: CSDP, Economic Alliance Theory, NATO, collective action problems, burdensharing, crisis management

‫از‬ ‫که‬ ‫داشت‬ ‫آن‬ ‫بر‬ ‫سعی‬ ‫گیری‬ ‫موضع‬ ‫این‬ ‫داد.‬ ‫دست‬ ‫از‬ ‫دانستند،‬ ‫می‬ ‫وهم‬ 5 ‫ببت،‬ ‫واقعی‬ ‫در‬ ‫ببا‬ ‫ت‬ ‫آمده‬ ‫بیرون‬ ‫واقعیت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫وانمود‬ ‫کم،‬ ‫دست‬ ‫یا‬ 6 ‫و‬ ‫ببم"‬ ‫"وه‬ ‫ببان‬ ‫می‬ ‫نظر‬ ‫به‬ ‫نخست‬ ‫نگاه‬ ‫در‬ ‫گرچه‬ ‫بنابراین،‬ ‫گیرد.‬ ‫جای‬ ‫"وانمببوده‬ 7 ‫امببا‬ ‫نیسببت،‬ ‫تمببایزی‬ " ‫واقعیببت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫وانمببود‬ " ‫کببه‬ ‫اسببت‬ ‫آن‬ ‫مسببتلزم‬ ‫وانمببوده‬ ‫گبباه‬ ‫هیچ‬ 1 Liviu Dospinescu 2 Nature réflexive 3 Représentation 4 Manifestation 5 Illusion : ‫اجرا‬ ‫از‬ ‫هایی‬ ‫شیوه‬ ‫به‬ ‫تئاتری‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ساز‬ ‫وهم‬ : ‫"بازنمایی"‬ ‫و‬ ‫"وهم"‬ ‫ی‬ ‫واژه‬ ‫دو‬ ‫خصوص‬ ‫در‬ ‫توضیح‬ ‫بسیار‬ ‫شکل‬ ‫به‬ ‫صحنه‬ ‫طراحی‬ ‫و‬ ‫بازیگری‬ ‫نیز‬ ‫و‬ ‫متن،‬ ‫کمال‬ ‫و‬ ‫تمام‬ ‫بازنمایی‬ ‫در‬ ‫سعی‬ ‫که‬ ‫شود‬ ‫می‬ ‫گفته‬ ‫تئاتر‬ ‫صحنه‬ ‫و‬ ‫بازیگر‬ ‫نمایش،‬ ‫با‬ ‫تماشاگر‬ ‫پنداری‬ ‫همذات‬ ‫ایجاد‬ ‫سبب‬ ‫سازی‬ ‫وهم‬ ‫این‬ ‫دارد.‬ ‫ناتورالیستی‬ ‫کرد‬ ‫خواهد‬ ‫سلب‬ ‫او‬ ‫از‬ ‫را‬ ‫نقد‬ ‫و‬ ‫قضاوت‬ ‫قدرت‬ ‫که‬ ‫ای‬ ‫گونه‬ ‫به‬ ‫شود،‬ ‫.می‬ 6 Simuler le réel 7 Simulacre 1 ‫درخور‬ ‫بیشتر‬ ‫تعریف‬ ‫)این‬ ‫نگردد"‬ ‫قلمداد‬ ‫حقیقت‬ ‫ی‬ ‫کننده‬ ‫پنهان‬ ‫ببم‬ ‫وه‬ ‫ببه‬ ‫ک‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ببان‬ ‫هم‬ ‫ببس‬ ‫پ‬ ‫ببت(،‬ ‫اس‬ ‫بودریار‬ 8 ‫ببی‬ ‫حقیق‬ ‫ببوده‬ ‫وانم‬ ‫ببد.‬ ‫کن‬ ‫می‬ ‫ببان‬ ‫پنه‬ ‫را‬ ‫ببت‬ ‫حقیق‬ ‫د‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ببو‬ ‫نب‬ ‫که‬ ‫است‬ ‫"حقیقتی‬ ‫وانموده‬ ‫گوید،‬ ‫می‬ ‫نیز‬ ‫این‬ ‫که‬ ‫شد‬ ‫یادآور‬ ‫باید‬ ‫است".‬ ‫حضور‬ 9 ‫این‬ ‫بگوییم‬ ‫است‬ ‫بهتر‬ ‫یا‬ ‫حضور‬ ‫تاثیر‬ ‫ایسببت‬ ‫تجربه‬ ‫همان‬

Au cinéma, quand celui qui est filmé dirige son regard au-delà du cadre visible par le spectateur, il implique la présence de quelque chose qui pourrait lui être accessible. En revanche, lorsqu'il regarde l'objectif de la caméra, il envoie son regard autre part, hors du monde où il se trouve. Le regard-caméra, comme un regard lancé hors de l'écran, transforme les impressions de distances entre le spectateur et les images. Cet article se propose de mesurer différents effets du regard-caméra sur le spectateur : le regard qui lui rappelle sa place face à l'écran, celui qui au contraire l'invite dans l'histoire, ou encore le regard qui se sait aveugle, celui qui dit l'impossibilité d'une rencontre.

The decarbonisation of the global economy in response to the climate crisis and the fourth industrial revolution, featuring artificial intelligence (AI) and 5G networks (massively accelerated in response to the coronavirus pandemic), has triggered a race to secure uninterrupted access to critical raw minerals (CRMs) that are indispensable inputs for high-technology applications. Moreover, China's Belt and Road Initiative, which unites Eurasia and Africa and loops in South America into a seamless space of trade, infrastructure and digital connectivity, challenges the dominance of traditional industrial powers (the United States, the European Union and Japan) and requires critical minerals. Rare earths, lithium and cobalt-among the most critical of the CRMsare found in high geographic concentration, creating hotspots of contention, especially in unstable parts of the world. As economic transformations accelerate, securing access to these materials will both impact and help shape geopolitics in the years to come.

Focusing on Joseph Addison and Richard Steele's Spectator papers, this essay links modern ideas of happiness to the emergence of aesthetic theory in early eighteenth-century Britain. It argues that Addison and his contemporaries understood aesthetics foremost as a means of enriching life through sharpening our sensory experience of the world, especially the world of nature. The «happiness» that attends this experience, as they describe it, is a heightened sense of feeling alive, of connecting to the providential order, and being part of a common universe of existing things. Summary 1. Introduction. -2. Aesthetics beyond Art. -3. Aesthetic Experience and the Ontology of Happiness. -4. Conclusion.

ABSTRACT Narendra Modi’s spectacular victory over Congress in the 2014 Indian general elections was made possible by many factors. However, the main and overarching cause of Modi’s victory was the process which, starting in 2009 with the backing of the Indian corporate sector, built up the image of Modi as a kind of fearless and unblemished hero who, having raised his home state, Gujarat, to an extraordinary level of economic development, was now in a position to replicate the same feat at the all-India level. ‘Modi’s legend’ first conquered the middle class’ imagination and, then, was spread among the masses and, transversally, among first-time voters by that same middle class, with the help of RSS volunteers. Thus, a juggernaut was created and deployed with devastating effects, not only against Congress but, as shown by the cases of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, against some of India’s strongest regional parties.

That Addison and Steele’s “Spectator” was the most important literary model for “Il Caffè” (1764-1766) is a well-known fact. Recent studies have analysed the sophisticated pedagogic strategy adopted by the English journal, which catered for the tastes of a rising middle class. Some of these patterns were taken over by the “Il Caffè” group, who tried to adapt them to an Italian public still dominated by traditional values and alien to views of the common good based on the spread of knowledge. Verri’s journal was thus instrumental in accelerating a process of integration of Italian culture into Europe which could be considered an accomplished fact by 1770, after the international success of Dei delitti e delle pene and of “Il Caffè”. The choice of models is reflected in linguistic usage and in the literary forms adopted for the expression of new ideas. The examples examined here show the compelling force of this strategy of attack against well defined targets such as pedantry and prejudice.

The forms taken by the war in Chechnya are, due to their political implications, cause for deep-seated concern that extends well beyond the limited geographic area1 of the small Caucasian republic. The actions perpetrated by Chechen guerrillas between May and ...

English title: Good day, my reader! Among narrators, letter writers, printers and other contributors in early Swedish weekly press 1730–1773.
Abstract: The thesis deals with the early press of 'moral weeklies' in Sweden during the period 1730 to 1773, focussing on media technological conditions and the uses of the epistolary form. This genre, which initially followed the pattern of the English Spectator, emerged in the 1730s with nine journals produced in Stockholm. These were the first periodicals in Sweden that aimed to entertain as well as instruct. The study begins with the aim of finding explanations for their sudden emergence, by looking into the cultural and technological conditions of the period; such as printing, distribution, censorship practices, and potential audiences (chapters 3–6). The fall of autocracy and the rise of an early parlamentarianism provided the background. Stockholm attracted printers and book dealers, and a new generation of literati made careers in the state administration. Among these were several of the journals’ editors, as well as potential readers. In the next part (chapters 7–8), the extensive and varied use of the epistolary form in these weeklies is analysed, as serving different purposes. A closer examination and interpretation is made of the epistolary material in Sedolärande Mercurius [Didactic Mercury](1730-1731), edited by Carl and Edvard Carlsson, and Then Swänska Argus [The Swedish Argus] (1732-1734), edited by Olof Dalin. In Sedolärande Mercurius a number of letters explore the theme of problems with foreign trade; and in Then Swänska Argus satires in epistolary form paint a picture of ideas from abroad posing a threat to social life, and especially to married life.
The last part (chapters 9–10) follows these trends further in time, by looking into the uses of the epistolary form in a couple of journals in the latter half of the 18th century: Bref Om Blandade Ämnen [Letters about a variety of subjects] (1754), edited by Carl Christoffer Gjörwell; and Brefwäxling [Letter Exchange] (1772–1773) by Catharina Ahlgren. Brefwäxling in particular differs substantially from the journals in the 1730s, a fact that is discussed in terms of a transition from oral culture to a more literary one, new trends in epistolary rhetoric, and the gender of the narrator. The methods used in the study are archival research and textual analysis.
Keywords: Sedolärande Mercurius, Then Swänska Argus, Bref Om Blandade Ämnen, Brefwäxling, early periodicals, Spectator-genre, moral weeklies, epistolary form, letters to the editor, letter writing practices, eighteenth century literature, Carl Carlsson [Carleson], Edvard Carlsson [Carleson], Olof Dalin [von Dalin], Carl Christoffer Gjörwell, Catharina Ahlgren, coffee houses in Stockholm, handwritten newspapers, Eva Insenstierna

This new series, published in conjunction with the British Sociological Association, evaluates and reflects major developments in contemporary sociology. The books will focus on key changes in social and economic life in recent years and on the ways in which the discipline of sociology has analysed those changes. The books will reflect the state of the art in contemporary British sociology, while at the same time drawing upon comparative material to set debates in an international perspective.

This essay proceeds from the suggestion that Joseph Addison alludes to Michel de Montaigne's "Des Cannibales" in Spectator 50, when Mr. Spectator relates the visit to London of "four Indian kings." Addison adapts Montaigne's playful allegory of barbarism and civilization in service of his own project of constructing a discursive model of civic society, ultimately consigning Montaigne himself to the category of the barbaric in order to re-establish the distinction, which the "lively old Gascon" has mischievously undermined with the jest about breeches that concludes his essay. Montaigne implies that if civilization is reducible to its signs, then the civilized, decorous body that breeches signify is civilized precisely because the breeches displace— replace as well as conceal—it, and what breeches conceal may equally be the body of a barbarian. Indeed, the naked body must, according to the categorical limits established here, be barbaric. Breeches therefore are not just the sign of civilized decorum, they are its very substance. Addison's solution is to restabilize, by rhetorical means, the constitutive oppositions that Montaigne's breeches jest undoes. The figural logic that underpins the clothing tropes is metonymic in the first instance; breeches are associated with civilization and with masculinity. In Lockean linguistics the relationship between words and ideas/things is always metonymic contiguity. The relation between civilized man and barbarian, on the other hand, is comparative and hence metaphoric. In spite of his strenuously avowed mistrust of language that takes on the autonomous qualities of ideas or things, Addison is willing to locate what Locke calls "natural correspondence and connection" in relationships that are primarily and essentially metaphoric; constitutive oppositions that establish necessary difference rather than resemblance, but are nonetheless metaphoric in the first instance.

Focusing on Addison and Steele’s Spectator papers, this essay studies the nature and significance of aesthetic experience outside the world of art.  It proposes that the quintessentially modern aesthetic perspective—detached, disinterested, non-purposive—finds its fullest early expression not in any treatise on art but in the everyday habits and inclinations of “Mr. Spectator,” the famous eidolon of Addison and Steele’s periodical.  It demonstrates that in its earliest phases, aesthetics did not designate a realm separate (or “autonomous”) from ordinary experience so much as a mode of perception capable of enriching and enhancing that experience.  Finally, this essay considers the ways in which Addison and Steele’s aesthetic model was at odds with their own enhancive aims: that is, even as aesthetic attention intensified ordinary experience, the logic of spectatorship also seemed to push the world away, making one a spectator rather than a participant in life.

Once a region that rarely featured in debates about global security, the Sahel has become increasingly topical as it confronts the international community with intertwined challenges related to climate variability, poverty, food insecurity, population displacement, transnational crime, contested statehood and jihadist insurgencies. This Special Issue discerns the contours of political orders in the making. After situating the Sahel region in time and space, we focus on the trajectory of regional security dynamics over the past decade, which are marked by two military coups in Mali (2012 and 2020). In addressing state fragility and societal resilience in the context of increasing external intervention and growing international rivalry, we seek to consider broader and deeper transformations that can be neither ignored nor patched up through the framework of the ‘war on terror’ projected onto ‘ungoverned spaces’. Focusing especially on the mobilisation of material and immaterial resour...

In July 2015, after intense negotiations with its creditors, Greece received a bailout in exchange for fiscal restraint. The coalition government at that time, led by the left-wing SYRIZA party, elected on the basis of an anti-austerity platform, eventually accepted the prevalent austerity frames of the creditors. Through the aid of Q-method, an analysis of Greek opinion leaders’ views of the negotiation highlights that this outcome can be explained in two different ways. The first posits that the ideological overtones that ruling SYRIZA injected in its negotiation strategy exhibited a lack of socialisation and undermined Greece’s already weak bargaining position. The second focuses on the institutional status quo bias in the Eurogroup in Germany’s favour, which discourages any change in the Eurozone. These two views may have partly been influenced by questions of political accountability.

Resumen: el presente estudio muestra cómo ciertas características de los denominados espectadores-pensadores, el gran modelo periodístico de la ilustración, han perdurado e influido en las publicaciones misceláneas de finales del siglo XViii, así como en diversos papeles públicos de la Guerra de la independencia. en esta última etapa al amparo de la libertad de imprenta el género conoce su segunda edad
de oro y se convierte en un cuarto poder de notoria influencia en la vida política, y se pasa de la crítica de las costumbres con afán regeneracionista a la puesta en marcha de un verdadero proyecto de transformación social.

Abstract: This paper shows the influence of certain characteristics of
the spectators, the most important journalistic format of enlightenment, in the miscellaneous publications appearing at the end of the eighteenth-century, and also in the various public papers of the Spanish War of independence. in this last period, thanks to freedom of the press, journalism experiences a second golden age and becomes a sort of fourth power with influence over political life; it is at this time that criticism of customs evolves to a real project of social transformation.

The article presents an artwork of Slovenian author and director of interdisciplinary performance, Janez Janša (previously known as Emil Hrvatin). The Wailing Wall(2011) is a performative installation consisting of three cabinets: Cabinets of Memory (Physical, Individual and Collective), and a wall built of huge ice bricks. A visitor enters either of the cabinets to recall her memory of something that brought her to tears. After receiving a gold, silver, or bronze certificate, the visitor walks to the ice wall where she can place a personal notice into a rift in the wall. The performative installation The Wailing Wall is an example of identical/auto-sensual performing bodily relations, where a spectator becomes one with a performer, i.e., a spectActor.

Between March and April 2006, al-Qaida spoke up a number of times, with audio-visual announcements from its leaders (Bin Laden, Zarqawi and Zawahiri) and, probably, with the bomb attacks in the Sinai. 1 This profusion of messages, explicit and close together in time ...

Με κύριο θεωρητικό εργαλείο την έννοια της θεατρικότητας, διερευνώνται οι τρόποι με τους οποίους η μνήμη διαμορφώνει ταυτότητες ανθρώπων και χώρων. Με τη συγκρότηση και εφαρμογή ενός θεατρικού μοντέλου ανάλυσης και ερμηνείας των χωρικών μνημονικών πρακτικών που εκτυλίσσονται στους ανδριάντες των Μ. Αλεξάνδρου, Φιλίππου Β' και Αριστοτέλη στη Θεσσαλονίκη, διαπιστώνεται ότι τα μνημεία δεν αποτελούν απλώς σκηνές όπου μπροστά τους εκτυλίσσεται η ανθρώπινη δράση, αλλά μετέχουν στην επιτέλεση της συλλογικής μνήμης ως δρώντα υποκείμενα, αποκαλύπτοντας τον εύπλαστο χαρακτήρα της μνήμης, αλλά και τη δυναμική του δημόσιου χώρου. Ο δημόσιος χώρος μετέχει στο κοινωνικό δράμα ως ηθοποιός ή θεατής, ένας κοινωνικός συμπαίκτης που πάσχει και συμπάσχει. /Using the concept of theatricality as the main theoretical tool, the ways in which memory creates identities of people and space are explored. A theatrical model is established and implemented to analyze and interpret the spatial mnemonic practices unfolded at the statues of Alexander the Great, Philip II and Aristotle in Thessaloniki. The conclusion is that public monuments are not just stages where human action takes place, but they participate in the performance of the collective memory as active agents, revealing the malleable nature of memory and the dynamics of public space. Public space participates in the social drama as an actor or a spectator, a social partner who suffers and sympathizes.

Over 25 years ago, Susan Strange urged IR scholars to include multinational corporations in their analysis. Within IR and IPE discussions, this was either mostly ignored or reflected in an empirically and methodologically unsatisfactory way. We reiterate Strange's call by sketching a fine-grained theoretical and empirical approach that includes both states and corporations as juxtaposed actors that interact in transnational networks inherent to the contemporary international political economy. This realistic, juxtaposed, actorand relations-centred perspective on state and corporate power in the global system is empirically illustrated by the example of the transnationalisation of state ownership.

Migration did not figure in the European Security Strategy of 2003. Never mentioned as a threat, it was not even mentioned as a risk. Thirteen years later, migration is widely cited in the new European Union Global Strategy. Much richer than the previous security document and global in aspiration, the Global Strategy treats migration as a challenge and an opportunity, recognising the key role it plays in a rapidly changing security landscape. However, this multi-faceted perspective on migration uncovers starkly different political and normative claims, all of which are legitimate in principle. The different narratives on migration present in the new strategic document attest to the Union's comprehensive approach to the issue but also to critical and possibly competing normative dilemmas. The launch of the European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) suffered from "bad timing". 1 The result of the 'leave or remain' referendum in Great Britain held in June 2016, which was interpreted as a setback for the European Union (EU), called into question not only the 'appropriateness' of issuing a (global) strategy, but also the very meaning of the European Union as an exemplary and appealing regional integration project. Few commentators have noticed, though, that the words emphasizing the "internal challenges" of the Union were also meant to underline the deep repercussions of the "refugee crisis" on the EU and its member states. 2 Statements, such as "we live in times of existential crisis […] our Union is under threat […] our European project is being questioned" or "never has our unity been so challenged" 3 aptly describe the internal crisis generated by the EU's inability to face the huge migration inflows it has been experiencing over the last three years. Remarkably, it was just a few months before the release of the EUGS that the European Commission admonished several member states for having "resorted to reintroducing temporary internal border controls, placing in question the proper functioning of the Schengen area of free movement and its benefits to European citizens and the European economy". 4 1 See for example Tocci, "Interview with nathalie Tocci".

The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.

In An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Locke is of two minds when it comes to human emotion. On the one hand, our passions represent an innate sensing faculty, given to us by “the infinite Wise Author of our being,” for interpreting the intrinsic good and evil in things. On the other hand, feelings like love and hate, joy and sorrow are the end product of rational cognition, whereby we determine the meaning of an initial, provoking “uneasiness.” This article argues that Locke’s paradox provides important insight for reading the passions in eighteenth-century discourse. It presents close readings of essays on the passions from The Spectator to demonstrate a fundamental difference between Addison and Steele that can be traced to An Essay’s self-contradiction. Close attention to Steele’s essays on grief reveal a significant move away from The Spectator’s dominant role of training readers to rectify their passions, encouraging them, instead, to bear witness to the “pleasing Perplexities” of affective intensity. Addison and Steele’s divergent positions, via Locke, reflect a cautiously negotiated, and conflicted, conversation taking place in the eighteenth century regarding the nature, function, and value of the passions.

This essay explores the development of a distinctive concept of bourgeois dignity in the eighteenth century, investigating first the key elements of the so‐called “bourgeois virtues” which provided content to this new ethos of dignity. Next, it probes the economic, political, and social conditions that facilitated the emergence and diffusion of bourgeois dignity, before briefly considering bourgeois dignity as a contested concept. Finally, it discusses how this new understanding of dignity was refined and then diffused throughout society by one of the most influential literary endeavors of the eighteenth century, Joseph Addison and Richard Steele’s The Spectator (1711‐1714).

An introductory speculation, Ways of Being: The Spectator and the Spectacle is a consideration of the epistemological, ontological and metaphysical downfalls of film theory’s understandings of the spectator and the spectacle; with particular emphasis directed towards the neurobiological implications of the spectator’s body.

The thesis will argue that these shortcomings are representative of wider ranging issues of complacency engulfing the film industry and film exhibition as a whole. Furthermore, the fundamental disruptions of the digital upgrade of cinema, and the expanding means through which film content can be experienced, will be explored in relation to the pressing need for film theory to reassess itself.

Drawing on a plethora of empirical and non-empirical research, this dissertation is a highly progressive expression of how film experience has always been about transcendence and, as a result of its digital re-birth and diversifications, it is now becoming even more so.

... Its "community" nature makes the Atlantic Alliance work even at a time when its rationale ... Furthermore, the Alliance is incrementally contributing to Afghanistan's stabilisation, just north of the Gulf ... countries included in the GCC, as well as individual countries such as Yemen, Iraq ...

Recent Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the successive AKP governments has seen different populist turns. A clear distinction can be made between the thin and thick populisms of TFP, based on the status of the West. The first decade of AKP rule, when foreign policy was thinly populist, was characterised by steady de-Europeanisation, increasing engagement with regional issues and a decentring of Turkey's Western orientation. The turn toward thick populism has been characterised by anti-Westernist discourses in which the West is resituated as the 'other' of Turkish political identity.

Yet the 'democratization' analytical framework through which political change in the Arab world and the developing world in general has been analysed since the end of the Cold War has demonstrated a number of shortcomings. While not questioning the possibility of a democratic Arab world some time in the future, and recognizing the nobility and value of the democratization goal of many international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), we argue that democracy is not the current game in town. Neither the Arab governments nor the major external actors, such as the United States or the European Union (EU), are prioritizing the genuine democratization of the region. The democratization theory as an analytical tool has overlapped dangerously with blunt political propaganda on the part of Arab regimes and their Islamic and non-Islamic oppositions, and external actors-creating confusion and a misinterpretation of the concrete dynamics of change in the Arab world.

Since 2006, several Arab countries have rather suddenly manifested a renewed interest in civilian nuclear energy. For some, like Egypt, this is the resuscitation of an old interest; for others, however, most notably the member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), 1 interest in civilian nuclear energy represents a clear reversal of a previously held position.

The article delivers the author’s reflections on relations among the text (speech and secondary), the performing body, performers and spectators in postdramatic theatre and performance, based on Erica Fischer-Lichte’s model of a doubled performing body (phenomenal and semiotic). The author elaborates a typology of performing bodily relations: a) divisional / semi-sensual, b) substitutional / fully sensual, and c) identical / auto-sensual bodily relations upon three different criteria: a) who is the main producer of sensations, b) how many senses are involved, and c) what is the nature of the spatial relationship between the performers and the spectators. Three examples are given as an illustration of the above typology: Dani Ploeger’s Biotope, Via Negativa’s Would Would Not and Janez Janša’s The Wailing Wall.

... Its "community" nature makes the Atlantic Alliance work even at a time when its rationale ... Furthermore, the Alliance is incrementally contributing to Afghanistan's stabilisation, just north of the Gulf ... countries included in the GCC, as well as individual countries such as Yemen, Iraq ...

Readmission is not simply a means of removing undesirable foreigners through coercive methods. When viewed as a way of ensuring the temporary stay of foreign workers in the labour markets of European destination countries, readmission may also impact on the participatory rights of a growing number of native workers facing equally temporary (and precarious) labour conditions, in a context marked by employment deregulation and wage flexibility. These implications have clear democratic significance. A new analytical perspective applied to the expansion and development of the readmission system, is aimed at promoting a reflection on an unexplored research area bridging the gap between labour migration regulation and labour market deregulation.

Migration did not figure in the European Security Strategy of 2003. Never mentioned as a threat, it was not even mentioned as a risk. Thirteen years later, migration is widely cited in the new European Union Global Strategy. Much richer than the previous security document and global in aspiration, the Global Strategy treats migration as a challenge and an opportunity, recognising the key role it plays in a rapidly changing security landscape. However, this multi-faceted perspective on migration uncovers starkly different political and normative claims, all of which are legitimate in principle. The different narratives on migration present in the new strategic document attest to the Union's comprehensive approach to the issue but also to critical and possibly competing normative dilemmas. The launch of the European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) suffered from "bad timing". 1 The result of the 'leave or remain' referendum in Great Britain held in June 2016, which was interpreted as a setback for the European Union (EU), called into question not only the 'appropriateness' of issuing a (global) strategy, but also the very meaning of the European Union as an exemplary and appealing regional integration project. Few commentators have noticed, though, that the words emphasizing the "internal challenges" of the Union were also meant to underline the deep repercussions of the "refugee crisis" on the EU and its member states. 2 Statements, such as "we live in times of existential crisis […] our Union is under threat […] our European project is being questioned" or "never has our unity been so challenged" 3 aptly describe the internal crisis generated by the EU's inability to face the huge migration inflows it has been experiencing over the last three years. Remarkably, it was just a few months before the release of the EUGS that the European Commission admonished several member states for having "resorted to reintroducing temporary internal border controls, placing in question the proper functioning of the Schengen area of free movement and its benefits to European citizens and the European economy". 4 1 See for example Tocci, "Interview with nathalie Tocci".

Melting ice is an important source and artistic tool for construction of meaning in certain instances of performing art. Author analyses the next five performances: Francis Alÿs's poetic intervention into the urban space of Mexico City, Paradox of Praxis I, displayed frozen casts of Marc Quinn's self-portraits Self I-IV, Heather Cassils's performance Teresias, Allan Kaprow's happening Fluids and Janez Janša's performing installation The Wailing Wall. They all feature a close spatial and sensual relationship between ice and the performing body, be that either the performer or the spectator, or both. The paper accentuates the relationship between the human body and ice in the above-mentioned artistic phenomena upon criteria of perception (touch), the body (hand), ice (as a material carrier of symbolic transformation), human agency (labour), time (duration) and the performer–spectator relationship (the spectator’s participation in art) using the above-mentioned works as illustrations. The first two performances illustrate the divisional/semi-sensual relationship between artwork and the spectator. The next two examples are illustrations of substitutional/fully sensual relation between art and spectator. Finally, the last one is an illustration of identical/auto-sensual type of relation between art and spectator. Author claims that the physical relationship between ice and the human body and thus the production of the sensations and sensuality of coldness can be an important precondition for construction of the so-called spectActor.

Joseph Addison's 1713 play, Cato: A Tragedy, dramatizes the final days of Cato the Younger's resistance to Julius Caesar before his eventual suicide at Utica in 46 BC. Although Addison initially seems to present Cato as a model for emulation, we argue that Addison is ultimately critical of both Cato and the Stoicism he embodies. Via the play's romantic subplot and via his work as an essayist, Addison offers a revision of the Catonic model, reworking it into a gentler model that elevates qualities such as love, friendship, and sympathy and that is more appropriate to the type of peaceful civil and commercial society he wishes to promote.

In the Sahara-Sahel, artisanal gold mining is booming. Fragile Sahelian states arguably provide a most likely case for the 'resource conflict' theory to hold, yet 'resource capture' can also underpin informal governance schemes through which the co-optation of non-state actors ushers in (hybrid) state-building. While the diversity of empirical cases lends credibility to both theories, the dialectic of proximity and distanceboth social and spatialhelps make sense of the different modalities of artisanal gold mining governance in the region. In the Sahelian core of regional states, artisanal gold mining has supported regime empowerment; in the Sahara, it has helped assuage preexisting tensions; in the Tibesti, it has led to militarisation and conflict.

In the context of the increasing securitisation of cultural heritage, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom have reacted diff erently to the recent wave of iconoclasm perpetrated by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and similar radical groups and terrorist organisations. With cultural heritage now discursively identifi ed as a security concern, the three states enacted security practices to deal with the newly emerged security threats. All three cases show a tight association between the protection of cultural heritage, development and security policies. State-driven cultural heritage protection policies continue to be designed around the notion of multilateral cooperation, although innovative forms of public-private multilateralism and civil-military cooperation are increasingly being introduced.