Palestine-Israel Conflict

Reviewed at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.13169/arabstudquar.43.2.0189
This book offers a much-needed focus on Palestine solidarity films, supplying a critical theoretical framework whose intellectual thrust is rooted in the challenges facing scholars censored for attempting to rectify and reverse the silencing of a subject matter about which much of the world would remain uninformed without cinematic and televisual mediation. Its innovative focus on Palestine solidarity films spans a selected array of works which began to emerge during the 1970s, made by directors located outside Palestine/Israel who professed support for Palestinian liberation. Visualizing the Palestinian Struggle analyzes Palestine solidarity films hailing from countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom, Egypt, Iran, Palestine/Israel, Mexico, and the United States. Visualizing the Palestinian Struggle is an effort to insist, constructively, upon a rectification and reversal of the glaring and disproportionate minimization and distortion of discourse critical of Zionism and Israeli policy in the cinematic and televisual public sphere.

The Heinrich Böll Stiftung (hbs) has conducted this research to
better understand the impact of the current political situation on
the human rights’ issue of Palestinians in East Jerusalem in general,
and of the vulnerable groups in particular. In doing so, this study
analyzes the current situation of East Jerusalem from different
perspectives: political, social and economic, using the case study
and life story approach, in addition to in-depth interviews with key
informants. The research observations highlight the complexity
of the current geopolitical context of East Jerusalem such as the
annexation, the construction of the Jewish settlements and the
separation Wall, as well as the Israeli policies that discriminate
against the Palestinian Jerusalemites. The analysis identifies on the
one hand, the imposed Israeli measures that violate human rights
at different levels, and on the other hand, the structural macrosocial
forces in the Palestinian society that influence the level of
respect of human rights, in order to differentiate between what’s
imposed by the state of Israel and what is culturally inherited.
The study concludes that the vulnerable groups are subjected to
these two levels of violations in a way that makes the mission of
advocating for them more complex. The study also differentiates
between the Israeli policies that are comprehensive for all the
Palestinian Jerusalemites; i.e. the regulations of the “Permanent
Residence” status, and those that were set for particular areas or
circumstances such as the policies regarding the areas within the
municipal boundaries but outside the segregation wall, and the
collective punishment to a certain group of people. Furthermore, the
analysis highlights the important role played by the Palestinian civil
society organizations that emerged and developed in the absence
of the state, discussing their history, challenges and scope of work.
A short discussion is also introduced over foreign aid and the vital
role played by International Organizations. The study recommends
that the intervention of the international community at the political
level is essential in order to promote the respect of the rights for the
vulnerable Palestinian communities in East Jerusalem.
Keywords: East Jerusalem, Israeli Policies, Human rights, Vulnerable
Groups, CSOs.

Sebagai salah satu new religious movements, Ikhwanul Muslimin yang memiliki organisasi yang modern dan sangat antusias terhadap konflik Israel-Palestina. Selain itu Ikhwanul Muslimin sebagai organisasi keagamaan memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap politik luar negeri Mesir setelah kemenangannya pada pemilu 2011-2012. Penelitian ini berusaha melihat signifikansi pergerakan keagamaan baru atau yang dikenal dengan new religious movements dengan melihat pengaruh Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam politik luar negeri Mesir dalam konflik Israel-Palestina. Ikhwanul Muslimin yang memiliki jaringan dan sayap politik yang kuat dan besar di Mesir. Dengan menggunakan isu konflik Israel-Palestina yang sangat identik dengan kepentingan keagamaan, Ikhwanul Muslimin mampu memberikan pengaruh pada perubahan politik luar negeri Mesir utamanya setelah kemenangannya dalam pemilu 2011-2012. Ikhwanul Muslimin dengan menjadikan agama sebagai instrument utama pergerakan mampu mendominasi politik Mesir pasca revolusi dan mampu memperoleh dukungan legitimasi dari rakyat Mesir. Dengan menggunakan penelitian eksplanatif, dan analisis data kualitatif penelitian ini menganalisis dan menjelaskan signifikansi kelompok dan agama dalam politik luar negeri sebuah negara.

Sarà direttamente Iratxe García Pérez, presidentessa dell’eurogruppo dei Socialisti e Democratici, eletta tra le fila del PSOE, il Partito Socialista Operaio Spagnolo a guidare la delegazione in missione in Israele e Palestina. Accanto a lei ci sarà un gruppo di europarlamentari di alto rilievo, tra i quali Elena Yoncheva, eletta eurodeputata per il Partito Socialista bulgaro, formatasi all’Università Statale di Mosca “Lomonosov”, vicepresidentessa della delegazione del Parlamento europeo per le relazioni con Israele; Pedro Marques, proveniente dal Partito Socialista Portoghese, eurodeputato e vicepresidente per gli affari esteri del Gruppo S&D; Evin Incir eurodeputata svedese di origini curde eletta nel Partito Socialdemocratico svedese relatrice permanente per la Palestina nella commissione Affari esteri del Parlamento europeo e vicepresidente della delegazione del Parlamento per le relazioni con la Palestina.

Abstract: This research paper aims to shed light on the theoretical perspectives and operational approaches adopted by the Palestinian civil society organization in connection with the peace-building and reconciliation process in the Palestinian context. The research question is what are the different moves, debates, and initiatives taken by the Palestinian civil society organizations to put an end to the conflict? Why could not they succeed or produce tangible results in fulfilling this  goal? The first part of the paper considers debates, contexts, and developments of civil society organizations, in general, and Palestine, in particular, as well as their roles on political, national, cultural, and developmental levels. Civil society deepens its peaceful intervention in many developed and developing countries to build domestic peace and achieve reconciliation, along with other tasks and duties. Palestine’s case is not an exception but a unique case since the independent sovereign state of Palestine does not exist on the ground. The second part aims to deeply analyze the roles of civil society in the reconciliation process and to assess why this process failed to produce fruitful results until now. To use narrative methodologies, the paper collects primary data through structured interviews and the focus group. Interviews were conducted with the  cadres  and  activists  in  the  Palestinian  civil  society  and  other  professionals  and  experts  in  this field. The last part concludes that civil so-ciety,  especially  among  the  youth,  is  necessary  for reconciliation not only between Israeli and Palestinians but also within the Palestinians as well.Keywords:  Civil  Society,  Peacebuilding,  Israel,  Palestine, conflict.

L'analogie entre l'apartheid et la situation en Israël-Palestine envahit les commentaires et les analyses. Elle prend cependant différentes formes. L'usage radical et systématique de l'analogie vise à condamner l'Etat d'Israël et le sionisme dans leur nature même. Cette approche infondée est aisément réfutable par l'analyse comparée des deux systèmes politiques et sociaux, y compris la discrimination des Arabes israéliens par rapport à celle des non Blancs en Afrique du Sud de l'apartheid. L'usage conjoncturel à visée critique ou constructive de l'analogie s'applique quant à elle exclusivement au traitement des Territoires occupés par Israël et fait référence à la politique du « grand apartheid » et ses bantoustans. Bien que s'appuyant sur quelques éléments communs, cet usage de l'analogie ne résiste pas à une analyse technique et contextualisée des ingénieries territoriales et politiques. Là où le « grand apartheid » relevait d'un système politico-territorial profondément raciste mais de nature postcoloniale, la politique israélienne vis-à-vis des Territoires occupés et plus généralement le sionisme contemporain, apparaissent comme un nationalisme de pratique coloniale, au sens étroit du terme (primat de l'appropriation foncière et de l'annexion sur les autres formes de domination). Les perspectives de résolution du conflit font également l'objet d'approches comparatives qui s'intéressent à l'expérience sud-africaine. Là aussi l'analogie entre les deux situations offre peu de points communs sur lesquels s'appuyer pour concevoir les modalités d'un compromis géopolitique et d'une réconciliation. En revanche, le rapport renouvelé au territoire et à la souveraineté, esquissé à Genève, relève d'un post-sionisme territorial qui semble porteur de solutions.

The fact of the Israel-Palestine conflict is that it is rooted in religion and centered around a dispute over land, but it has evolved into something far more complex over time. Even as recent as was seen on the 25th of February 2022 that the Isaerli police were violently chasing away Palestinian protesters rom Sheik Jarrah, a predominantly Palestinian neighbourhood in the Turkish town of Isaerli. Meanwhile, accusations of antisemitism were levelled against individuals who backed Palestine, and these accusations were used as a tactic to delegitimize those who stood up for their country's rights.

A diplomatic settlement or the establishment of peace in the foreseeable future appears to be out of the question in the 70-year-old conflict, which still appears to be blazing at full throttle. The purpose of this study project was to conduct an examination of the Israeli-Palestinian issue in light of the United Nations' rejected position, as well as to examine the ramifications and influence of mainstream western media bias on the same subject.

There is concern that a third intifada could emerge, particularly with the recent conflict in the summer of 2021, and that new tensions would grow into large-scale armed confrontations. The most essential objective for moving towards a fair and peaceful resolution are is to protect and establish a long-term solution between Israel and the Palestinian territories, which would improve regional security by reducing tensions between the two countries. Due to the fact that the problem is frequently not discussed and contested without any background or history, this research study is his research study is useful in providing some insight into this almost intractable international conflict.

Between 1984 and 1996, public health authorities in Israel maintained a secret policy of discarding blood donations made by Ethiopian-Israeli citizens and immigrants. Officials later attempted to justify this policy on the grounds that immigrants from Ethiopia were subject to high rates of infectious disease (especially HIV). In 1996, this led to an explosive and violent confrontation between Ethiopian-Israeli protestors and agents of the state, including police and public health authorities. This essay explores the cultural and political context of that confrontation, including the discourse of political violence which it occasioned. The conflict between Ethiopian-Israelis and the state was located within a wider set of political contexts, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was linked to it through a shared trope of “spilled blood” common to both. Cultural analyses which ignore this dynamic political context are in danger of seriously misrepresenting the meaning of the “Blood Affair” to its participants. At the same time, this essay also engages a critical analysis of the public health policies which led to the crisis. Public health and nationalist discourse reinforced one another at the expense of Ethiopian immigrants in general, and so-called “Feres Mura” Ethiopians in particular.

Professional associations ought to represent their members alongside other pursuits. So I hope to have follow-up conversations with the AAA so that  “fake academic news” such as the ones discussed in this letter does not pose a threat to their membership.

Con il numero 32 di inFolio, si consolida la nuova fase della rivista che riesce a spaziare da temi propri della pianificazione urbana e territoriale, a temi più stret-tamente legati alla storia dell'arte e all'architettura. Tale ampio ventaglio discipli-nare è ben legato con la scelta, per la sessione tematica, della parola-chiave, nella specifico " Globale/Locale " , la quale viene assunta quale filo conduttore di tutti i contributi degli autori, ma declinata attraverso i temi " cari " alle proprie discipline. Si affiancano poi i contributi relativi allo stato degli studi, alla ricerca e alle tesi, che possono interpretarsi come un resoconto dell'attività dei dottorandi nel corso del triennio di studio. Sia i lavori in fieri , che gli esiti, si configurano quale mo-mento di riflessione e confronto in merito alle dinamiche che riguardano tanto la disciplina urbanistica, che la storia del patrimonio artistico-architettonico.

The 'archival turn' has prompted historical scholarship to reevaluate the positivist sourcing of knowledge, especially in contentious contexts. The archive's configuration, and attendant mechanisms of classification, apprehension, and attribution indicate colonial governance just as much as inscribed histories and discourses. Scholarship on the Zionist movement in early-20th century Palestine has been slow to adopt the analytical shift from archive as source to archive as subject. This article examines archiving, forms of classification, and the organization of settler colonial history in the context of the Zionist movement's leftist pole. Cases from the author's fieldwork are used to introduce the term archives of apprehension: how the informational practices and anxiety over territorial reversibility that settler colonial archives are built upon in fact preserve the collective indigenous presence that colonization tries to marginalize. The article concludes by considering how historical sociology can better instrumentalize such archives to learn about the emergence and endurance of entangled settler/native socialites.

The University of Hawaii Press publishes a journal, Biography, which it alleges is devoted to biographical research and scholarship. A special issue of that journal, “Life in Occupied Palestine”, in its Postscript and Dedication section, presented patently false biographical information. The evidence presented herein reveals that this untruthful content concealed the true identity of the dedicatee, a notorious Hamas terrorist who taught very young children to attack and shoot Jews. The journal is peer reviewed and after reading the facts in this paper, one would wonder what peer review really means.

Is the Two State Solution the only hope to end the conflict between Israel and Palestine just like how it was for India and Palestine? Is there more reason why both sides kept on declining the proposed solution? Will the US become a tool to end the conflict or become a tool for another war? What are the probabilities if ever there would be a partition for a two state to end the conflict?

האם ההלכה המוסלמית מתירה למוסלמים שאינם פלסטינים לבקר במסגד
אל–אקצא כשהוא נתון תחת שלטון ישראלי? בשנים האחרונות גבר העיסוק
בשאלה עקרונית זו בקרב פוסקי הלכה, פוליטיקאים, וגם בקרב בעלי דעה
בקרב הציבור הרחב בעולם הערבי, בעקבות קריאתו הנועזת של מחמוד
עבאס בשנת 2012 לכל ערבי ומוסלמי להגיע ולקיים את מצוות ה'זיארה'
בירושלים. מאמר זה מציג את הדיון שהתפתח סביב סוגיה זו, ממפה את
הצדדים השונים בו ועומד על מורכבותו. שאלת הביקור בירושלים, טוען
המאמר, חושפת פערים תפיסתיים עמוקים המפלגים את העולם הערבי
והמוסלמי. ראשית, בשימוש הרטורי במושגים דת ופוליטיקה: בעוד
שהמצדדים בביקור בירושלים תחת שלטון ישראלי מגייסים נימוקים דתיים
לתמיכת המטרות הפוליטיות הפלסטיניות אך מפרידים עקרונית בין דת
ופוליטיקה, השוללים את הביקור ממזגים בטענתם את הדת והפוליטיקה
כמערכת עקרונות אחת ברוח תנועות האסלאם הפוליטי. ושנית, במשמעות
המוענקת ל'נורמליזציה' עם מדינת ישראל: המצדדים בביקור בירושלים
רואים בהתנגדות לנורמליזציה עיקרון גמיש ופרגמטי, ואילו השוללים
רואים ב'נורמליזציה' עקרון קפוא, סביבו אין מקום לפרשנות.

Suyun önemi canlıların yaşamlarını sürdürmesi için gereken en önemli temel unsurlardan birisi olmasıdır. Canlıların hayatlarını sürdürmesi için gereken en temel iki unsur su ve oksijendir. Canlıların yaşam faaliyetlerini devam ettirebilmesi için organizmaların suya ihtiyacı vardır. Su canlı yaşamının devamını sağlayan en zorunlu maddedir diyebiliriz. İnsanlar herhangi bir gıda tüketimi yapmadan sadece su içerek 5 hafta boyunca hayatta kalabilmektedir. Kısacası ''su hayattır'' kelimesi suyun önemi için söyleyebileceğimiz en kısa ve en anlamlı cümledir. Su, insan hayatının birincil ihtiyaçlarından olması itibarıyla her daim önemini korumuştur ve korumaya da devam edecektir. 20. yüzyılla birlikte su kaynaklarının azalmaya başladığı ve bu durumun tehlike arz ettiği konusu dünya gündemine girmiştir. Küresel ısınmayla ortaya çıkan iklim değişiklikleri, dünya nüfusunun sürekli olarak artması ve var olan kaynakların verimsiz kullanılması, su sıkıntısını arttıran başlıca sebeplerdendir. Kişiler için hayati değerde olan " su " , dolayısıyla toplumların varoluşu için de kurucu unsurlardandır. Öyle ki su, sadece yaşamsal ihtiyaç yönüyle değil ekonomik, buna bağlı olarak siyasi ve hukuki yönleriyle de ülkelerin kalkınmasında çok önemli bir yere sahiptir. Tarihe bakıldığında birçok köklü ve uzun ömürlü medeniyetin su kaynaklarının yakınlarında kurulmuş ve varlığını idame ettirmiş olduğu görülür. Ürdün (Şeria) Nehri havzası da bu su kaynaklarının başlıcalarından biridir.


Ejder Kaygusuz

The conflict between Palestine and Israel remains complex and multi-faceted with different scholars tracing the roots of the conflict through political, economic, geopolitical and cultural lenses. This essay will first examine and deconstruct Shafir’s (1989) book, Land, Labour and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, which claims that it was Labour-Zionism’s encounter with the land and labour markets in late-Ottoman Palestine, rather than ethnic or ideological differences that underpinned identity-based conflict in the region. Through examining the labour movements of the Second Aliya, exclusivist institutional networks will be studied – where I will highlight the consequential roles of violence and coercion in shaping the conflict. Lockman’s (2012) text shall then be discussed to highlight Gershon’s (1989) reductionist tendency to “treat ideology, culture and politics as marginal which means that some very important things get left out the story” (Lockman, 2012, p. 13). I will end the essay by presenting Seikaly’s (2016) text which centres the roles of print capitalism and nationalism in the conflict through describing the importance of the ‘men of capital’.

This book analyses the present European Union (EU) approach to state-building, both in policy and operation. It offers a review of the literature on peace-building, EU state-building and conflict resolution, before examining in detail the EU’s role as a state-builder in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories following the 1993 Oslo Accords.

Drawing on extensive fieldwork and over 140 interviews carried out in Brussels, London, Jerusalem and Ramallah with EU, Palestinian and Israeli officials as well as academics, members of NGOs and civil society, the author evaluates the present approach of state-building and offers a framework to test the effectiveness of the EU as a state-builder. Examining security sector reform, judiciary sector reform and the rule of law, the book brings the ‘voices from the field’ to the forefront and measures the contribution of the EU to state-building against a backdrop of on-going conflict and a polarised social setting.

This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, EU politics, Middle Eastern politics, conflict resolution and state-building."

Reviews

"Bouris’s book is an important contribution to understanding statebuilding in the oPt because of its focus on the EU, whose central role is often ignored or downplayed. Through his assessment of security sector reform and rule of law promotion, Bouris lays bare the incoherence and inconsistency in EU policy and practices, and shows how statebuilding is not a technical project, but is highly political. He usefully reminds us of how Europe has a major responsibility not only historically for the situation in Israel/Palestine, but also for the current democratic deficit witnessed in the oPt." -

Mandy Turner, Director of the Kenyon Institute in Jerusalem.

"Bouris’ book offers a coherent and detailed assessment of the EU’s role in the Palestinian state-building after the Oslo Accords. What makes the book unique is that it places the EU at the centre of the state-building project conducted in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, an endeavor that has so far been missing from the academic literature. The book is based on Bouris’ exhaustive research providing the reader with crucial empirical material linked to a clear theoretical framework. It is an important contribution, which should be read by scholars, researchers, students and policy-makers across the EU and beyond."

Richard Youngs, Senior Associate Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Professor of International Relations at Warwick University.

"Dimitris Bouris’ book offers a unique insight into the EU’s role in the Palestinian institution-building. The book demonstrates how the different tools like security sector reform and support to the judiciary, and policies of the EU do come together in pursuing the EU's political goal of supporting a 'two-state solution' in the Middle East with Israel and the future Palestinian state living side by side in peace and security. Bouris' analysis highlights the EU's indispensable role despite the many drawbacks and pitfalls that come with a long-lasting conflict like the one in the Middle East."

Christian Berger, Director for North Africa, Middle East, Arabian Peninsula, Iran and Iraq, EEAS - European External Action Service.

"This is an important monograph that advances our knowledge on both conceptual and empirical grounds. Bouris delivers a fascinating account of the EU’s engagement with the Palestinian territories that is well informed and sharply analytical. A must-read for those who wish to understand the limitations and opportunities of the European Union’s role in the Middle East Peace Process. It is also highly recommended for scholars interested in the wider field of the European Union’s external relations and literature on conflict resolution and contested statehood."

Dimitris Papadimitriou, Professor of Politics, University of Manchester.

"The Palestinian issue would seem to be well trodden scholarly ground, but Dimitris Bouris does us a tremendous service by placing the European Union and Palestinian state-building at the center rather than at the margins of his story. Indeed he shows the EU to be a significant actor. Bouris shows how the EU, well grounded in theory and deeply experienced in practice, sought to knit together an approach to peace making that was anchored in part in building the institutions of a Palestinian state. But by taking us through the details of two particular areas—security sector and courts—Bouris shows the shortcomings of the EU efforts. His evaluation is balanced and fair. While sympathetically aware of the difficult circumstances under which the efforts took place and mindful of some accomplishments, his overall judgment is both reflective and critical."

Nathan Brown, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, George Washington University and Nonresident Senior Associate Middle East Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Asmar shared his thoughts about the Arab uprisings and the importance of culture to the Palestinian liberation movement, in the context of analyzing the problematics of Zionism, Israeli nationhood and related matters that affect the lives and well-being of Palestinians. Here Dr. El-Asmar discusses Al-Ard [The Land], a political organization he helped found in Palestine during the late 1950s but whose history and perspective have been marginalized if not largely absented from most narratives about the Palestinian liberation movement. In turn Dr. El-Asmar draws instructive connections between that political experience and relevant issues shaking the contemporary Arab and Muslim world. TG: It is probably fair to say that most narratives about Palestinian liberation situate the origins of post-1948 Palestinian political activity at the formation and founding of the PLO. In turn, ensuing discussion of Palestinian politics to this day tends largely to focus on recognized institutional, especially national and religious, structures at the expense of people's movements and initiatives. By contrast, the composition and history of Al-Ard calls into question such a limited narrative. Can you give readers some background of Al-Ard and explain the rationale for its founding?

A presente monografia busca compreender o contexto geral da guerra urbana travada na Cisjordânia, desde o fim do século XIX, com o desmantelamento do Império Turco Otomano, até o ano 2000, com o fracasso dos acordos de Oslo no final do século XX. Nosso objetivo é compreender as estratégias de produção do espaço empreendidas por Israel como instrumento na guerra urbana da Cisjordânia, bem como suas consequências para o povo palestino habitando os Territórios Ocupados da Cisjordânia. Para tal estudo de caso, utilizamos da análise documental como método de pesquisa. Nossos pressupostos teóricos partem de uma análise foucaultiana dos conceitos de poder, biopoder, Estado, dispositivos de poder e narrativa. Os conceitos de nação e nacionalismo partem do pressuposto de ―comunidade imaginada‖ de Anderson (1983). Discutimos o conceito de guerra urbana como parte das ―novas guerras‖, isto é, guerras que fogem aos padrões de guerra estabelecidos pelo direito internacional e que, devido a expansão da realidade urbana por todo o território, intrinsecamente tem de lidar com a problemática urbana e com a fragmentação do território em ―microterritorialidades‖. Procuramos responder à pergunta: de que maneiras o Estado de Israel utiliza da produção do espaço e do planejamento urbano como mecanismos de guerra contra o povo palestino na Cisjordânia e quais são suas consequências na luta pelo estabelecimento de um Estado-Nação palestino? Através da análise documental desenvolvida, compreendemos os assentamentos israelenses na Cisjordânia como a principal forma de produção do espaço que Israel utiliza na região. Como resultado, sumarizamos o papel dos assentamentos israelenses na Cisjordânia como instrumento de guerra urbana contra o povo palestino através da (a) fragmentação do território; (b) segregação de comunidades e entre etnias – em especial entre palestinos e israelenses; (c) invisibilização da realidade palestina; (d) vigilância e controle contínuos do entorno; (e) modificação da paisagem comum e de sua relação com a identidade palestina; (f) expropriação de terras e apagamento da narrativa palestina do território. Essas resultantes são frutos da produção do espaço em conjunto com narrativas de poder utilizadas no contexto de guerra urbana.

Both politicians and academic researchers have focused on the Oslo peace agreements, generally emphasizing the “New Middle East” and “Transnationalism.” Less attention has been paid to social and economic changes affected by the process of peace-making. This paper examines the reality that was created from below and asks what the peace process meant to migrant Palestinian workers in Israel. Three years of ethnography challenge accepted theories of borders and borderland in the case of Israel and Palestine by asking what can be learned about the cultural identity of people from the ways they cross, understand, and move between geopolitical and cultural boundaries. In the last years of the Oslo Agreements, it became clear to the workers that “peace” meant preserving national borders: it involved a policy of separation, whereas their very livelihood depended on their ability to move between Tel Aviv and the Gaza Strip. Torn between their national identity and their class–cultural identity, they formulated a demand for a dialectical reorganization: a state without borders. This demand stood in opposition to the national aspirations of Israel and the Palestinian state-in-being alike.

In 1976, Abdeen Jabara published an occasional paper with the Association of Arab-American University Graduates (AAUG) entitled "Zionism and Racism." The paper was written in the context of Israeli reaction to U.N. General Assembly Resolution 3379, adopted in 1975, which determined that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination. Jabara's paper challenged Israel's contentions on solid legal grounds, citing international law de�ning "racial discrimination" and proving that racism is built into very structure of the Israeli state: "In the examination of any society, o on ne e m mu us st t d di is st ti in ng gu ui is sh h b be et tw we ee en n d di is sc cr ri im mi in na at ti io on n a as s i it t e ex xi is st ts s b be et tw we ee en n i in nd di iv vi id du ua al l c ci it ti iz ze en ns s o or r p pr ri iv va at te e p pa ar rt ti ie es s, , o on n t th he e o on ne e h ha an nd d, , a an nd d 