Local Regulation

Abstrak UU Bantuan Hukum memberi ruang bagi daerah untuk mengalokasikan dana penyelenggaraan bantuan hukum dalam APBD. Apabila daerah berkehendak mengalokasikan dana bantuan hukum dalam APBD, maka pemerintah daerah dan DPRD harus mengaturnya dalam Peraturan Daerah (perda). Sampai saat ini, di Provinsi Sumatera Utara belum memiliki Peraturan Daerah yang secara khusus menjamin terlaksananya hak konstitusional warga negara tersebut, khususnya bagi orang atau kelompok orang miskin. Metode penelitian yang digunakan pada penulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, dengan pendekatan yuridis normatif (legal research). Sifat penelitian ini adalah deksriptif analitis yaitu suatu penelitian yang bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan (menggambarkan) tentang fakta dan kondisi atau gejala yang menjadi objek penelitian, setelah itu dilakukan telaah secara kritis. Hasil Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sampai saat tulisan ini dibuat ranperda tentang bantuan hukum belum dilakukan penyusunan, masih sekedar dicantumkan dalam Prolegda 2013. Mengingat pentingnya perda tentang bantuan hukum sebagai landasan hukum bagi daerah untuk memenuhi hak-hak masyarakat miskin dalam mengakses keadilan dan perlakuan yang sama di hadapan hukum, dibutuhkan komitmen kuat dari DPRD maupun Pemerintah Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Utara beserta stakeholder untuk segera mengimplementasikan pembentukan perda Bantuan hukum serta mengalokasikan dana bantuan hukum dalam APBD sebagaimana amanat pasal 19 UU Bantuan Hukum. Abstract Legal Aid Act gives space for the local government to allocate fund to enforce Legal Aid in

Este trabalho visa a investigar o impacto do processo de recentralização pelo qual o Brasil vem passando (i) na efetividade de medidas de regulação local adotadas por grandes municípios - aqueles para os quais não faz sentido aplicar a presunção de incapacidade de gerar riqueza e de gerir seus negócios locais adequadamente; e, de forma mais abrangente, (ii) na capacidade de grandes municípios exercerem regulação local. Atribuiu-se, no passado, à descentralização o potencial de (i) melhorar a qualidade dos serviços públicos e políticas locais; (ii) promover desenvolvimento econômico; e (iii) fortalecer a democracia ao possibilitar que cidadãos tenham mais acesso às autoridades locais responsáveis por tomar decisões sobre muitos dos assuntos que afetam o dia-a-dia da população local. Dos três supostos benefícios da descentralização, o que mais sobrevive ao escrutínio da literatura é o terceiro, razão pela qual o processo de recentralização no Brasil pode ser problemático na medida em que vier a justamente a comprometê-lo. A hipótese do trabalho é que o processo de recentralização compromete o aprofundamento da democracia em nível local, pois ele: (i) retira a autonomia local necessária para que governos locais exerçam medidas de regulação local que se adequem às preferências da população local; e (ii) dificulta que a população local saiba qual ente federativo é responsável por muitas das questões de interesse local com que as grandes cidades precisam lidar. Argumento que isso prejudica a efetividade de medidas de regulação local voltadas, declaradamente ou não, para a promoção do desenvolvimento econômico local e, de um modo geral, representa uma perda de capacidade de governos locais exercerem regulação local, por três principais razões: (i) abre margem para um padrão de intervenção estatal no ambiente urbano desarticulado e às vezes excessivo, capitaneado por entes federativos não necessariamente alinhados, e que podem adotar medidas tendentes ao conflito; (ii) cria condições para um jogo de “deixa-que-eu deixo” entre entes federativos - um pode “repassar” a responsabilidade para outro, ou compartilhá-la; (iii) dificulta que a regulação local seja o
resultado das preferências dos eleitores locais. Esse diagnóstico do fraco desempenho institucional de municípios abre espaço para que se discutam reformas institucionais que levem governos de grandes cidades a serem mais responsivos à população local e a terem mais
condições (e incentivos) para adotar medidas de regulação local que efetivamente incrementem o desenvolvimento econômico local.

El auge de las viviendas turísticas en España, a lo largo de la última década, ha puesto el fenómeno en el centro del debate público y ha llevado a muchos municipios a plantearse la necesidad de ordenarlos o limitarlos. Este artículo analiza, a través de la óptica de la jurisprudencia, las experiencias acumuladas de los últimos años mediante la legislación turística, las ordenanzas municipales y la planificación urbanística. El análisis de los diferentes instrumentos normativos, y singularmente los ejemplos de Barcelona y Bilbao, nos permite extraer algunas conclusiones útiles y al mismo tiempo proponer soluciones normativas óptimas para abordar este fenómeno, compatibilizando el derecho a la ciudad o a una vivienda digna y la libertad de prestación de servicios. / The boom in short-term rentals in Spain, over the last decade, has put the phenomenon at the center of public debate and has led many municipalities to consider the need to organize or limit them. This article analyzes, through the eyes of jurisprudence, the experiences accumulated in recent years through tourism legislation, local regulation and urban planning. The analysis of the different regulatory instruments, and particularly the examples of Barcelona and Bilbao, allows us to draw some useful conclusions and at the same time propose optimal regulatory solutions to address this phenomenon, making the «right to the city» or the «right to housing» compatible with the freedom to provide services.

Hadirnya otonomi daerah telah membawa dampak pada pembuatan sebagian
Peraturan Daerah yang kurang sesuai dengan hierarki peraturan perundangundangan. Hal ini berdampak pada pembatalan Peraturan Daerah. Dalam UU No
23 Tahun 2014 jo Undang-Undang Nomor 9 tahun 2015 tentang Peraturan
Perundang-Undangan disebutkan bahwa kewenangan pembatalan Peraturan
Daerah ada pada Menteri Dalam Negeri, sementara dalam UUD Negara Republik
Indonesia 1945 menyebutkan bahwa kewenangan pengujian terhadap peraturan
perundang-undangan di bawah UUD Negara Republik Indonesia 1945 berada
pada Mahkamah Agung. Oleh karena itu peneliti melakukan penelitian terkait
kewenangan pembatalan perda dalam kerangka hierarki peraturan perundangundangan Indonesia.

Participatory programs and the transfer of the means of regulation to local populations can move local peo- ple to adopt government or development project agendas. They do not always succeed. When externally driven agendas fail to match local norms and practices, they are resisted and re-worked to accommodate local views, needs, and aspira- tions. In this interaction both the external agenda and local norms are contested and reconstituted in ways that follow the contours of the power asymmetries among local actors and external resource users, government agents and project managers. In the Tambacounda Region of Senegal, forest- dwelling villagers constantly negotiate forest use with more powerful urban-based merchants and transhumant herders. Government and international development programs have introduced ‘local conventions,’ written agreements among re- source users, to reduce conflict over resource-use decisions. However, despite elaboration through participatory processes these conventions impose rules of management and use that contradict local environmental subjectivities; consequently, local people resist and rework introduced rules, and thus re- constitute them as, at least partly, their own.

The issue of noise is becoming increasingly problematic in urban areas. Researchers have revealed that not only does it contribute to hearing loss, but also to cardiovascular disease, psychiatric disorders, and even to a reduction of language development and learning in children. Preventing these effects would require a significant decrease in noise levels. However, experts report that community noise levels are actually increasing. Moreover, zoning in many cities and towns is shifting to a model in which different types of land uses tend to be closer to one another, which increases the potential for conflict over noise. This article draws on the scientific literature on noise to argue that cities can alleviate this problem by improving noise ordinances and proposes a non-exhaustive list of measures aimed at reaching this goal. First, adjusting noise standards to reflect citizens' varying tolerance for noise at different times of the day would make noise ordinances more efficient. Second, measuring noise levels where the harm is caused, rather than where the noise is produced, would add flexibility to noise control frameworks. Third, by accounting for noise characteristics—frequency and impulsiveness—that play an important role in determining how unpleasant noise is, municipalities would be able to more adequately evaluate the harm that different types of noise can cause. While this list focuses on what municipalities can do to improve their noise ordinances, these recommendations can be applied to regulation by other levels of government. This article is mainly concerned with noise in mixed-use districts, and therefore focuses on improving regulatory frameworks in the municipal context. However, because the suggestions this article makes are aimed at making noise control frameworks more effective and efficient, states and the federal government can also incorporate them into their noise-control statutes and regulations.

Although local governments possess limited autonomy in Hungary, they play a significant role in environmental policy. Apart from fulfilling mandatory tasks such as waste management, they face environmental challenges relating to other activities such as urban development. They adopt strategies and regulations, exercise public authority, enter into contracts, organise public services in order to protect the environment. This essay demonstrates that the scope of discretion of local governments is legally limited; nonetheless, some environmental considerations do not play a role thanks to lack of interest and knowledge. Based on questionnaires, case studies and interviews as well as on the analysis of the central regulations, the most important tools are introduced from environmental law point of view.

Participatory programs and the transfer of the means of regulation to local populations can move local people to adopt government or development project agendas. They do not always succeed. When externally driven agendas fail to match local norms and practices, they are resisted and reworked to accommodate local views, needs, and aspirations. In this interaction both the external agenda and local norms are contested and reconstituted in ways that follow the contours of the power asymmetries among local actors and external resource users, government agents and project managers. In the Tambacounda Region of Senegal, forestdwelling villagers constantly negotiate forest use with more powerful urban-based merchants and transhumant herders. Government and international development programs have introduced 'local conventions,' written agreements among resource users, to reduce conflict over resource-use decisions. However, despite elaboration through participatory processes these conventions impose rules of management and use that contradict local environmental subjectivities; consequently, local people resist and rework introduced rules, and thus reconstitute them as, at least partly, their own.

Participatory programs and the transfer of the means of regulation to local populations can move local people to adopt government or development project agendas. They do not always succeed. When externally driven agendas fail to match local norms and practices, they are resisted and reworked to accommodate local views, needs, and aspirations. In this interaction both the external agenda and local norms are contested and reconstituted in ways that follow the contours of the power asymmetries among local actors and external resource users, government agents and project managers. In the Tambacounda Region of Senegal, forestdwelling villagers constantly negotiate forest use with more powerful urban-based merchants and transhumant herders. Government and international development programs have introduced 'local conventions,' written agreements among resource users, to reduce conflict over resource-use decisions. However, despite elaboration through participatory processes these conventions impose rules of management and use that contradict local environmental subjectivities; consequently, local people resist and rework introduced rules, and thus reconstitute them as, at least partly, their own.

O Brasil vive uma profunda crise econômica e política, não obstante ser um país rico e repleto de canais de participação formalmente disponíveis para o cidadão. O Estado brasileiro se confronta com três problemas cruciais. O primeiro é um desequilíbrio crônico das finanças públicas: o Estado gasta mal e arrecada pouco. O segundo decorre da má qualidade dos serviços públicos: os cidadãos há tempos se frustram com a entrega de serviços públicos, custeada por tributos pagos pelos próprios cidadãos. O terceiro corresponde a um significativo déficit democrático: os cidadãos não se sentem parte do sistema político, e sim vítimas dele. Esses três problemas têm diversas ramificações e, portanto, abrem espaço para várias agendas e propostas de endereçamento. Neste breve texto, pretendemos focar em uma dessas possíveis agendas, que pode se resumir na seguinte pergunta: que mudança de desenho institucional poderia contribuir para a solução desses três problemas?
Para nós, não há dúvidas – são necessários ajustes de cunho institucional. Que instituições, no entanto, devem mudar? Afinal, há tantos ajustes a serem feitos. Onde focar? Nós queremos, aqui, chamar a atenção para problemas decorrentes do funcionamento do nosso federalismo de três níveis. Especificamente, queremos problematizar a função e a capacidade de entrega dos estados. Por que temos, afinal, governos estaduais? Será que eles contribuem, de alguma forma, para a criação ou propagação dos três problemas que assolam o Brasil, identificados acima? Ou será que é o contrário? Esse é o tema do texto. Queremos explorá-lo e apresentar uma proposta, ou melhor, um “ajuste”.
Propomos extinguir os estados brasileiros, transformando nossa federação de três níveis numa federação de dois níveis.