Saint Augustine

The paper has two main aims: first, to offer a general overview about Augustine’s concept of corporeal matter, based on a comprehensive
examination of all the occurrences of the Latin lemmas "materia" and "materies" in his works; second, to discuss more in detail the vexed question of Plotinus' influence on Augustine’s conception of matter, in order to highlight that the major meeting points between Augustine and Plotinus rest on a purely literal level, and to rather point out the significant conceptual differences between these two thinkers.

The Ordo Virtutum, Hildegard von Bingen’s twelfth-century music-drama, is one of the first known examples of a large-scale composition by a named composer in the Western canon. Not only does the Ordo’s expansive duration set it apart from its precursors, but also its complex imagery and non-biblical narrative have raised various questions concerning its context and genre. As a poetic meditation on the fall of a soul, the Ordo deploys an array of personified virtues and musical forces over the course of its eighty-seven chants. In this ambitious analysis of the entire work, Michael C. Gardiner for the first time examines how classical Neoplatonic hierarchies are established in the music-drama and considers how they are mediated and subverted through a series of concentric absorptions (absorptions related to medieval Platonism and its various theological developments) which lie at the core of the work’s musical design and text. This is achieved primarily through Gardiner’s musical network model, which implicates mode into a networked system of nodes, and draws upon parallels with the medieval interpretation of Platonic ontology and Hildegard’s correlative realization through sound, song, and voice.

An overview of Augustine of Hippo's views about freedom. I argue that Augustine the bishop was one of the first theological compatibilists, who believed that responsibility is compatible with at least certain kinds of necessity and that human freedom requires determination by divine grace.

Augustine’s Sermon 4 on Esau and Jacob is long (860 lines) and consists of a complex division in 37 chapters. This division makes it difficult to identify quickly and easily the rhetorical arrangement which must have been an important factor in making this sermon a success in the context of Augustine’s struggle against Donatism. This same division has been handed down through the centuries. Once the existing, complex division into 37 chapters is relinquished, it is possible, on the basis
of linguistic and Scriptural indications, to establish the existence of a new, simple division into 3 parts. A frame exists in these three parts that runs from creation (Gen. 1) to judgement (Mt. 25), in which Augustine discusses the stories of (the blessings of) Esau and Jacob (Gen. 25 and 27) in the context of the absence or presence of love (for which he employs 1 Cor. 13). Seen from this perspective, Esau represents the bad people who consciously permit themselves to be separated from the Church through the absence of love (a reference to the Donatist schism), while Jacob stands for the good people, who highlight the unity of the Church by availing themselves of love: by not acting on their own authority and expelling sinners, but by leaving judgement to God and by accepting them lovingly. The new division clearly reveals this message.

La búsqueda del pobre en una sociedad repleta de pobres puede leer una gran obra de arte in melius. Y esto es oficio de las mentes brillantes. Brillante fue la interpretación que Agustín, santo obispo de Hipona, dio a este pasaje evangélico en uno de sus sermones al pueblo. Pero, antes de analizar qué dijo, conviene contextualizar el discurso. Séneca había dicho cierta vez: «Si quieres encontrar descanso, conviene que seas pobre, o seme-jante al pobre» (Si vis vacare animo, aut pauper sis oportet, aut pauperi similis: Epist. 17, 5), pues el pobre ha sido considerado como ideal de virtud por su frugalidad y paciencia. Y al pensar en los primeros predi-cadores, vienen a la mente los vehe-mentes discursos de Juan Crisósto-mo en los que impugnaba a los ricos de este mundo y les echaba en cara sus derroches e injusticias. Fácil-mente el lector actual olvida que el Crisóstomo predicó en la gran evangélico es claro: «Hijo,-le dice Abraham al rico-recuerda que recibiste tus bienes durante tu vida y Lázaro, al contrario, sus males; ahora, pues, él es aquí consolado y tú atormentado» (Lc 16, 25). Nunca una escena tan breve ha tenido un resultado tan inmediato y eficaz en los lectores. Sin embargo, como en las grandes obras artísticas de la humanidad, el significado espiri-tual va más allá de la materialidad del arte mismo y, aunque Lucas nos pinta una escena insuperable en vigor y dramatismo, siempre se D e entre los pasajes más usados por los predica-dores con el fin de tratar sobre el pobre y la pobreza, sin duda la parábola del Evangelio de san Lucas sobre el indigente Láza-ro y el rico epulón ocupa el primer puesto. El dramatismo vivo de la escena habla por sí mismo y el rela-to de Jesús deja impreso en el alma del lector un cuadro pintado con el arte de la sobriedad y con la fuerza de la expresividad. Mientras el rico disfrutaba del buen comer y beber, un pobre yacía a su puerta cubierto de úlceras purulentas, a las que los perros, compañía fiel de su soledad, les rendían el consuelo del bálsamo áspero de sus lenguas exánimes y hambrientas. Al final del último acto, muere Lázaro y es llevado por los ángeles al seno de Abraham. Muere también el rico y es sepultado. El desenlace es trágico y el mensaje Por Bruno do Espírito Santo, LC Detalle de la primera parte de la parábola de Lázaro del maestro del Codex aureus Epternacensis (ca. 1035-1040) Mientras el rico disfru-taba del buen comer y beber, un pobre yacía a su puerta cubierto de úlceras purulentas

Oi Christianoi - Sezione antica, n. 27 ----- Avendo spaziato in molti campi e trovandosi all'incrocio di tante strade sulle quali ha lasciato la sua originale impronta, Agostino d'Ippona (354-430) occupa un posto centrale e, per certi aspetti, unico nella storia del pensiero, della teologia e della spiritualità occidentale. Se le sue opere maggiori sono ben conosciute, tuttavia gran parte dei suoi scritti rimane nell'ombra, anche quando si tratta di scritti importanti per l'esegesi, la dottrina e la morale. Proponendo una sintesi dei contenuti di ciascuno di essi, questo Dizionario offre un quadro completo di tutta la vastissima produzione di Agostino, permettendo ad un vasto pubblico di lettori di avere a disposizione uno strumento utile di consultazione e di orientamento.

Thanks to the anaphor of quid mihi proderat Book IV of Confessions ends with, Augustine takes stock of his knowledge in liberal arts. However, far from expressing a rejection of the disciplinae, this anaphor paradoxically opens the way to a possible redemption of them, as illustrated by the evolution of Augustinian discourse on the subject from 386 until the writing of the Confessions..

Pope Francis' post-synodal exhortation AMORIS LAETITIA is the latest teaching of the Catholic Church on marriage and family life. Fruit of a widespread consultation involving the people of God in the synodal process, AMORIS LAETITIA calls for renewed pastoral care of today's baptized families, by listening to, and accompanying them, and by discerning with them the different ways God's gift of intimacy in marriage can be lived.

Anglo Saxon interest in the Roman liturgy picks up sharply from the late seventh century when in 674 the soldier turned abbot Benedict Biscop built a monastery of stone ‘after the Roman fashion’ at Wearmouth. The house was dedicated to Saint Peter and in 681 Benedict established a second house at nearby Jarrow dedicated to Saint Paul. These twin houses were among the most exposed stations of the Catholic faith in the north. Benedict repeatedly overcame the great distance that separated his monastic foundation from the papal city undertaking six pilgrimages to assemble a library at Wearmouth-Jarrow with few parallels in the West. Benedict also wanted to learn and teach the ‘yearly cursus of chanting together with its ordo of rite, chanting and reading aloud.’ To accomplish this he returned from his fifth pilgrimage with John, an archicantator of Saint Peter’s basilica and abbot of Saint Martin’s, one of four monasteries serving the basilica in the services of the Hours but also at Mass. This is the earliest securely documented case in the early Middle Ages of one centre lending a singer to another. The practice was essential for the transmission of chant which could not be written down and was stored in the memory of one and passed on to the ears of the many to be imprinted on their memories by consistent repetition. Though the founding of the Schola Cantorum of Rome is still uncertain, and it is not clear whether John was trained there, its mission was certainly to operate as a kind of living library of singers who, like John, could be borrowed to faithfully pass on the chant as it was sung in Rome. This paper examines the role of the Schola Cantorum in bridging the interruption of the transmission of chant in the Anglo Saxon church.

In spite of all that can be said about his idiosyncrasies and his genius, Augustine was a man of his land and of his time. To understand his life, his work, his concerns or his theological and philosophical formulations is useful to keep in mind the broader context of North African history in the Roman Empire, especially in its last centuries. That is the purpose of this chapter.

Imagine a world of fatalism. A world of predestination and determinism. A world of no escape from the sin within. A world without grace, forgiveness, determined to ruin one’s life through self-destruction and therefore, destroying other’s lives along the way. A world where there are only the elect and then everyone else. Where the light of grace is only an illusion and unknown to those who are not the elect, the chosen of God. A transcendent unapproachable God in an immanent messy world (Bourg 16). God, only as punisher, people only reaping what they sow, cursed from family lines’ past sins and their own. It is a dark world. A world where the person is totally depraved and has no hope of escaping her own sin, no matter how hard she may try. This world is portrayed in Jean Racine’s Phaedra. Phaedra is neither guilty nor innocent as Racine’s introduction to his play proclaims. She is fated to fail in her marriage, lust after another who does not return her affection, and therefore, spiral into madness and suicide. Yet, her knowing and abhorrence of her sin seems to contradict the claim of total depravity.

This MRP explores the concept of the will in the philosophy of Arthur Schopenhauer, and explains how his theory of the will influenced his ethical thought concerning nonhuman animals. Part one considers four theories of the will prior to Schopenhauer: Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas. This review enables the reader to understand the dramatic shift in the interpretation of the will and the role it plays in Schopenhauer’s metaphysics and ethics. Part two focuses on Schopenhauer’s interpretation of the will, which led to a dramatically enlightened animal ethic when compared to his predecessors. The final section of the MRP explores the question of why Schopenhauer’s thought has lacked receptivity, and posits further questions to be pursued regarding this topic.

While we all seem to talk about politics, few of us actually know how today’s issues fit into the framework of political history. Indeed, as contemporary French philosopher Philippe Nemo points out, much of our Western secondary education is increasingly compartmentalized and provides no overarching framework for thought or any chronological bearings. With this engaging and comprehensive volume, Nemo provides just such context, as he traces the origins of political thinking from the earliest prestates through subsequent eras to allow us to better understand today’s super states.

Nemo sets forth the premise that the beginnings of political thought - our political science - can be traced to three primary sources: the philosophers and thinkers of the Greek city-state, Roman law, and the Christian Gospels. He analyzes the pre-Greek prepolitical societies and, leaning on the work of anthropologists, shows that while these societies may have had organizing principles, they did not have the concept of an evolving jurisdiction that governed the people - a concept that is the foundation of political thought. From the Greeks - Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon, and the Stoics - Nemo moves on to the Romans. He demonstrates how Cicero, Seneca, and Tacitus added that sense of evolving jurisdiction and shaped political thought for generations to come.

Finally, the impact of Christian thought is examined, including a discussion of the “political” ideas present in biblical texts and the attitudes of Christians living under the Roman Empire. Tracing the birth and development of canon law and the influence of numerous Christian thinkers and writers - including Saints Paul, Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas - Nemo reveals the additional layer these have added to the history of political organization.

By including little-known details and fascinating stories, Nemo makes these historical figures and their thought come alive for us - and, in the process, provides us with an understanding of the foundations upon which the contributions of modern (and postmodern) political thinkers continue to build.

Augustine’s Sermons (excluding the Enarrationes on Psalms and the Tractatus on John and 1 John) contain nearly 60 occurrences of lemmata belonging to the lexical family of ‘philosophia'. Only De Civitate Dei and Contra Academicos, among all the other writings of Augustine, contain a greater number of occurrences of this terminology. The purpose of my paper is to present the results of a systematic analysis, so far never done, of the occurrences of the metaphilosophical lexicon in Augustine's Sermons. These results may help better understand the relevance, function and meaning of the reference to philosophy and philosophers in Augustine’s preaching.

로마서를 읽고 회심한 아우구스티누스는 일평생 성경을 주석하고 설교했다. 『기독교의 가르침』이라는 작품은 아우구스티누스의 성경해석학과 설교론을 잘 보여준다. 아우구스티누스는 여러 편의 성경주석을 썼으며 주석에 대한 명확한 이해가 있었다. 그는 초기에 신플라톤주의의 영향을 받았지만 점차로 성경적 가르침을 더욱 분명하게 고수했다. 아우구스티누스는 주석의 목적이 하나님 사랑과 이웃 사랑이라는 사랑의 이중계명에 있다고 보았다. 그는 믿음, 소망, 사랑이라는 기독교의 삼주덕(三主德)을 촉진시키고 완성하는 것이 주석과 설교의 목적이라고 보았다. 그는 또한 그리스-로마의 기호론을 성경적 가르침에 맞게 변용하여 자신의 주석에 적용했다. 아우구스티누스는 신앙의 규칙과 보편교회의 권위를 존중하면서 주석에 임했다. 무엇보다 그는 자신의 신앙 성숙을 위해서 성경을 주석했으며, 건전한 성경 이해를 통하여 자신의 시대에 응답하였다. 아우구스티누스의 성경해석학은 그리스도 중심적이며, 교회를 위해 기여한다는 특징을 가진다. 그는 이단들을 배격하였고, 바른 목회를 위해 성경을 주석했다.

아우구스티누스의 주석법은 그의 설교론과 긴밀한 연관성을 지닌다. 그는 목회자의 임무 중에 가장 중요한 것이 말씀의 사역이라고 보았다. 그는 수천 편의 설교를 전했으며, 그중에 562편이 현재까지도 남아 있다. 아우구스티누스는 설교자는 그리스도에 의해 치료 받아야 할 환자이며 동시에 말씀으로 신자들의 영적 질병을 고치는 의사와 같다고 했다. 아우구스티누스는 설교를 통하여 성도들이 자신의 삶을 성경의 언어로 설명할 수 있도록 도와주었다. 그는 청중의 마음을 움직이는 설교를 추구했다. 비록 그가 원고 없이 즉석에서 설교했지만 그렇다고 해서 준비 없이 설교에 임한 것은 결코 아니다. 그의 설교는 언제나 영적으로 깊이가 있었고, 참된 신앙의 원리를 잘 설명했다. 아우구스티누스의 설교는 그의 성경주석과 마찬가지로 사랑을 강조했다. 탁월한 수사학자로서 아우구스티누스는 설교의 전달 방식에 대해서도 깊이 연구했다. 하지만 여전히 그에게 중요한 것은 전달 방식이 아니라 전달되는 내용이었다. 특별히 그는 설교의 내용을 스스로 실천하기를 원했다. 설교자의 삶과 유리된 설교는 성도들에게 아무런 유익을 줄 수 없기 때문이다. 아우구스티누스는 성찬식과 기도와 송영이 들어있는 예배의 한 부분으로서 설교를 인식했다. 그에게 설교란 그리스도를 전파하며, 성령의 도우심을 바라보게 하며, 하나님 아버지께로 인도하는 영적 도구였다.

** Abstract **
Augustine, who was converted through his reading of the book of Romans, interpreted and preached the Bible all his life. His work, On the Christian Teaching (De Doctrina Christiana) shows Augustine’s biblical hermeneutics and homiletics. He wrote several Bible commentaries and had a clear understanding of biblical exegesis. Although initially influenced by Neoplatonism, he became more and more explicitly biblical in his thought. Augustine argued that the purpose of biblical exegesis lay in the dual commandment of the love of God and neighbor. He regarded it as the purpose of exegesis and preaching to promote and fulfill the Christian triad of faith, hope and love. He also applied the Greco-Roman theory of signs to his biblical exegesis and adapted it to biblical teachings. Augustine interpreted the Bible in honor of the rules of faith (regula fidei) and the authority of the universal church. Above all, he commented on the Bible for the maturity of his own faith and responded to his own age through sound biblical understanding. His biblical hermeneutic is Christ-centered and has the characteristic of contributing to the church. He rejected the heretics and commented on the Bible for well-formed church ministry.

Augustine’s exegesis is closely related to his homiletics. He considered the ministry of the Word to be the most important mission of the pastor. He delivered thousands of sermons, of which 562 remain to this day. Augustine said that the preacher is a patient to be healed by Christ, and at the same time, a doctor to repair the spiritual disease of believers through the Word. Throughout his sermons, Augustine helped the believer to explain their lives using the language of the Bible. He sought preaching that moved the hearts of the audience. Though he preached extempore without a manuscript, he by no means preached without preparation. His sermons were always spiritually deep, and he explained well the principles of true faith. Augustine’s sermons emphasized love just like his biblical commentary. As a prominent rhetorician, Augustine also studied deeply how sermons should be delivered. But what was still important to him was the content of the message, not just the method of delivery. Specifically, he wanted to practice the content of his sermon by himself. He believed that when the life of the preacher was separated from the preaching, it would not benefit the audience at all. Augustine recognized the sermon as a part of the worship which was composed of the sacraments, prayer, and doxology. To him, the sermon was a spiritual tool that delivers Christ, makes people seek the help of the Holy Spirit, and leads them to the Father.

Directement liée au thème paulinien de l’Eglise corps du Christ, la figure du Christus totus n’est pas une « invention » augustinienne. Dans le troisième livre de son ouvrage sur la Doctrine chrétienne, Augustin indique combien il est, sur ce sujet, tributaire du donatiste Tyconius, qui a énoncé un certain nombre de règles pour l’interprétation des Ecritures. « La première de ces règles a justement pour objet : le Seigneur et son corps. Nous savons grâce à elle que, quelquefois, ‘Tête’ et ‘Corps’, c’est-à-dire le Christ et l’Eglise, nous désignent une seule personne » (De Doctrina Christiana, 3, 31).

Resumen: El De catechizandis rudibus de Agustín tiene dos secciones: una teórica y una práctica. En la sección práctica las orientaciones dadas en la sección teórica son ejemplificadas por medio de dos modelos de discurso, uno más largo y otro más breve. Comúnmente se ha pensado que el discurso más breve es una versión abreviada o un resumen del discurso más largo. El artículo pretende mostrar que esto no es así. Aunque el estudio de la estructura de los discursos muestra que ambos fueron construidos del mismo modo, siguiendo las orientaciones dadas, el tenor de los discursos es marcadamente diferente. Quien escucha el discurso más breve, no recibe la misma información que aquel que escucha el discurso más largo.

Palabras clave: De catechizandis rudibus (cat. rud.), esructura, argumento, sermón, modelo de discurso, discurso catequético.

Abstract: Augustine’s De catechizandis rudibus consists of two sections: a theoretical section and a practical section. In the practical section the guidelines given in the theoretical section are illustrated by means of two model speeches, a longer one and a shorter one. It is commonly thought that the shorter speech is an abbreviated version or a summary of the longer speech. In this article I aim to show that this is not the case. Although a study of the structure of the speeches shows that both are set up the same way in accordance with the guidelines given, the tenor of the speeches is markedly different. Listening to the shorter speech does not impart the same information as listening to the longer speech.

Keywords: De catechizandis rudibus (cat. rud.), structure, argument, sermo, model speech, catechetical speech.

Les oeuvres littéraires qui se construisent en amont et en aval d’un axe vertical sont légion, si bien que les topos de la verticalité en deviennent une image de la littérature. Cette verticalité est aussi celle de la transcendance, que la littérature, même lorsqu’elle reste dans l’immanence, longe et croise pour déployer dans son langage l’expérience humaine. Le mythe le plus puissant qui gravite autour de cet axe est celui de la Chute et de la Rédemption, issu de la Bible et façonné par des siècles de traditions exégétiques. La littérature est traversée par ce mythe, auquel elle mêle clandestinement l’ancrage spatial du langage. Cet enchevêtrement est la matière que ce livre explore à travers l’étude des oeuvres les plus diverses, depuis les Pères de l’Église jusqu’au XXIe siècle : Augustin, Jérôme, Alphonse X, Adgar, Pétrarque, María de Zayas, Rétif de la Bretonne, Victor Hugo, Charles Dickens,  Thomas de Quincey, Alfred de Musset, Edgar A. Poe, Franz Rosensweig, Albert Cohen, Lion Feuchtwanger, José Gallegos Lara, Miguel Delibes, Tolkien, C. S. Lewis, Alejandro Jodorowski, Don DeLillo.
Dans un monde en crise et en quête de sens, où paraissent constamment des ouvrages littéraires ou artistiques à empreintes bibliques, poser correctement la question des rapports entre la littérature et les écrits sacrés est essentiel. Cela contribue à la connaissance du fait littéraire et à la prise de conscience de ses enjeux dans cette quête spirituelle de plus en plus viscérale. Choisir le mythe de la Chute et de la Rédemption vise à comprendre en quoi ces écrits ont contribué à défi nir le statut de la littérature et à inciter le lecteur à s’interroger sur ce concept au sein d’une civilisation façonnée par une longue histoire religieuse au coeur des débats contemporains.

It is frequently said that Augustine is the source of a great streak of pessimism in the Christian tradition regarding sex and marriage. His notion of original sin, and especially his teaching that this sin has affected and infected all sexual relations, has (we have been told) profoundly influenced Western Christianity for the worse. It has even been saidmost recently by Elaine Pagels-that Augustine's theory of Adam's fall and the subsequent loss of human freedom served to underwrite the coercive power of an imperial church, now co-extensive with the Roman state. 1

Lemma 'Philosophia' in the Augustinus-Lexikon.
I. Terminology – II. Sources of Augustine's metaphilosophy – 1. Philosophical and doxographical writings – 2. Biblical grounds – III. Philosophy in Augustine's life – 1. Philosophy and Augustine's conversion – 2. Was Augustine a philosopher? – IV. Augustine's ideas on philosophy – 1. True and false philosophy – 2. Philosophy and religion – 3. Philosophy as a discipline – a) Subject – b) Parts – c) Method – 4. Philosophy and liberal arts – 5. Philosophy and happiness – 6. History of ancient philosophy

Trong tiếng Latin, từ 'doctor' gắn liền với động từ 'docere', nghĩa là dạy dỗ. Khi tiếp xúc với văn hóa Tây phương, cha ông chúng ta đã dùng từ 'tiến sĩ' để dịch danh từ 'docteur', tuy rằng hai từ ngữ không hoàn toàn tương đương với nhau, xét vì một đàng, từ 'docteur' có thể dịch là 'tiến sĩ' hay 'bác sĩ', đàng khác, bằng docteur gắn với khung cảnh đại học. Thành thực mà nói, ngày nay bằng docteur được cấp như văn bằng cao cấp của đại học, nhưng vào thời Trung cổ, tức là lúc các đại học mới ra đời, thì bằng này chỉ được trao cho ai được bổ làm giáo sư. Chính trong khung cảnh này mà chúng ta nảy sinh danh hiệu "Tiến sĩ Hội Thánh". Danh hiệu Tiến sĩ Hội Thánh trong Hội Thánh Công Giáo Rôma dành cho các vị thánh mà các văn phẩm được toàn thể Hội Thánh công nhận là có ảnh hưởng và lợi ích lớn, cũng như "sự

Il testo completo dell'articolo è scaricabile al link: http://forum-phil.pusc.it/article/view/2727/922

In this work a reading guide of theDe libero arbitriois offered. In the dialogue,shortly after his conversion, Augustine questions the nature and the origin of moralevil, showing that God cannot be considered the author of the voluntary evil for havinggiven man the gift of free will. God, the creator and supreme administrator of all things,should therefore be thought of not only as good and omnipotent, but also just.

The history of the Catholic Church is notable for its litany of penitent saints who have taken their fasts- locusts, honey, Ezekiel bread- as seriously as they have taken their feasts. When I informed my family of my decision to convert to Catholicism after five years on the edge, their response was that of reluctant resignation as they wondered why I would sign up for a faith so strict in its manners and morals.

Augustine is known as the great theologian of sin. For this he has been celebrated as a realist and criticized as a pessimist. What modern readers often miss is the deeply humane source and character of Augustine's views about sin. We tend to think of Augustine as an observer of humanity whose setting in the midst of the slow demise of an empire provided ample material for reflection on the darker side of life. But Augustine's doctrines of sin and evil were less a product of empirical observation than that picture suggests. Rather, he began with a doctrine of grace and a conception of the good. His ideas about evil and sin were driven by those commitments and laced with compassion for the plight of all those whose lives are a disappointment to them (though also with scorn for those who are self-satisfied).

A key argument in this chapter is that Augustine’s views about sin and evil are derived from his views about grace and goodness. Given his ways of thinking about the latter, the former follow. Keeping this fact in mind may or may not make Augustine’s views easier for modern readers to love, but it can help to avoid some common misunderstandings. A second major contention is that Augustine’s ontology of evil as a privation should shape the way we understand Augustine’s claims about sin. This point is developed in conversation with Augustine’s doctrine of original sin, which applies his privation account to moral psychology, and in conversation with Augustine’s doctrine of primal sin, which has more in common with his understanding of original sin than is commonly realized.

This is a course on a masterpiece in world literature, on a late 4 th-century text of Augustine. We will read closely the whole Confessions in which the author tells his story in the form of sequential conversions to the quest of wisdom (Cicero), Manichaeism, skepticism, neoplatonic philosophy, and catholic Christianity. The Confessions is the history of the schooling of the author's heart in the love of God, which is presented simultaneously as a narrative, introspection, theological reflection, philosophical scrutiny, and prayer. Course Goals: Students are expected to know the course of Augustine's life, his intellectual development, and the main themes that he considered in his Confessions.

En este estudio se presenta la fundamentación de la ética agustiniana en la Ciudad de Dios de san Agustín. Primeramente se explica qué es la ética para el santo de Hipona. Posteriormente se la relaciona con el Misterio de Dios; se la insiere en el misterio de la Iglesia, para terminar destacando su papel en la ciudad, en el mundo. La ciudad es el espacio privilegiado para que el ciudadano se realice moralmente como persona y colabore con la edificación de la ciudad de Dios, la Jerusalén celestial.

"Scritto da un Agostino trentaduenne all’indomani della conversione, il «Contra Academicos» è un dialogo filosofico in tre libri, basato sulle conversazioni realmente avvenute a Cassiciaco nell’autunno del 386.
Il problema discusso nel I libro è il rapporto tra felicità e verità: per il giovane Licenzio all’uomo basta cercare la verità per essere felice; per il suo compagno Trigezio, al contrario, occorre trovarla.
Nel II e nel III libro Agostino in persona discute con l’amico Alipio, il quale sostiene il punto di vista degli Accademici “nuovi”, cioè lo scetticismo di Arcesilao, Carneade e Filone di Larissa, appoggiato dallo stesso Cicerone. Secondo questi filosofi, l’uomo non può ottenere conoscenze certe nel campo della filosofia, perciò il sapiente deve trattenere il suo assenso e limitarsi a seguire, nella vita, il “probabile” o “verosimile”. Con una serie di argomentazioni, Agostino cerca di mostrare che, invece, la verità è conoscibile con certezza e che, senza la conoscenza del vero, il criterio della “probabilità”o “verosimiglianza” non riesce a tutelare l’agire umano dall’errore; suggerisce infine l’ipotesi che lo scetticismo accademico sia stato solo una mossa tattica per contrastare il materialismo stoico.
Ne risulta un’appassionata esortazione a filosofare, un vero e proprio “protreptico” che Agostino indirizza al benefattore Romaniano e, tramite lui, a tutti i suoi lettori.
Quest’edizione è curata da Giovanni Catapano (che per i “Testi a fronte” ha già tradotto, del medesimo autore, il «De immortalitate animae» e il «De quantitate animae»: Agostino, «Sull’anima», Milano 2003) e intende fornire tutti gli strumenti per una lettura approfondita dell’opera: un’ampia e articolata introduzione, una traduzione chiara e affidabile, una gran quantità di note al testo, un elenco minuzioso di parole chiave e una bibliografia aggiornata. Il testo latino a fronte corregge e modifica in vari punti quello dell’edizione critica più recente, a cura di W.M. Green (contenuta nel vol. XXIX del «Corpus Christianorum, series Latina», Turnhout 1970). «"

"Résumé : À partir des écrits pédagogiques du pasteur-pédagogue Gauthey (1795-1864), cet article s’interroge sur la légitimité, l’objet et la nature des  « récompenses » dans un dispositif d’éducation populaire. Comparées aux positions des jansénistes (Cornelius Jansen, 1585-1638) et des jésuites (Ignace de Loyola, 1491-1556), sur la cartographie de l’histoire des courants pédagogiques, quelles sont les caractéristiques de cette théorie protestante des récompenses préconisée au XIXe siècle par Gauthey pour les écoles du dimanche françaises. Permet-elle de confirmer l’hypothèse de la doctrine du serf arbitre comme levier d’une pédagogie pro-récompenses ?

Abstract : Grounding itself in the writings on the art of teaching of the pastor and pedagogue L.-F. F. Gauthey (1795-1864), this article examines the aptness, the goal and the nature of « rewards » in the delivery of popular education. Compared to Jansenist positions (Cornelius Jansen, 1585-1638), as well as to Jesuit (Ignatius of Loyola, 1491-1556), what, on the graph of the history of teaching methods, are the characteristics of this Protestant reward-theory, developed in the 19th century by Gauthey for French Sunday schools ? Does it allow us to confirm the hypothesis of the doctrine of the incapacity of free will as the trigger of a pro-reward teaching method ?"

Traduction d'un article de Pier Franco Beatrice initialement publié en anglais dans A. D. Fitzgerald (ed.) Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, Grand Rapids, 1999, p. 429-431, dans Encyclopédie Saint Augustin. La Méditerranée et l’Europe IVe – XXIe siècle, édition française sous la direction de Marie-Anne Vannier, Paris, 2005, p. 695-697.

Facing the crisis of the contemporary European man, Zambrano meditates on his birth, or better, on his rebirth through a path of self-consciousness. The point from which Zambranian philosophy departs is the anthro-pological perspective, and in this sense the analysis considers some essential aspects, all of them useful in understanding the idea of person: the comparison with the concept of individual; the ordo amoris, and transcendence. These three elements allow us to identify the contact points between Zambrano and some of the authors who influenced her philosophical reflections, such as M. Scheler and Saint Augustine. Finally, this paper offers a synthetic comparative analysis with the thoughts of S. Weil and E. Mounier.