Religious Landscapes and Change

Explorations into how the Boudha stupa in Kathmandu is made meaningful to visitors, it's religious community and various groups of residents in the surrounding neighborhood.

Lots of English language problems and formal errors, but it's still my favorite:-)

The paper first introduces the cosmic symbolism of Shiva and his iconic representation “Linga”. This is followed with historical description of the Vishvanatha Shiva (Vishveshvara), as to how over time since its first reference in the 9th century BCE till date the temple has face destructions, demolition by the bigoted Muslim invaders and the Muslim rulers. The first original site of Vishveshvara is an issue of historical investigation. According to archaeological sources, the first image of Avimukteshvara (later called Devadeva or Vishveshvara/ Vishvanatha) depicted in a seal dated to the ca 9th--10th century BCE, was found in the north-eastern part of the city, i.e., Rajghat. However, the first trace of the temple was recorded in the early CE 6th century, during the reign of Vainya Gupta. The Vishvanatha temple again came to light in the 10th century (the 2nd site, at present Bibi Razia Mosque) that continued till CE 1194. During her reign Bibi Razia (1236-1240) had built a mosque on the deserted site of Vishvanatha temple, which had been earlier demolished by Aibak in ca 1194. By the end of 13th century, the Vishveshvara temple was built in the compound of Avimukteshvara, and continued till the next destruction under the control of Sharqi kings of Jaunpur (1436-1458). In 1490 Sikandar Lodi completely demolished it, and the prominence of Avimukteshvara was lost. Only after a gap of about ninety years, in ca 1585-90 with the support of Todar Mala (Raghunath Pandit), one of the senior courtiers of Akbar, and under patronage of king Man Singh of Jaipur, the great scholar and writer Narayana Bhatta (1514-1595) had re-built it again, most likely on the structural plan of the previous temple of the 13th century. In 1669, even this temple was demolished by the order of the bigot Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.
Only a century later on 25th August 1777 by the patronage of Queen Ahilyabai Holkar (1725-1795) of Indore, the present temple of Vishvanatha was completed; and this temple typifies the revivalist idiom that spread across north India during the course of the 18th century. By the 19th century the whole area surrounding the Vishvanatha temple became sanctuary of gods and godlings attached to Lord Shiva and his family. On the 8th March 2019, projected as ‘dream project’ of the prime minister Narendra Modi under Smart City and Heritage-Making programme, started and already 285 houses and shops were razed to the ground, of course most of them rehabilitated. On the vacant land a huge complex of 50,000 sq metres Vishvanatha Dham ‘Tirtha Kshetra’ Corridor is developed, and is inaugurated by the Hon’ble PM on 13 December 2021.
Keywords: Vishvanatha, Shiva, Linga, Muslim invaders, Ahilyabai, Aurangzeb, archetypal plan.

world, including those of the Malay-Indonesian archipelago, gathered there every year not only for the purposes of pilgrimage but also for intellectual exchange. The l\r1alay Muslims from Patani themselves were part of that process and constituted one element in a wider network of Muslims from the Malay-Indonesian archipelago.

Con este artículo presentamos un documento de notable interés historiográfico para la ampliación de los estudios sobre el territorio de las Alpujarras en el periodo inmediatamente posterior al "levantamiento morisco". Se trata de la resulta de una visita pastoral llevada a cabo en el año 1575, apenas cuatro años después del fin de la guerra. El documento representa un testimonio valioso para los estudios sobre el tema, debido a las referencias y a las descripciones de las graves y duraderas consecuencias que el conflicto supuso para el territorio alpujarreño, así como de las primeras formas de reorganización de la vida religiosa en la zona.

ABSTRACT
This article presents a document of considerable historiographical interest for the expansion of the studies on the territory of the Alpujarras in the period immediately following the morisco insurgence. It is a document related to the pastoral visit of 1575, just four years after the end of the war. The manuscript represents a valuable testimony for the studies on this topic, due to both the description of the serious and long-lasting consequences that the war meant for the Alpujarras and the first forms of reorganization of the religious life in the area.

PONENCIA. Preámbulo, pp. 185-186. 1. Paisaje encontrado, pp. 186-197. a) Antecedentes de este paisaje, pp. 187-197. 2. Paisaje referencial, pp. 197-200. 3. Paisaje imaginado, pp. 201-205. 4. Paisaje transformado, pp. 205-216. a) Dotación de identidad, pp. 205-209. a.1. El espacio identificado, pp. 205-206. b) El espacio habitado, pp. 206-209. b) Dotación de significados y simbolismos, pp. 209-216. b.1. El espacio significado, pp. 209-2214. b.2. El espacio simbólico: la sacralización del paisaje, pp. 214-216. 5. Paisaje confirmado, pp. 216-226. 6. Paisaje comprometido, pp. 227-229.

Con este trabajo trataremos de describir, a través del examen de las visitas pastorales llevadas a cabo en las Alpujarras en los años inmediatamente siguientes a la rebelión morisca, un paisaje religioso no convencional, caracterizado por las heridas del conflicto, la destrucción de los edificios, el despoblamiento de los pueblos. Además, procuraremos observar las consecuencias que la guerra produjo sobre la organización de las parroquias en las tahas alpujarreñas, la distribución de la red beneficial y la reanudación de las prácticas litúrgicas en nuevos espacios.

Resum El paisatge religiós de l'Alpujarra després del «levantamiento»: una mirada a través de les visites pastorals Amb aquesta aportació intentarem descriure, a través de l'examen de les visites pastorals fetes a les Alpujarras en els anys immediatament posteriors a la rebel·lió morisca, un paisatge religiós no convencional, caracteritzat per les ferides obertes pel conflicte, la destrucció dels edificis i l'abandó de pobles. A més a més, procurarem observar les conseqüències de la guerra sobre l'organització de les parròquies de les tahas de les Alpujarras, la distribució de la xarxa beneficial i la recuperació de les pràctiques litúrgiques en nous espais.

Abstract: Religious landscape of the Alpujarras after the «insurgence»: a look through the pastoral visits With this work we will describe, through the examination of the pastoral visits carried out in the Alpujarras in the years that came immediately after the morisco rebellion, an unconventional religious landscape, marked by the wounds opened by the conflict, the destruction of buildings and the depopulation of villages. In addition, we will observe the consequences of the war on the parish organization in the area, the beneficial network and the resumption of liturgical practices into new spaces.

Después de unos años en los que la religión casi llegó a desaparecer de los foros antropológicos, después de unas décadas de la tempranamente anunciada crisis teórica de la antropología de la religión (Geertz, 1973) mucho después del proclamado desencantamiento del mundo (Weber, 1905) y de la aún más tempranamente anunciada muerte de Dios (Nietzsche, 1883), la sociedad desafía a sociólogos y antropólogos inventando nuevas religiones, revitalizando y poniendo al día los viejos rituales, incorporando e hibridando creencias, fabricando conversos que nos obligan a cuestionar tanto los tópicos de la secularización, como los sostenidos por sus mismos detractores. Las antiguas simplificaciones entre clericalismo y laicismo están siendo rebasadas rápidamente por individuos y grupos, suscitando debates sociales y políticos a los que la antropología debe prestar atención. Y en el análisis de estos nuevos pluralismos asistimos a la necesaria emergencia de prácticas etnográficas renovadas y reflexivas, profundas revisiones epistemológicas, surgimiento de hipótesis inéditas para alumbrar nuevas formas de construir los viejos objetos de estudio. En suma, renacen teorías y se originan enfoques nuevos que están devolviendo este veterano campo de la disciplina a la vanguardia de los debates tardomodernos.

Le territoire biturige a été l’objet de nombreuses recherches archéologiques qui ont permis notamment de mettre en évidence la présence d’une centaine de sites cultuels antiques certains ou hypothétiques. Parmi eux, une vingtaine présente des traces d’une occupation d’époque gauloise. Nous avons mené, dans le cadre d’une thèse, des recherches de terrain (prospections, photo-interprétation) qui nous ont permis d’amender nos connaissances sur l’organisation spatiale, l’architecture, la chronologie et le contexte d’implantation de nombreux lieux de culte de ce territoire. Ces données permettent de mettre en lumière l’organisation du paysage religieux du territoire biturige et son évolution. Dans cette communication, il s’agira d’étudier les principales dynamiques religieuses qui l’animent (permanence, mutation, adoption), à partir du IIe s. av. n. è. et durant l’époque romaine. Comme ailleurs, elles révèlent une histoire qui est propre à ce territoire, puisqu’elles mêlent des réalités et identités locales ou régionales et des tendances globales, à l’échelle de la koïnè culturelle celtique, puis de l’Empire romain. Nous évaluerons, en outre, la place de ces processus dans l’évolution de l’organisation du territoire et dans celle de la société qui l’occupe et l’administre.

Religious change is a slow process of adaptation to changed realities of existence where maintaining both emotional and cognitive functioning of the worldview for the individual is central. A shift in human priorities from security to self-expression is linked to increased feelings of security; after this shift a pluralistic context can further facilitate the development of morality and values that transcend local conventions and traditions. New kinds of worldviews, such as contemporary Paganism, emerge to support and legitimise these new values and modes of interaction. For this thesis, I employed a pragmatic mixed-methods methodology in which psychological value survey data was collected and analysed, followed by thematic interviews that explain and interpret the findings.
Young Pagans emphasise altruism as much as the older generations of Pagans – unlike young Christians who emphasise altruism less than older Christians – and Paganism provides a better support for the altruistic values of people with post-materialist priorities. The majority of Pagans operate on egalitarian modalities of interpersonal relations and their value pattern is characterised by universalistic rather than in-group focused altruism. The lack of a clear collective identity and consequent lack of an encompassing boundary have shifted the focus in Paganism from talking about boundaries and community to talking about social interactions, concrete relationships between individuals, and to recognising the innate human need to cultivate these relationships. Research into Paganism illustrates the way in which contextual factors slowly change the type of people’s worldview, without implying increasing rationality; rather, frameworks that have been like templates – providing exemplars – are restyled as trellises that provide footholds to support individual growth.

The Caliphate of Baghdad collapsed (1258AD) by invasion of Mongols and new Islamic world was being formed in this time. This transient period was introduction to bipolar Ottoman-Safavid (from 1501AD) Islamic world based on Sunni-Shiite relation. Ibn Battuta (1304-1368AD) the famous Moroccan traveler has recorded his observation from public life of the medieval people in his Rihla. In Rihla, one can explore the folk’s belief, rituals, and religious cityscape, diaspora of minorities and appearance of new powers in the Islamic world. The cultural sovereign of Persia after collapse of Sunni empire, reconstructed based on Shiite elements especially spiritual leadership of Imam Ali, through social activity of Shiite scholars. In this Article, I have investigated the social context of the emergence of Shiite empire. My anthropological approach focus on narrations, rituals, cultural materials such as architecture and urban space which Ibn Battuta clearly describe them in his Rihla.

Based on an examination of the pastoral visits carried out in the Alpujarra region in the years immediately after the Morisco rebellion (1571), the article describes the particular aspects of an unconventional religious landscape, marked by the wounds resulting from the conflict, destruction of sacred buildings and depopulation of the territory. Additionally, special attention is paid to the consequences of the war on the local parish organization, the network of beneficiaries and the resumption of liturgical practices in new spaces.

Questo lavoro, condotto attraverso l’analisi delle visite pastorali realizzate nel territorio dell’Alpujarra negli anni immediatamente successivi alla fine della rivolta dei moriscos (1571), intende tratteggiare gli elementi distintivi di un paesaggio religioso non convenzionale, caratterizzato dalle ferite della guerra, dalla distruzione degli edifici sacri e dallo spopolamento del territorio.
Inoltre, nel corso della trattazione si porrà particolare attenzione all’analisi delle conseguenze che la guerra produsse sull’organizzazione delle parrocchie nella regione, sulla distribuzione della rete beneficiale e, infine, si esaminerà la ripresa delle pratiche liturgiche in nuovi spazi.

Sanalla pakana on Suomessa vielä hieman kolkko kaiku. Sitä käytetään monissa eri merkityksissä, mutta yleensä negatiivisena ilmauksena. Pakanaksi voidaan kutsua esimerkiksi ateistia tai uskonnotonta henkilöä tai yleisesti henkilöä, joka ei jaa yhteistä, kristillistä, maailmankuvaa eikä ehkä siis myöskään samoja arvoja. Pakanan voidaan ajatella olevan jotenkin paha tai huono ihminen juuri siksi, että hän ei ehkä jaakaan sitä maailmankuvaa, jota Suomessa on uskontotunneilla ja rippikoulussa opetettu. Pakana on kuitenkin viime aikoina alkanut Suomessakin esiintyä yksilön tai ryhmän uskonnollisena identiteettinä ja aivan tietynlaisen maailmankuvatyypin nimikkeenä. Pakana ihmisen omaksumana identiteettinä nykypäivänä viittaa monipuoliseen kokoelmaan tapoja ilmaista ja jäsentää omaa identiteettiään ja maailmankuvaansa sekä asemoida itseään suhteessa ympäröivään maailmaan. Termi on sikäli perusteltu, että inspiraatiota, malleja, esikuvia ja kertomuksia etsitään usein esikristillisistä ja alkuperäiskansojen perinteistä sekä muista jo kadonneista tai nykyisistä kulttuureista kuin myös myyteistä ja legendoista. Kelttiläiset, skandinaaviset, suomalaiset ja antiikin kulttuurit, kansanperinne ja myytit samoin kuin aasialaiset ja etelä-ja pohjoisamerikkalaiset kulttuurit tarjoavat laajan repertoaarin, josta hakea jotain, joka resonoi omien ajatusten ja tunteiden kanssa. Joillakin pakana-identiteettiin voi liittyä keskeisesti myös muisto valtauskonnon pakanoita kohtaan harjoittamista vainoista ja siitä rakentuva asemoituminen osaksi vastakulttuuria. Tämä vastakulttuurinen profiili on ollut myös yksi yhteisöllisyyttä rakentava tekijä muutoin erittäin monimuotoiselle joukolle yksilöitä. Yleisesti ottaen vaikuttaa kuitenkin siltä, että pakanoille se, mihin henkilö uskoo, on toissijaista sen rinnalla, miten hän elää ja toimii maailmassa. Käsitykset todellisuudesta-se missä määrin todellisuuden eri tasoihin tai jumaliin uskotaan todellisina tai ainoastaan metaforisina-eivät ole määriteltyjä tai normitettuja. Pääasia on, että nämä käsitykset ja niiden tulkinnat toimivat positiivisesti yksilön elämässä ja hänen suhteissaan muihin ja muuhun maailmaan. Tämänkaltaisen monista perinteistä ammentavan pakanuuden suosion kasvu länsimaissa on myös merkki yleisemmästä ihmisten maailmankuvan muuttumisesta ja monimuotoistumisesta. Pääsääntöisesti monoteistinen ja kristillinen maailmankuva antaa tilaa polyteismille, animismille, ateismille ja panteismille. Näin myös uskonnollista polkua kulkevan ja sen elämäntyönään kokevan ihmisen tittelinä voi olla esimerkiksi shamaani, druidi tai noita.