Philippians

A partire da un’allusione alla celebre affermazione paolina «per me il vivere è Cristo » (Fil 1, 21), riconoscibile nell’orazione post communionem della Messa Votiva di San Paolo Apostolo del Messale Romano e di quello Ambrosiano attualmente in uso, la presente indagine biblica esamina alcuni passi salienti della Lettera ai Filippesi nel contesto delle relazioni pastorali che l’Apostolo strinse con la comunità cristiana di Filippi e soprattutto della dura prigionia in cui egli si trovava quando la compose.

Prompted by an allusion to Paul’s celebrated affirmation « For to me to live is Christ » (Phil 1: 21), recognizable in the postcommunion of the Votive Mass of St Paul the Apostle
in the current Roman and Ambrosian Missals, the present biblical enquiry examines some salient passages of the Letter to the Philippians with reference to the pastoral relations
forged by the Apostle with the Christian community of Philippi, and especially to the harsh imprisonment he was undergoing at the time of the Letter’s composition.

This commentary demonstrates that the Gospel of Mark is a result of a consistent, strictly sequential, hypertextual reworking of the contents of three of Paul’s letters: Galatians, First Corinthians and Philippians. Consequently, it shows that the Marcan Jesus narratively embodies the features of God’s Son who was revealed in the person, teaching, and course of life of Paul the Apostle. The analysis of the topographic and historical details of the Marcan Gospel reveals that they were mainly borrowed from the Septuagint and from the writings of Flavius Josephus. Other literary motifs were taken from various Jewish and Greek writings, including the works of Homer, Herodotus, and Plato. The Gospel of Mark should therefore be regarded as a strictly theological-ethopoeic work, rather than a biographic one.

Author: Tyler Allred
Publisher: CBE International

There are at least two practical applications for churches today that could come out of this reading. First, while many commentators promote the idea of Euodia and Syntyche being prominent figures in the church, this interpretation could help take it further and set them up as the leaders of churches in Philippi.

Sažetak Kroz cijeli Novi zavjet nalazimo poticaje da oponašamo ili slijedimo primjer Krista, Pavla, pa čak i nekih drugih pobožnih ljudi. U Poslanici Filipljanima nalazimo taj poticaj da oponašamo, pripojen Pavlovoj teologiji progresivnog posvećenja. Posvećenje je u Filipljanima prikazano kao suobličavanje Kristu kroz spoznaju Njega, koja dolazi kroz trojni način Božje riječi (apostolskog učenja), unutarnjeg djelovanja Božjega Duha i oponašanja Krista, apostola Pavla i drugih pobožnih primjera. Pokušat ćemo oblikovati biblijsku teolo-giju posvećenja kroz oponašanje, ograničeni u svojoj analizi na Poslanicu Filipljanima. Prvi dio ovoga članka osvrće se na učenje o posvećenju u Fili-pljanima, s naglaskom na odlomke gdje Pavao izravno postavlja to pitanje: Filipljanima 1,9-11. 27-29; 2,12-16; 3,1-15. Drugi nas dio članka uvodi u biblijsko učenje o oponašanju, a zatim se osvrće na silaznu spiralu oponaša-nja: oponašanje Krista (Fil 2,5), oponašanje Pavla (Fil 3.17a; 4,9) i opona-šanje Pavlovih vjernih oponašatelja (Fil 3,17b). U zaključku ćemo vidjeti da su oponašanje Krista i Njegovih vjernih oponašatelja sredstvo progresivnog posvećenja, sredstvo koje je i važno i često zanemareno, kako od onih koji bi trebali služiti kao primarni primjeri pobožnosti (duhovni vođe) tako i od onih koji bi se trebali učiti oponašanju.

Colección: Spal Monografías Arqueología Núm.: XLIII Reservados todos los derechos. Ni la totalidad ni parte de este libro puede reproducirse o trasmitirse por ningún procedimiento electrónico o mecánico, incluyendo fotocopia, grabación magnética o cualquier almacenamiento de información y sistema de recuperación, sin permiso escrito

Mark Keown’s contribution on Philippians in the Evangelical Exegetical Commentary (EEC) is one of the most detailed commentaries published on this Pauline Letter. This two-volume exegetical commentary can take its place alongside recent major Philippians commentaries by Fee (NICNT, 1995), O’Brien (NIGTC, 1991) or Hawthorne and Martin, (WBC, revised edition, 2004). Keown’s revised dissertation was published as Congregational Evangelism in Philippians: The Centrality of an Appeal for Gospel Proclamation to the Fabric of Philippians (Paternoster Biblical Monographs; Cascade, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, 2009). He is a frequent presenter at SBL and has published several articles on aspects of Philippians.

In Chapter 2, Paul gives us a powerful, even poetic declaration of the eternal divine nature of Yeshua and his place as one with the One God of Israel. Many scholars understand that a full acceptance of Yeshua’s divine nature and union with the One God of Israel, referred to as a “High Christology,” was a development of the Nicene Council of the fourth century c.e. and later Church councils. Yet in the Messianic hymn of 2:5–11, Paul presents Yeshua as the divine Messiah, the One God of Israel becoming a human being, in a letter written around 65 c.e. This Messianic hymn clearly shows that Paul and the earliest Messianic Community proclaimed a “High Christology” almost 300 years before Nicaea.

Published in JSPL 5.1, Summer 2015, this paper argues that Phil 1:19-26 may be explained by Paul having an escape plan dependent on how his trial in Rome goes. This hypothesis satisfies his genuine concern for potential death and his certainty of release. It is not argued that Paul did escape, but that he was prepared to if his trial did not go well.

Throughout the New Testament, we find exhortations to imitate or follow in the steps of Christ, Paul and even some other godly people. In the Epistle to the Philippians, we find this exhortation to imitate incorporated into a Pauline theology of progressive sanctification. Sanctification in Philippians is portrayed as a conforming to Christ through the knowledge of Him, which comes through tripartite means of the Word of God (the Apostolic teaching), the internal work of God's Spirit and the imitation of Christ, the Apostle Paul and other godly examples. We will aim at forming a biblical theology of san-ctification through imitation restricted in our analysis to the Epistle of Philip-pians. First part of the article reviews the teaching of sanctification in Philip-pians, with an emphasis on passages where Paul directly addresses this issue: Philippians 1:9-11, 27-29; 2:12-16; 3:1-15. Second part of the article introduces us to biblical teaching on imitation, and then it reviews a downward spiral of imitation: imitating Christ (Phil. 2:5), imitating Paul (Phil. 3:17a; 4:9) and imitating Paul's faithful imitators (Phil. 3:17b). In the conclusion, we will see that imitation of Christ and His faithful imitators is a means of progressive sanctification that is both important and often neglected, both by those who should serve as primary examples of godliness (spiritual leaders) and those who need to learn by imitating.

writings. All these ways of handling Paul's use of the term indicate the continued undue influence of "canonicity" (particularly "canonical Paul"), of later Christian rhetoric on the interpretation of early texts, and of an ongoing underattention to the social world and public discourses within which New Testament texts were composed and read. Against these interpretations, I argue that Paul's use of συστρατιώτης, in each case, is prompted by distinctive elements in the circumstances of the person to whom he applies it and is carefully woven into larger rhetorical webs of meaning developed by Paul in the wider letter. In what follows, I will evaluate the most common explanations for Paul's use of συστρατιώτης, reexamine the metaphorical and literal uses of soldiering and fellow-soldiering terminology and imagery in Greco-Roman rhetoric and letters, and reevaluate Paul's references to Epaphroditus and Archippus in light of this material.

Julien Ogereau's monograph is based on a doctoral dissertation submitted to the Department of Ancient History at Macquarie University, which he completed under the supervision of L. L. Welborn, Professor of New Testament and Early Christian Literature at Fordham University. The primary aim of Ogereau's thought-provoking study is to determine the economic strategy that Paul used to finance his missionary activities. He attempts to rehabilitate, strengthen, and slightly adjust J. P. Sampley's Roman societas model as a plausible description of Paul's κοινωνία with the Philippians.

In this essay I examine the contrast of kenodoxian ("empty glory") and Christ"s ekenosen ("emptying himself") to show that in humility Christ emptied himself of glory in order to accomplish the will of the Father-and thereby attaining the highest glory. The nature of true glory and the path to it I conclude to be a major theme of the letter. I believe it is in this framework that the constant exhortation to exercise the humbleness of Christ"s mind is put forward by Paul, as the true way to keep one"s eyes on the goal of doing God"s will in the endeavor to receive the true glory that only comes from God.

Andreas Köstenberger and his colleagues once noted that “The literature on Philippians 2:5-11 has become virtually unmanageable.” Indeed, scholars have written whole books on single terms in the passage such as the word, μορφη (form) to argue for a certain point of view around what Paul meant when he wrote Jesus possess the μορφη of God. The theological weight of Philippians 2:5-11, also known as the Carmen Christi, has served the interest of many and gave birth to multiple debates around the nature of the incarnation and of Christ Himself. On the other hand, the practical aspects of it must not be completely overshadowed by mere theological analysis. It goes without saying that a plain reading of the verses and the surrounding context shows that Paul wasn’t intending to teach a new dogma. Rather, he sought to teach the Philippians the right way to live. As Hellerman and others noted, the purpose is “sociological, not ontological.”  In this paper, I aim to strike a balance of both. First, I aim to present a socio-cultural backdrop of Philippi during the time of Paul. Next, I aim to give a theological anchor for the Carmen Christi. Afterwards, I will give an evaluation of the theological implications of the Carmen Christi when read from the lens through which the Philippians see the world. Finally, I will wrap the paper up by giving some personal insights on how the mesh of theological and practical wisdom of the verse can serve the church today.

This is a popular article published electronically in a fuller form. I decided to put it up on academia.edu since someone will inevitably not like it and disagree with it. Angry trolls have already gathered to tell me how much they know (which is not surprisingly a lot) and oh how so little that I know. Thus, the desire to get scholarly critique in order not to have to entertain a possible error noticed by citizens of trolldom.  Therefore, I invite you to critique it and I hope to make future revisions of the article based upon what people don't like (targeted for a popular biblically literate but non-scientific audience). Any intelligent critiques on grammar and sources will be gratefully acknowledged if they lead to a change and typo-corrections are welcome.

“But you will receive power when the Ruach HaKodesh comes upon you; you will be my witnesses both in Yerushalayim and in all Y’hudah and Shomron, indeed to the ends of the earth!”” (Acts 1:8, CJB)


With these words, the mission to reach the world with the message of Yeshua began. Starting with Jerusalem and Judea, the message of Yeshua spread among the Jews of the Land. The earliest Messianic community was a movement of Jews. With the message of Yeshua moving to the ends of the earth, the doors were opened to the Gentile world.

This paper deals with exegetical issues concerning the well-known kenosis passage in Philippians.  It covers textual variants and other textual issues, includes exegetical commentary, as well as a basic homiletical outline built in to the paper.  It is by no means exhaustive, but should give the reader a good survey of the exegetical matters in this passage.

This paper (recently given at the Biblical Research Seminar at the University of St Andrews) proposes a new approach to the problem of the identity of the name God gives to the exalted Christ in Phil 2:9. All the currently advocated options ("Lord," "LORD," and "Jesus") are examined and shown to be problematic. Taking a cue from recent articles that have argued for a two-name name (one by Samuel Vollenweider and the other by Michael Martin and Bryan Nash) I propose a new solution. The name is a three-part name-title, "Lord Jesus" Christ. This name contains the name of Israel's one God and sums up Christ's identity—described in the preceding encomiastic biography—as a uniquely complex and representative divine person.

In 2018, I came across a copy of R. P. Martin’s Carmen Christi (1967 edition) in a second-hand bookshop that had been in C. F. D. Moule’s personal library, a gift to him from the author; it had his extensive marginal comments in pencil throughout, which was the main reason for making the purchase. This led me to revisit my 2016 paper on Phil 2:5-11 (published in the EJournal) and enlarge it with extra remarks here and there as well as make a clearer distinction between typological and literal intertextual usage of the Jewish Scriptures.  No changes have been made to the exegesis or the philology; rather, the paper has just been expanded making it a more complete exegesis and a fuller engagement with scholarship on more points of dispute. It has gained about 6000 words in the process. So, this paper now supersedes the 2016 paper.

ABSTRACT
The current dissertation is devoted to the study of one particular passage from Paul's letter to Philippians 3:18-20. In it Paul warns the believers at Philippi to distance themselves from those whom he calls "the enemies of the cross of Christ" (3:18). The brevity of the passage and its terminological complexity continue to foster scholarly attempts to decipher the identity of the "enemies." 
A possible clue to their identity is located in the Hellenistic term politeuma (3:20) often misleadingly translated as “citizenship,” “homeland,” or “colony”. Epigraphic evidence testifies that the term polivteuma was used for the designation of voluntary associations - widely spread and popular social institution of the ancient world. The study of the primary sources confirms the presence of voluntary associations at Philippi. As is seen in the book of Acts and Paul's letters, the appropriation of the Christian gospel in the urban centers of the Roman empire took place within the format of the household and/or artisan's workshop. Both structures played a role in the formation of the nascent Christian community. From the point of view of social prosopography, organizational structure, egalitarian disposition and inner social dynamics, the Christian ekklēsia bore strong resemblance to a religious or professional association.
The multiplicity of leadership (episkopoi and diakonoi) is an indication of the Christian community's development as a network of several private fellowships with the "enemies" constituting one particular deviant group. The signs of interpersonal rivalry and discord which are epitomized in the quarrel between the two leading women of the church, Euodia and Syntyche, testify that for at least for some believers the opponent's syncretistic model of Christianity was a tempting alternative. 
By remaining members of a voluntary association (politeuma) the opponents secured their legitimate place within the Graeco-Roman socio-political universe. Christians, on the contrary, by withdrawing from worshipping gods and emperor, anticipated the time of social ostracism and persecution.  For the opponents Christ is just another cultic deity, for Paul, the only kurios and soter worthy of veneration. Capitalizing on the metaphorical meaning of the politeuma, Paul anticipates the coming of the "Jerusalem above" (Gal 4:26) and urges the believers at Philippi to live worthily of their heavenly calling.

Penggunaan studi linguistik dalam penafsiran teks-teks Perjanjian Baru (PB) masih sedikit. Hal ini dinyatakan oleh Mark Edwar Taylor di dalam disertasinya pada tahun 2001. Taylor menuliskan bahwa, The entry of text-linguistics into biblical studies has been slow and is still in a developmental stage. Although several of the major tenets of text-linguistics may be traced to ancient rhetoric, dating from ancient Greece and Rome through the Middle Ages up to the present, the modern discussion is a distinctly twentieth-century movement. Therefore, as fas as linguistic models are concerned, text-linguistics has a relatively brief history, especially in biblical studies where modern linguistic methods are usually adopted with some degree of caution. 1 Tulisan ini adalah salah satu upaya untuk mengembangkan studi tersebut. Penulis memilih studi linguistik dengan pendekatan analisis wacana. Model analisis wacana yang digunakan adalah analisis colon yang diperkenalkan oleh Johanes P. Louw. 2 Louw menyatakan, Discourse analysis based upon the use of colons is nothing more than a technique for mapping the form of a text in such a way that the syntactic relationships of the contituent parts can be most readily recognized. 3 Louw memakai analisis colon di dalam analisis wacana. Analisis colon adalah semacam analisis wacana yang menekankan pada penggunaan colon. approach is enormously helpful in showing how the individual parts of a biblical book are related to the whole. 6 Kedua, studi analisis colon fokus pada text's cohesion dan coherence. Black menjelaskan,

Paul employed exalted theology such as that of the Carmen Christi to motivate recipients of his epistles to comply with ethical parenesis specific to their circumstances. This study proposes resolutions for exegetical difficulties in the exhortation of Phil 2:12-18 by prioritizing consideration of the mechanism by which the Carmen Christi motivated the Philippians' obedience. The exemplified methodology offers a pattern for exegetical problem-solving throughout the epistle and supports both the unity of Philippians and the ethical interpretation of the Christ hymn.

As many have now seen, Phil 2:6–11 (along with 3:20–11) is a traditional hymnic piece that uses Greco-Roman language for divine rulers to express a kind of “imperial Christology.” Whilst the second half (vv. 9–11) cites biblical prophecy (Isa 45:23), the first half lacks scriptural language. Instead it employs Greco-Roman language, especially the conventional terminology for the gods’ self-transformations; stories of gods taking on a new "form (μορφή)" to visit human communities in disguise. Besides the shared language that has been noted especially by German scholars (D. Zeller, U. B. Müller and S. Vollenweider, cf. A. Y. Collins), there are other ways in which verses 7–8 employ the distinctive terminology of divine self-transformations that have hitherto escaped commentators' notice. Together, Phil 2:6–11 and 3:20–11 also echo distinctive themes of those stories, for example in the combination of divine self-transformation (2:6–8) and the gods' transformation of human beings (3:21). Christ is a divine ruler who comes to earth in a way that is comparable to the poetic vision of Octavian as a self-transforming God who comes to earth as Rome’s saviour in Horace Odes 1:2 (lines 42ff). However, in other ways Christ’s divine self-transformation is like no other: he empties himself and lives a whole human life, dying on a cross (see vv. 7a, 8a–c), things that the pagan gods never do.

All this points to a fresh approach to the much-discussed problem of the harpagmos clause in Phil 2:6. The use of the rare word ἁρπαγμός is not satisfactorily explained by the theory of Roy Hoover that, in this context (ἡγέομαι + a double accusative), it means “something to take advantage of”. Also, v. 6c means “being in a manner equal (ἴσα) with God”. It does not mean “equality with God”. Following David Fredrickson's recent and stimulating discussion of the language of desire in Philippians Eros and the Christ: Longing and Envy in Paul's Christology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2013[/easyazon_link]), I present a three-layered interpretation of 2:6ff that takes seriously the consistent lexicographical evidence (of Plutarch On the Education of Children 15; Vettius Valens Anthology 2.38 and Ms Va of Pausanias Description of Greece 1.20.3) that ἁρπαγμός means “abduction for marriage”. First, Christ reckons that the divine identity is not constituted by the kind of aggressive and deceptive erotic pursuits ascribed to Zeus and the other gods. Secondly, he reckons that “being in a manner equal with God” does not mean, as Caligula (and perhaps other kings and emperors) claimed (Cassius Dio Roman History 59.26.5), that as a divine ruler one is entitled to imitate the immortal gods by seizing and raping whoever turns you on. Thirdly, by this contrast with the gods and with soidisant divine rulers, the hymn sets forth the life of Christ as a revelation of the true character of God’s desire (ἐπιπόθησις—cf. Phil 1:8; 2:26; 4:1) for humanity; a desire focused on humanity’s, not Christ’s, interests (cf. 1:4).

In his letter to the Philippians, Paul sounds a number of themes and employs a variety of techniques that would have been familiar to Stoics and others within his Greco-Roman audience. Simply understanding the socio-religious background of a first-century situation, however, falls short of appreciating how the apostle operated, and what sort of impact might have been anticipated among his audiences. Within a cognitive-critical analysis of a biblical text, the Rational-Emotive Behavioral Therapy of Albert Ellis casts helpful light not only on what Paul was saying, but it also illumines what he was seeking to effect among his readers. By first addressing assumptions related to disturbing events, followed by a critique of their distortive effects, it can be seen that Paul is seeking to avail his readers a transformative way of seeing, which effects changes of both emotion and behavior. This Rational-Emotive Behavioral analysis of Paul's letter to the Philippians suggests some of the ways that might so—both then and now. As a cognitive-critical approach to biblical analysis, my methodology works with a particular psychological theory that has demonstrated robust effectiveness theoretically and practically, applying relevant insights to particular biblical texts. Again, the assumption is that biblical authors and audiences are human beings, and that persons think, feel, and act in ways that evidence continuity across temporal and cultural. Presented at the 2017 Psychology and Biblical Studies Section of the Boston SBL meetings.

In het christelijke gesprek over genezing wordt regelmatig naar de zieke medewerkers van Paulus verwezen. Epafroditus is de dood nabij (Fil. 2:27), Timotheüs kampt met maagproblemen (1 Tim. 5:23) en Trofimus blijft ziek achter (2 Tim. 4:20). Waarom genezen deze vrienden van Paulus niet? Gaat die keuze terug op Gods soevereine besluit of laten deze teksten ook ruimte voor andere antwoorden?

The examples constituted a social institution for the societies of the Greco-Roman world, which developed particularly through the Rhetoric, as  the examples were one of the strong arguments of the rhetor. Through these the social competition was cultivated, but that competition and rivalry appeared  mainly at the level of the groups and not of the individuals. Paul applies the argumentative power of examples in the Epistle to the Philippians, but with his own subversive use. He presents four examples of Christian excellence: Jesus Christ consists  an exemplar of utmost or rather supreme humility, Paul functions as an exemplar of repudiating or rather renouncing pride, Timothy an exemplar of self-abnegation to bondage, and finally Epaphroditus an exemplar of self-abnegation to death. All these exemplars aim at the service of the ekklesia and at the unity of the Christian community.

RESUMEN El presente artículo expone el sentido del himno cristológico de Filipenses 2,6-11 de Pablo, analizando primero el texto en sí mismo, su sentido propio, su género literario y las fuentes usadas por el autor, y finalmente el sentido que tiene en su contexto original y cómo es entendido por el lector de hoy. PALABRAS CLAVE: Himno cristológico. Filipenses. ABSTRACT «The Christologic hymn of Philippians 2,6-11. Primeval and pauline meaning». This paper deals with the meaning of the Christologic hymn of Philippians 2,6-11 by Paul, firstly analyzing the text itself, its true meaning, its literary genre and sources used by author, and finally its meaning in the original context and how it is understood by a modern reader. KEY WORDS: Christologic hymn. Philippians. Flp 2,6-11 es uno de los textos más estudiados del NT. Cuando en 1914 H. Schumacher publicaba su estudio sobre el himno (Christus in seiner Präexistenze und Kenose nach Phil 2,5-8, 1914 y 1921), adjuntaba una bibliografía inmensa. Ésta ha continuado multiplicándose hasta nuestros días, matizando posturas y ofreciendo nuevas perspectivas en función de los intereses literarios y teológicos de cada época. Últimamente, en la época de la exégesis sociológica/antropológica, no es de extrañar que aparezcan estudios dedicados a las categorías honor/deshonor 1. El presente estudio está centrado en el sentido del himno cristológico, inser-to por Pablo en la carta a los Filipenses, para lo cual primero se estudia el texto en sí mismo, su sentido propio, su género literario y las fuentes usadas por el autor y en segundo lugar el sentido que tiene en el contexto de la carta a los Filipenses en que lo ha colocado Pablo y donde lo lee el lector actual. I. EL HIMNO EN SÍ MISMO Para un mejor análisis, procedo en dos pasos. Primero ofrezco una visión global del conjunto, apoyándome especialmente en la estructura sintáctica, y en un segundo momento procedo a un análisis más detallado de cada elemento.

A paper discussing Paul's understanding of social relations based on Philippians 2:5-11. It explores how Christ's example shapes social relationships in Philippians and the Pauline Epistles. Contemporary readers are challenged to live lives patterned on Christ.

The historical debate concerning the translation, "For me to live is Christ, to die is gain." Calvin suggested the traditional translation may be wrong, and his colleague Beza offered a syntactical rationale. For 200 years many accepted this rethinking, but in the nineteenth century, it fell from favor. This paper reexamines the merits of Calvin's innovation.

No extant text gives so vivid a glimpse into the experience of an ancient prisoner as Paul’s letter to the Philippians. As a letter from prison, however, it is not what one would expect. For although it is true that Paul, like some other ancient prisoners, speaks in Philippians of his yearning for death, what he expresses most conspicuously is contentment and even joy. Setting aside pious banalities that contrast true joy with happiness, and leaving behind too heroic depictions that take their cue from Acts, Abject Joy offers a reading of Paul’s letter as both a means and an artifact of his provisional attempt to make do. By outlining the uses of punitive custody in the administration of Rome’s eastern provinces and describing the prison’s complex place in the social and moral imagination of the Roman world, this book provides a richly drawn account of Paul’s nonelite social context, where bodies and their affects were shaped by acute contingency and habitual susceptibility to violent subjugation. Informed by recent work in the history of emotions, and with comparison to modern prison writing and ethnography provoking new questions and insights, Abject Joy describes Paul’s letter as an affective technology, wielded at once on Paul himself and on his addressees, that works to strengthen his grasp on the very joy he names.

This article deals with the founding of Graeco-Roman assosciations and the founding of the Philippian ekklesia by the apostle Paul. The following inscriptions are more thourougly analysed: the association of Šamūmānu (1200 BCE; CAT 3.9), the association of Dionysios (II/1 BCE; LSAM 20 = SIG3/4 985), the mysteries of Artemis Ephesia (I CE, AnSt 42 (1992), 119–150), the worship of Sarapis and Isis in Opus (I CE, IG X/2.1 255), Men Tyrannos from Laurion (II/III CE, IG II² 1365+1366), the association of Epicteta (III/II BCE, IG XII,3 330), the Dionysos cult in Magnesia (II CE, Jaccottet 2.146), the honors for Diodoros (I BCE, IG II2 1343). From this angle the founding of the Philippian community and its relationship with Paul can be seen in a different way.

This paper explores the early Christian reception of σπένδομαι as a metaphor for dying in Phil 2,17 and 2 Tim 4,6. Virtually all early Christian interpreters apply the passages to the death of Paul, and to death in general. Second- and third-century authors evoke Paul’s martyr’s death to persuade believers to embrace martyrdom. The passages are also proof-texts for various anthropological arguments (the universality of death, or death as liberation from the dominion of corruption). During the fourth century, these texts begin to be used as moral exhortations, the theme of sacrificial offering appearing frequently throughout this discourse. Homilies on martyrdom most commonly encourage Christians to live virtuous lives, reject sin, and put up with various adversities, which range from poverty and daily hardship to the loss of a beloved person or the approach of death. Homilies commonly address the appropriate attitude towards death, from avoiding excessive expressions of mourning to accepting dying as a transition to a better life.

La metáfora de la esclavitud en Flp 2,7 y 1 Co 9,19 * Nadie es voluntariamente esclavo (dou/ loj ekw. n ouv dei, j: FILÓN, Prob. 6.36) Ninguna esclavitud es más repugnante que la voluntaria (nulla servitus turpior est quam voluntaria: SÉNECA, Ep. 47.17) Pablo emplea en numerosos pasajes el léxico de la esclavitud de forma metafórica 1 . En dos de ellos la esclavitud es voluntariamente escogida. Cristo Jesús, siendo en la forma de Dios, toma la forma del esclavo (ev n morfh/ | qeou/ upa, rcwn... morfh. n dou, lou labw, n: Flp 2,6-7) y Pablo, siendo libre de todos, se hace esclavo a todos (ev leu, qeroj w' n ev k pa, ntwn pa/ sin ev mauto. n ev dou, lwsa: 1 Co 9,19). Mientras que los estudios sobre 1 Co 9 han indicado frecuentemente la relación entre los dos textos 2 , las investigaciones sobre Flp 2,6-11 no han considerado significativo dicho paralelo 3 . * Dedico la investigación a D. Juan Guillén Torralba, insigne profesor enamorado de la Escritura, gracias al cual he podido adentrarme en las fascinantes sendas de la Biblia. El siguiente artículo amplía y revisa algunas ideas de mi tesis: A. PEREIRA DELGADO, De apóstol a esclavo. El exemplum de Pablo en 1 Corintios 9 (AnBib 182; Roma 2010). En el tiempo de edición del artículo ha aparecido una monografía que completa y profundiza algunas intuiciones en él expuestas: S. ROSELL NEBREDA, La nueva identidad de los cristianos. El himno a Cristo en la carta a los Filipenses (BEB minor 16; Salamanca 2010).

Paul's imprisonment epistle in Philippians 1:12-30 serves as a missive of hope to the followers of Christ in the area of Philippi. In this passage, we have a lens into Paul's determinative will and renewed commitment to the gospel's expansion.

My paper, "Living and Dying Well in the First Century CE: A Comparative Analysis Between Philippians and Egyptian Sources" was selected for presentation in the European Assoc. of Biblical Studies (EABS) Comparative Methodologies Unit of the 2018 SBL Intl. Meeting  - July 30-Aug. 03, 2018.

This article argues that Paul inserts oppositional references into his letter to the Philippians in order to provide an antithetical identity to that of the proposed eschatological identity he is seeking to bolster within the Philippian community. This antithetical identity presupposes a group of opponents who were very familiar to Paul’s audience, namely, fellow Greeks and Romans, who were unbelievers and who lived alongside the Philippian Christians in Philippi rather than Jewish or Jewish Christian opponents. Explanations identifying Jewish opponents have proven inadequate because they do not fit convincingly into the overall flow of Paul’s argument. Since the opponents’ concrete identity is only important for establishing a familiar antithesis it is argued that seeking to identify them precisely has little value. Instead focus should shift to the eschatological identity of believers and how this new identity moves them toward transformation and unification, even in the midst of a difficult external situation.

Renumbers into 650 verses, in 26 chapter sub-divisions. Hints that the Philippians were carrying the ark of the covenant (also the ark of testimony) during the generation of Clement, AD 64-99. 

A text from the first years of the reformed religious order of the Essene monks, the Gnostics. A general letter to the inner circles of the churches, of relatively advanced doctrine published during the leadership of Clement of Rome, AD 64-99.

The language of the first lines is reminiscent of the documents of the Essene religious order, the literature of the so-called Dead Sea scrolls, wherein a new member is given indoctrination in the expectations of the religious order. The name Philip is thought to be a used here for a code name of Clement.

Philippi was a large city and Roman province of noble Greek Romans, of some very ancient Greek allies (i.e Apollo).

The document is noted for some corruptions in the text, that have been given clarification with suggestions.  Any suggestions?