Jewish Anti-Zionism

https://www.idi.org.il/books/17580
היהדות החרדית הולכת וכובשת לעצמה מקום ונוכחות בחברה הישראלית. מקהילה קטנה שנתפסה
ככת ורק מעטים התעניינו בה היא נהייתה אחת הקהילות המסוקרות והמסקרנות ביותר בארץ. ההצדקות לכך ברורות: קצב הגידול של הקבוצה מדהים; השונות שבין אורחות חייה ובין המקובל על הרוב הישראלי גדולה ביותר; ההשפעה שלה על המרחב הציבורי ועל הפוליטיקה הישראלית בולטת מאוד; ומערכת היחסים שבינה ובין הרוב הישראלי הלא חרדי מתאפיינת אפוא בקשיים ניכרים. ואולם בתוך מבול החומרים האקטואליים מחבר ספר זה מבקש להציג את העולם החרדי בחתכי רוחב ועומק. הוא מציג את ״מפת״ היהדות החרדית לסיעותיה השונות — חסידים, ליטאים וספרדים - ועוסק ביחסה של החברה החרדית לסוגיות רעיוניות מרכזיות הנוגעות לחיי כולנו: למדינה, לדמוקרטיה הישראלית ולגיוס לצבא. בכל אחד מן הפרקים הוא סוקר בקצרה את שורשיה ההיסטוריים של הקהילה הנדונה ומגיע עד ימינו, תוך כדי הבחנה בין הגוונים השונים שיש בתוך היהדות החרדית עצמה בעניינים שונים.

הספר כתוב מתוך גישה ביקורתית — אך מכבדת. המחבר מבקש לשלול את דימוי החרדים כגוש אחיד וסגור ולהראות שיש בו גוונים ואף מצביע על הגורמים השונים שמתוכם נוצרו גוונים אלה, בין הרוחניים ובין הארציים. המחבר מבסס את טענותיו על נתונים ועל מחקרים מעמיקים, ועם זאת ספרו מנוסח בשפה קולחת ושווה לכל נפש, שאינה מחייבת את קוראיו בידע מחקרי קודם. הוא מבקש לתת תמונה מקיפה, יסודית ומועילה.

לעמוד הספר באתר הוצאת עם עובד:
http://www.am-oved.co.il/%D7%9E%D7%93%D7%A8%D7%99%D7%9A_%D7%9C%D7%97%D7%91%D7%A8%D7%94_%D7%94%D7%97%D7%A8%D7%93%D7%99%D7%AA

לגירסה דיגיטלית ללא תשלום באתר המכון הישראלי לדמוקרטיה:
https://www.idi.org.il/books/17580

1948’de Filistin’de ilan edilen İsrail Devleti’nin kurucu ideolojisi olan
Siyonizm, 1890’ların sonunda ortaya çıkışından bugüne kadar sadece Yahudi olmayanların değil, aynı zamanda birçok Yahudinin de sert muhalefetiyle karşılaşmıştır. İlk başta bir azınlık ideolojisi olarak ortaya çıkan Siyonizm, giderek artan antisemitik olaylar ve İsrail’in fiilî olarak kurulmasının ardından, zamanla Yahudilerin çoğu tarafından benimsenmiştir. Ne var ki İsrail’in komşu ülkelerin topraklarını da işgal ettiği 1967 Altı Gün Savaşı, Yahudilerin Siyonizm karşıtlığı açısından yeni bir dönüm noktası olmuş, ilerleyen yıllarda İsrail’in saldırgan Lübnan ve Filistin politikaları sonucu Siyonizm karşıtı sesler günümüze kadar giderek yükselmiştir.

Bugün Siyonizm, hâlâ Yahudilerin büyük çoğunluğunun benimsediği bir ideolojidir. Bununla birlikte, bu ideolojiyi ve ortaya çıkardığı devleti sorgulayan Yahudilerin sayısı da her geçen gün artmaktadır. Bu çalışma, özelde İsrail’in, genelde ise İsrail/Filistin meselesinin geleceğini etkilemesi açısından oldukça önemli bir konu olan Yahudilerin Siyonizm karşıtlığını, hem dinî hem seküler boyutlarıyla tarihsel bir perspektiften açıklamaktadır.

(from the Introduction)
Being the final product of his doctoral studies, Paul Wilkinson’s book, For Zion’s Sake, intends to reveal how John Nelson Darby’s detractors have distorted Christian Zionism while directly challenging academics who believe dispensationalism has little theological or historical value.  The purpose of this review is not to critique dispensationalism directly but to summarize and evaluate Wilkinson’s research and conclusions. In the end, Wilkinson’s ideological agenda and prejudicial research presents a thoroughly one-sided and indefensible case for Christian Zionism. In addition to his shameful demonization tactics against anyone who disagrees, Wilkinson’s research capabilities demonstrate a deliberate bias with little intention of conducting a fair and honest assessment of the subject. His style of writing amounts to nothing more than inflammatory claptrap, engaging in a puerile smear campaign against nondispensationalists that panders to the rhetoric of pseudo-intellectual prophecy pundits and apocalyptic hysteria. His research and conclusions are elementary at best, if not outright disgraceful.

In the influential 1930 proletarian novel by Mike Gold, Jews without Money, a young narrator travels with his parents to the then suburbs of Brooklyn with a “Zionist leader” to consider the real estate speculator’s offer to buy into racially segregated housing tracts. Observing the isolation of the neighborhood and the ostentatious whiteness of the Zionist developer, Gold forces implicit connections among whiteness, Zionism, and speculation in land. Reinforced by the narrator’s positive identification with a working-class Jew who proudly identifies as racially marked, the young Mikey contrasts working-class antiracism with the class pretentions and racism of Zionism. This essay explores the Jewish world in which Gold’s novel was written, looking at the ways in which Jewish writers and journalists in the Communist Party and other left-wing organizations articulated an anti-Zionist politics as part of a global critique of capitalism and imperialism. This essay argues that left-wing anti-Zionism articulated an ontologically different concept of Jewish being-in-the-world up to and after the Holocaust, one that centered solidarity and diasporic anti-imperialism in the face of fascist violence. Linking anti-Zionism with a Jewish left critique of whiteness, this essay provides a counternarrative to the assumption that assimilation, bourgeois liberalism, and support for Zionism were teleological certainties for the Jewish Left, or that nationalism was the default response to the European Judeocide.

A work in political philosophy differentiating civil society from the State to arrive at a constitutional model for the Federation of a bi-national society.

For the attention of Palestinian and international colleagues;

here attached is the pdf copy of the recently published book
‘The Federation of Palestinian and Hebrew Nations’.

            I am soliciting your interest in this most recent work and would ask for your review of this book’s content, methodology and conclusions.

            This transitional constitutional procedure culminating in a ‘No-State Solution’ is also a format that carries through a critique of the Nation-State itself. Accordingly, I suggest that it would be appropriate to ask the local library to secure a copy for other readers. The ISBN codes registering the book are:
(10): 1-5275-1313-0
(13): 978-1-5275-1313-6

The writer, Dr abraham Weizfeld PhD, is concerned by the political philosophy and the constitutional transformation of the contradiction between two major Nations in the body of one Land – Palestine-Israel. While the notion of the Nation-State has permeated the Levant since the 1917 British Crusade into Jerusalem, the organic demographic actuality of the country’s population is incompatible with the dominance of one Nation in one Land and the subsequent degeneration into the series of war crimes beginning in 1947. The exit from this conception of a Zionist State requires another methodology that offers an alternative to the domination of one Nation by another and that is rationalised by the myths of nation-building, that are promoted by the Nationalist school of thought. With an approach that is inter-national, in the root meaning of the term, the writer fuses the Jewish Bundist concept of National-Cultural Autonomy with the process of Constituent Assemblies, as an expression of the parallel Civil Societies that become an organic social construction codified in a Federal Constitution.
A work in political philosophy differentiating civil society from the State to arrive at a constitutional model for the Federation of a bi-national society. This transitional constitutional procedure, culminating in a ‘No-State Solution’, is also a format that carries through to a critique of the Nation-State itself. By avoiding the notion of the Nation-State, entitled a Republic, by either one Nation or the other, this exit from the impasse perpetuated by the Nation-State may then be named ‘The No-State Solution’.


Table of contents

General Introduction……………………………………………………………………......................................    8
Programmatic Considerations……………………………………………………….........................…….    12
The Movement of International Solidarity………………………………………...................………..    16

Introductory Preface: World Social Forum 2016-08....................................................    30
Self-determination...............................................................................................................  35

The Transitional Process: The Federation of the Kana’an...........................................  37
            Abstract......................................................................................................................  38
            Introduction….…………………………………………………………………….  39
Context……………………………………………………………………….……  41
Prospects and Resolution..………….…………………………………………......    44
Federation…………………………………………………………………………  49
Democratic Secular Palestine…..………………………………………………….  52
Constitutional Federation……………………………………………………….....  56
Conclusions 2016……………………………………………………………….....  59

In Elaboration of the Transitional Process…..……………………………………………..  66
            Constitutional Principles…………………………………………………………… 67
            The Problematic of Bi-Nationalism in One-State.....................................................  70
            Confederation.............................................................................................................              72
            Federalism..................................................................................................................  74
            Bi-National and Inter-National.…………………………………………………...  78

The Federal Principle……………………………………………………………… 83

National-Cultural Autonomy.……………………………………………………..  89

            Jamahiriya.……………………………………………………………………........ 90

The White Book ………………………………………………………………......  95

Constituent Assemblies.………………………………………………………..…. 98

Federation of Federations ………………………….……………………………...  98

Postscript 2018 …………………………………………………………...…………….... 102


Research sources available ……….…………………………………………………….... 104

Rabbi Yekutiel Yehudah (Zalman Leib) Halberstam, the Rebbe of Sanz-Klausenburg (known as "the Klausenburger"; 1905-1994) was one of the prominent holocaust survivors of the Haredi movement. Considered by many to be a paragon of Hasidic leadership, he successfully rebuilt his community in Israel and in the United States, making it one of the largest and most influential Hasidic groups in the post-Holocaust Jewish world. His best- known enterprises are Kiryat Sanz in Netanyah, the Laniado Hospital and "Mif'al HaShas" (the Talmud enterprise). In spite of the conservative line and the stern tone he adopted in his halakhic rulings and public talks, in practical decisions and in his activity as communal leader he often reflected moderate positions, in particular towards the State of Israel and its non-Haredi society.

In the early stages of his tenure, the Klausenburger adopted a staunch anti-Zionist stance. Following the line of most of the Hungarian Hasidic sects, he opposed Zionism mainly because of its alleged secular character and its perceived threat to Jewish tradition. The change in his positions, however, was deep and significant. Following the Holocaust and the establishment of the State of Israel, he discarded the radical-Haredi line, but did not fully adopt the centrist-Haredi, pragmatic approach of Agudat Israel. The latter approach recognized the State de facto, accepted it in a passive manner, but refrained from posing a positive vision of its own. The Klausenburger sought to change this approach. An analysis of his words and actions reveals that he developed a unique approach that called for an end to haredi passivity and dependence on secular Jews, and advocated building the infrastructure of a well-ordered society which would be able one day to shape the Israeli public arena according to its own values.

"What Norman Finkelstein has done in exposing the political foregrounding of the Holocaust Industry, what Giorgio Agamben has done in extrapolating the contemporary implications of homo sacer from the horrors of the concentration camps, Terri Ginsberg is doing with astonishing command and competence about Holocaust cinema. Ginsberg s voice is clear, concise, liberating, and the harbinger of an entire new generation of scholarship in cinema studies. Groundbreaking, challenging, judicious, theoretically ambitious, and analytically lucid, HOLOCAUST FILM: THE POLITICAL AESTHETICS OF IDEOLOGY begins from the ground zero of the unspeakable and works its way meticulously up towards the long shot of a take that will remain definitive to generations of scholarship it anticipates." -- Hamid Dabashi, Columbia University; Editor, DREAMS OF A NATION: ON PALESTINIAN CINEMA

"Terri Ginsberg's HOLOCAUST FILM: THE POLITICAL AESTHETICS OF IDEOLOGY is a much needed intervention in the field of Holocaust Studies in general and in Holocaust Cinema Studies in particular. What Ginsberg has fashioned is a reading of the Holocaust that is both immanent and materialist and much needed in these times when Holocaust scholarship is being shanghaighed by both ends of the political spectrum. It is Ginsberg's achievement that Holocaust cinematic texts are here restored to their historical moment in a way that must be accomplished if there is ever to be an understanding of how these texts might grasp the original moment of the tragedy. Her painstakingly thorough scholarship and theoretical rigor ensures that her work at least will not serve to promote the type of easy, knee-jerk response that simply adds flame to the fire and in the name of scholarship contributes to the perpetuation of other tragedies in the present Israeli-Palestinian situation." -- Dennis Broe, Graduate Program Coordinator, Media Arts Department, Long Island University

"Ginsberg ably demonstrates how the subgenre known as Holocaust cinema has been co-opted by the culture industry. Bypassing the usual Hollywood touchstones, she focuses on four relatively neglected films that illuminate several key motifs that permeate many films on the subject: the 'Christianization' of Jewish oppression, the commodification of genocide by both commercial and art house cinema, and the ethnocentric appropriation of the Holocaust by filmmakers with reactionary agendas. Eschewing the conformist platitudes of previous studies, Ginsberg s book is a salutary and necessary provocation." -- Richard Porton, Co-editor, CINEASTE; Author, FILM AND THE ANARCHIST IMAGINATION

"Hollywood has produced more than 175 films on the Holocaust since the1980s, and in fact by now the category is considered by some to constitute a virtual genre. Ginsberg challenges the under-examined status of these films and analyzes the work they perform to construct a revisionist discourse. Ginsberg's astute understanding of cinematic strategies in addition to her confidence in distilling and unpacking even the most fraught of ideological discourses promise a groundbreaking and eminently useful study. Hers are important contributions which we very much need." -- B. Ruby Rich, University of California-Santa Cruz; Author, CHICK FLICKS: THEORIES AND MEMORIES OF THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT

"The importance of the Holocaust is beyond doubt. The importance of continuing the analysis and wide-ranging discussion of it is, at least in some circles. Here, in response, is an extremely scholarly andinsightful treatment of Holocaust films and the aesthetic ideology that informs them. Sheds much light on several controversial problems connected to these horrific events. Highly Recommended." -- Bertell Ollman, New York University; Author, DANCE OF THE DIALECTIC

This timely monograph takes as its starting point the provocative contention that Holocaust film scholarship has been marginalized academically despite the crucial role Holocaust film has played in fostering international awareness of the Nazi genocide and scholarly understandings of cinematic power. The book suggests political and economic motivations for this seeming paradox, the ideological parameters of which are evident in debates and controversies over Holocaust films themselves, and around Holocaust culture in general. Lending particular attention to four exemplary Holocaust “art” films (KORCZAK [Poland, 1990], THE QUARREL [Canada, 1990], ENTRE NOUS [France, 1983], and BALAGAN [Germany, 1994]), this book breaks disciplinary ground by drawing critical connections between public and scholarly debates over Holocaust representation, and the often sophisticated cinematic structures lending aesthetic shape to them in today’s global arena.

מאמר ביקורת על מאמרו של גור אלרואי שהתפרסם בכתב העת 'ציון',  פ
תשע"ה, עמ' 551–581 - אני מודה לאנשי כתב העת 'ציון' והחברה ההיסטורית הישראלית על שיתוף הפעולה הפורה, על עזרתם בניכוש שגגות במאמר והסבת תשומת לבי לסוגיות נוגעות.
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מהדורה ראשונה נובמבר 2018
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תיקוני המהדורה השניה, ראתה אור במאי 2022, כוללים: עימוד, תקלדות כתיב, שיפור הצגת התמונות, תיקון כותרת

In this article, I discuss a disagreement between two rabbis associated with Hungarian Orthodoxy in the interwar period and during the Holocaust regarding the theological role of Zionism in the messianic drama. The two rabbis are Chaim Elazar Shapira (“the Munkacser Rebbe,” 1871-1937) and Yissachar Shlomo Teichtel (1885-1945), the chief justice of the rabbinical court (av beit din) and chief rabbi of Pishtian (Piešťany) in Slovakia. I present the rabbis’ arguments for and against Zionism and show that the two apparently polarized opinions are rooted in the same assumption that the End Times are drawing near, and that the Jews must prepare accordingly. The article highlights the importance of messianic expectations among Hungarian Orthodoxy prior and during the Holocaust. The differences of opinion on spiritual questions would have tragic practical ramifications.

On the margins of Israeli society, in the Ultra-Orthodox Jewish community, there is a lively and fierce debate over the status of Modern Hebrew. At the beginning of the resistance , the reservations and opposition concerning Hebrew formed part of the reaction to the innovative activities of secular Zionists. Despite the fact that it was taken as a continuation of the beloved " Holy Tongue " of the Bible, the Ultra-Orthodox viewed it as a modernist innovation. This paradoxical situation produced an extensive literature rejecting Modern Hebrew on ideological and educational grounds. Later, during the second stage of the resistance, opposition to Hebrew also acquired a pseudo-halakhic tone. This article describes the various opinions of members of the Ultra-Orthodox community regarding Modern Hebrew, the different stages of their resistance to it, and the reasons given for this resistance. The changes that occurred in the attitude of Ultra-Orthodox society toward Hebrew are not only of interest in their own right but also provide an interesting case study on the emergence of a binding norm that quickly became phrased in halakhic terminology.

This article considers the way in which North Carolina State University (NCSU) deployed the concepts, "anti-Semitism," "controversy," and "neutrality" against me in the negative employment decision it made for me during academic year 2007-08. Most readers of this journal are probably well-aware that "anti-Semitism" has become the favored charge against many academic scholars and others who have publicly criticized Israel, US Middle East policy, and Zionism. Under this rubric, all but the mildest admonitions have been met with recrimination by Zionist organizations and from academic institutions that compel answerability to them, on grounds that such criticisms constitute "anti-Semitism.

Bei der Bewältigung des weitverbreiteten Antisemitismus in Deutschland in der Zeit zwischen 1900 bis 1939 gab es zwei Extreme des Reagierens seitens der Juden auf den „Judenhass“, wie der deutsch-jüdische Schriftsteller und Philosoph Constantin Brunner den Antisemitismus bevorzugt zu bezeichnen forderte: einmal die religiöse, kulturelle und gesellschaftliche Assimilation in die nicht-jüdische Mehrheitsgesellschaft und auf der anderen Seite die geordnete bis fluchtartige Emigration aus jenem Land, welches die Rechte, Leben und das Eigentum der Juden nicht ausreichend zu schützen vermochte. In dieser an der Grenze von Germanistik und Geschichtswissenschaft ausgerichteten BA-Arbeit werden der assimilatorisch-emanzipatorische Weg anhand der Person George Goetz und der zionistische durch Ernst Ludwig Pinner in Form ihrer Briefwechsel mit Constantin Brunner beleuchtet, dessen Anhänger sie sind. In dieser Arbeit: Constantin Brunner und seine Anhänger; Liberal-Religiöse und Reformorientierte; Zionisten und Orthodoxe; Die Person George Goetz; Briefwechsel mit Brunner; Goetz‘ vier Grundbegriffe liberalen Judentums; George Goetz – Bibliographie; Die Person Ernst Ludwig Pinner; Briefwechsel mit Brunner; Der späte Pinner – Aussöhnung Brunners mit dem Zionismus?

This article analyzes a conception of and political approach to antisemitism that, while now defunct, once exercised nearly unrivaled hegemony over American Jewish institutions before imploding in a blaze of communal conflict during the immediate postwar decades. An examination of its final institutional advocate, the American Council for Judaism, highlights this paradigm’s embeddedness in the pre-civil-rights American racial order and traces its obsolescence to the epochal social transformations of the 1960s. Central to the Council’s view of antisemitism, and to earlier iterations of the paradigm in question, was an understanding of Zionism as a racializing force. Established in the waning years of Jim Crow, the Council and its affluent leadership waged a rearguard battle against American Zionism and its ethnonational conception of Jewish identity, in an effort—as they saw it—to safeguard American Jews against antisemitism. The closing section sketches the development of the communal antisemitism paradigm that emerged hegemonic in the wake of the Council’s downfall—the so-called “new antisemitism” paradigm—and highlights the role of reconstituted racial anxieties in its own formulation. Both the “new antisemitism” paradigm and the paradigm advanced by the Council link race, antisemitism, and anti-Zionism in a unique ideological assemblage intended to advance the interests of its adherents. Juxtaposing the two shows the American racial order as a persistent structuring force in intra-Jewish contests over the relationship between (anti-)Zionism and antisemitism.

According to Samia Mehrez (1991: 255), a complete decolonisation process must include both the colonised and colonising societies. For the colonisers, decolonisation entails liberation from the hegemonic system of thought and from ‘imperialist, racist perceptions, representations, and institutions’. Rooted in the conceptualisation of Israel as a settler colonial project, this article aims to shed light on decolonisation attempts from within the (colonising) Israeli society. Here, resistance practices of groups of Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists, in active support of the Palestinian struggle, entail a confrontation with the state but at the same time include another, long-term dimension:
the formation of discourse and practice that challenge the Zionist consensus, which thus function as an educative practice. This article aims to shed light on these activities and to conceptualise them as acts of ‘critical pedagogy’. Indeed, their resistance teaches the Jewish-Israelis first about the reality of the oppression that Palestinians suffer.
Second, and crucially, it reveals to the Jewish-Israelis the boundaries of permitted political activity and the possibility of overlooking and disregarding social conventions and legal norms. Most importantly, this type of activity (that is largely Palestinian-led and directed), symbolises the struggle against the boundaries and borders imposed by the state, aimed at separating Israelis from Palestinians and thus it constitutes a counterhegemonic praxis.

The article examines how American Jews viewed and represented Israel and Israelis to argue that cultural differences and outright rivalry have played an important role in their attitudes toward the Jewish state. While often masquerading as such, those attitudes have little, if anything, to do with political or religious convictions per se. I look at the historical relations between the world’s two largest Jewish populations, public opinion surveys, studies of American Jews’ positions on various issues, the writings of intellectuals and communal leaders, and popular culture. Episodes of rivalry occurred in the recent controversy whether Israel or the U.S. has the largest Jewish population in the world, as well as the struggle (late 1970s and 1980s) between the Israeli government and major American Jewish organizations over to where would/should Soviet Jews ultimately go. I show that cultural differences and estrangement continue to run deep also when American Jews live in Israel and Israelis live in America. In addition, I deal with the portrayal of Israelis in American Jewish popular culture (literature, television and cinema) to demonstrate how they come across rude, pushy, loudmouthed, and male chauvinistic, but also as cold and ruthless. The gap between the view of Israel as an abstract term and the view of actual Israelis, and the conflation of the political and the cultural are still quite prevalent in the ways American Jews think about and depict Israel and Israelis. Moreover, that gap illuminates a wider question: have the ongoing discussions about Israel enabled American Jews – both Israel’s staunchest supporters and its harshest critics, both mainstream organizations and more marginal groups – to sidestep other real questions that are at the center of Jewish life in America, such as the challenges of building viable communities, intermarriage, and dwindling numbers?

Extreme Orthodoxy is a separatist, anti-modernistic, and anti-Zionist religious ideology adopted by a number of Hasidic and non-Hasidic groups. Many scholars concur that one of the basic characteristics of Orthodoxy is conscious seclusion from the non-Orthodox world, creating a model of social behavior that the academic literature describes as a cultural enclave. Thus, Extreme Orthodoxy, which disassociates itself not only from non-Orthodox society but also from mainstream Orthodoxy, may be characterized as an enclave within an enclave. As a result, Extreme Orthodoxy, both in Israel and in the United States, shuns most other Orthodox societies and their organizations.

The article review how this extreme form of Orthodoxy was established in accordance with basic principles laid down by two Hungarian rabbis at the turn of the 19th century: Rabbi Moshe Sofer, also knowen as Hatam Sofer and Rabbi Moshe Teitelbaum. The religious concepts, ideologies, and rulings of these two great sages, each followed by a thread of successors, inspired the foundation of Extreme Orthodoxy. Over a period of about 100 years, beginning in Maramaros in the 1860s, Extreme Orthodoxy evolved from an unorganized religious phenomenon into a well-organized established social movement. Although Hatam Sofer is the more renowned of the two, it is the latter’s ideology that remains highly significant in the Satmar Hasidic court. Satmar is one of the strongest and most influential Hasidic groups in the post-Holocaust era and its rabbis lead Extreme Orthodoxy worldwide.

Amos Oz was a giant literary mensch. He was one of my favourite Israeli authors who had tremendous impact on modern Israeli literature. But more than that he was a public intellectual who tried to influence Israel´s public and political life to build a society that is just, humane, in the spirit of social democracy. Oz wanted Israel to be  a country that cares for its poor, for its minorities, and for its neighbours. Amos Oz was a person who was true to his ideals, who lived the life he preached and was a role model to many. He was humane and conscientious liberal; modest, caring and passionate individual; bold, thoughtful and articulate writer and orator, an inspirational peace-loving activist, a man who encapsulated the essence of humane Zionism.

Five proposals have been put forward to resolve the Palestinian-Zionist Israel Issues and bring about an Eternal Peace. Why do Zionist Israel and the United States keep ignoring this proposals? What is this Myth about Netanyahu and Zionist Israel? If the Government of Donald Trump is able to shatter Myths about WTO, the UN, and Palestine why does it not shatter the Myth of Zionist Israel? Please read on

Un négationniste «Canada Dry» est un individu lâche mais un tacticien plus ou moins habile. Il ne veut pas apparaître comme un «négationniste» déclaré, un nostalgique du nazisme ou du fascisme. Il dispose donc de différentes techniques pour se cacher et troller efficacement dans le cyberespace. Ce texte a été écrit après avoir repéré et affronté un tel individu sur le site (majoritairement anglophone) academia.edu dans le cadre d'une discussion sur les négationnistes français et leurs particularités. Mais je pense qu'il s'agit là d'une attitude beaucoup plus répandue, qui ne peut être réduite à cet universitaire méprisable pour lequel je ne ferai aucune publicité en citant son nom ou ses articles. L'utilisation de la métaphore «Canada Dry» dans mon titre fait allusion à une publicité célèbre de cette marque («il a la couleur de l'alcool, le goût de l'alcool, mais ne contient pas d'alcool») et n'implique nullement qu'il y ait, du moins à ma connaissance, le moindre lien commercial ou politique entre ce breuvage et les négationnistes. :=)

We are a movement of Jewish Canadians from diverse backgrounds, occupations and affiliations who have in common a fundamental commitment to social justice and international human rights. We have therefore resolved to promote the expression of an alternative Jewish voice, particularly with respect to the desperate situation in the Middle East, which threatens the future of both Israelis and Palestinians, as well as the stability of the whole region. We are guided by the following principles:

LECTURE, 18th World Congress of Jewish Studies, August 11, 2022

Rabbi Israel Eliyahu Weintraub (1932-2010) was a Lithuanian Kabbalist, a disciple of R. Yitzchok Hutner (1906-1980), and an associate of R. Elazar Schach (1899-2001). So far, except for brief discussions in Jonathan Garb`s work, Weintraub`s character and philosophy have not been researched. In my lecture, I will focus on Weintraub`s Political Theology and argue that there is a reciprocal relationship between Weintraub`s Kabbalistic thought - especially the Kabbalah teachings of the Vilna Goan and Ba`al HaLeshem - and his political ideology that I will define as a non-Zionist ideology (opposed to Anti-Zionist). Furthermore, I will show how Kabbalistic charges such as Erev Rav (mixed multitude) and Zera Amalek (Amalekite descent) were used by Weintraub in his reference to the concrete Israeli reality and motivated him to strongly oppose Zionist ideology and the existence of the State of Israel.

Moreover, I will argue that his description of the Beit Midrash as Noah`s Ark fits in with Weintraub`s eschatological thinking, and I will suggest that his positions regarding Zionism had a significant influence on ultra-Orthodox society in Israel. Finally, I will argue that Weintraub should be understood in the context of a vast framework of Kabbalah concerning the state of Israel, i.e., Kabbalistic thought operating not as a theoretical philosophy but rather amidst a reality in which Jews hold power and therefore can apply Kabbalistic thought on reality. This kabbalistic correspondence with Jewish sovereignty is a relatively new phenomenon that requires devoted academic treatment. This treatment will be presented in my lecture using Weintraub as a study case.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5YOtrFcT59U

How are we to think about the most recent Hamas-Israeli war? Is it simply another example of perpetrator vs. victim, that is, of brute power to control land, water? Is it a demographic struggle about who has more babies? Is it a religious struggle?

In an earlier article titled 'What Egypt needs now – Part I, Sinai', I suggested a series of measures that the Egyptian government must take immediately to make sure that civil order and concord will prevail in the area and nationwide. These measures are expected to thwart an existential threat against Egypt's national integrity. The existing threat is very real and the dangers tremendous. In the present article, I will reveal covert insinuations made by a key Israeli minister, proceeding through textual analysis. These hints do not augur well for Egypt's territorial integrity and must therefore be taken very seriously.
First published on 27th October 2014 here:
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2014/10/27/what-egypt-needs-now-part-ii-an-existential-threat-must-be-thwarted/

This is a critical review of David Patterson's book Anti-Semitism and Its Metaphysical Origins (2015). In this review, I present the author's novel explanation of the roots of anti-Semitism, which he finds in the anti-Semite's desire to become (like) God himself. Patterson opposes the Western and Judaic traditions as strictly antithetical and his explanation makes an anti-Semite of all those who partake in the Western rationalist project, especially philosophers, including Jewish philosophers such as Spinoza, Hermann Cohen, and Marx, but also Islamists and anti-Zionist Jews. I criticize Patterson on two fronts. First, I argue that his so-called "metaphysical" explanation relies on a petitio principii. Second, I make the case that he should have argued his stance against that of Zeev Sternhell's thesis, according to which Western anti-Semitism is rooted, not in Western rationalism, but rather in the Western anti-rationalist, i.e., the anti-Enlightenment movement.

Though Zalman Reyzen ended up including just 5 columns about Rabbi Aaron Shmuel Tamares in his 1929 Lexicon of Yiddish literature, Tamares hand-wrote over 76 pages of autobiography for Reyzen to use as a basis for his entry.  Part 1 of the autobiography covers the Rabbi's youth and introduction to the young Zionist movement.

Published in In Geveb April 2017,  available online illustrated and in en face format: https://ingeveb.org/texts-and-translations/biography-of-one-of-the-sensitive-rabbis-part-1

Though Zalman Reyzen ended up including just 5 columns about Rabbi Aaron Shmuel Tamares in his 1929 Lexicon of Yiddish literature, Tamares hand-wrote over 76 pages of autobiography for Reyzen to use as a basis for his entry. In Part 2 of the autobiography, the Rabbi describes his alienation from the full range of political movements extant in Jewish Eastern Europe in his early and middle adulthood.  Published in In Geveb May 2017, available online illustrated and in en face format: https://ingeveb.org/texts-and-translations/biography-of-one-of-the-sensitive-rabbis-part-2

Rien ne justifie, n'explique ou n'excuse l'utilisation de la terreur, que ce soit par les forces d'un État, par des milices ou des individus. Le terrorisme cherche à atteindre des objectifs politiques ou militaires en visant les populations civiles par la violence ou sa menace. La condamnation générale des attentats visant des civils israéliens non armés est légitime. Mais, ceux qui dénoncent de tels actes doivent aussi faire un examen de conscience. Depuis le début de la seconde Intifada, 350 civils au moins israéliens ont été tués; parallèlement, 1700 civils palestiniens l'ont été.

Extract:

Jacqueline Rose’s The Last Resistance is a fascinating, erudite, often dense, frequently insightful work. It is a collection of Rose’s recent public addresses and occasional
writings, from periodicals such as the London Review of Books and the New York Review of Books, on a cluster of topics to do with psychoanalysis, Jewishness, Zionism, the legacy of the Holocaust and the power of literature. There are three outstanding pieces: ‘Born Jewish,’ on the great Belgian socialist, Marcel Liebman, [1] ‘Continuing the Dialogue,’ on the late Edward Said, [2] and ‘On Gillian Rose,’ a moving tribute to her sister. [3]